Finds Of The Roman Military Equipment In Croatia

Ivan Radman

The Cetina Regional Museum in Sinj has a small bronze plate with an ajouré frame found in Gardun, near Trilj, at the site of the former Roman legionary fortress Tilurium. The item has not been entirely preserved, rather only its central rectangular part with an ajouré border remains. Attribution of this – unique at that site – find is rather difficult not only because it is incomplete but also because it is a rare find within the framework of the Roman Empire, as only a few similar items have been found anywhere in its territory. It belongs to a small group of riding harness pendants with common features such as a full central plate and an ajouré frame. Although few in number, such items are widely distributed, so they have been found from Hispania and southern Gallia through northern Italy, Pannonia and Dalmatia, to northern Africa. The fragment from the Tilurium probably may be defined as a riding harness pendant on the basis of typological analysis and comparisons to similar items that can be found over a broad territory of the Roman Empire. The fact that they are the most numerous in Sisak, where four such pendants have been found, leads to presumption on production at this site, particularly if they are viewed as a variation of the peltashaped Bishop 3 pendant, which is also assumed to have been produced at this site. In this regard, we prefer the dating of the pendant from Tilurium to the latter half of the 1st and 2nd century.

A number of artefacts that may be identified as buckles are stored in Bosnia and Herzegovina. These objects were both practical and decorative. Given the considerable variety of the buckles discussed here, the period from which they date is also relatively wide, ranging from the 1st century to late Antiquity and the early Middle Ages.

Grave monuments held in the Archaeological Museum in Split containing depictions of portions of Roman military gear are analysed in this work. The motifs on the stelae are diverse: weapons, implements, designations of military status, clothing and accoutrements, musical instruments. Most of the stelae are architectural stelae mostly dated to the first century.

Nalazi Rimske Vojne Opreme u Hrvatskoj Finds Of The Roman Military Equipment In Croatia IMPRESUM IMPRESUM katalog / catalogue izložba / exhibition Nakl a dnik / P u bl i she r Vodit e l j r e al izac ij e iz lo ž be Arheološki muzej u Zagrebu / E x hibit ion r e al is at ion m an ag er Za nak l a dnika / F or t he p u bl ishe r Ivan Radman-Livaja Ante Rendić-Miočević R es ta ur a c i ja i zlo ža ka Urednik / E di tor / R e s tor at ion of t he e x hibits Ivan Radman-Livaja Damir Doračić, Ivan Gagro, Slađana Latinović, Zrinka Znidarčić, Frederik Levarda P om oć nic i u re dnika / E di tor’s de p u t ie s Maja Bunčić, Ivan Drnić Pr o s tor n a k onc epc i ja i l ik ovni po s tav i zlo žbe Lektu r a / L a ng ua ge a dv i sing / E x hibit ion spat ial conc e p t ion a nd design Božena Bunčić Roman Šilje Pri je vod / Tr a n sl at ion Tomislav Bilić, Sanjin Mihelić Obl ik ova n je pa noa i pr ipr em a za t i s a k / Pane l de sig n & d t p Fotog r a f i j e / Photo gr a phs Tomislav Stepić, Iskra Kirin Igor Krajcar, Zoran Alajbeg, Filip Beusan, Tonči Seser, Sabine Steidl, René Müller, Volker Iserhardt, Ivana Ožanić, Robert Leš Te hnič ka p om o ć / Te c hnic al s upport Autor i t ek s tova u kata lo gu Ivan Gagro, Igor Krajcar, Slađana Latinović. Ivan Troha, Zrinka Znidarčić, Robert Vazdar, Asja Tonc, Kristina Turkalj / A u thors of t he t e xts in t he c atalo g u e Mato Ilkić, Željko Miletić, Zsolt Mráv, Ivan RadmanLivaja, Mirjana Sanader, Domagoj Tončinić, Marin Zaninović Popi s a utor a kata lo šk ih jedinic a I z lo šk e s u u s t u pil i / E x hibits loa ned f r om: / A u thors of c ata lo gu e e n t rie s Arheološka zbirka Franjevačkog samostana u Sinju, Arheološki muzej Istre, Pula, Arheološki muzej Split, Arheološki muzej Zadar, Gradski muzej Drniš, Gradski muzej Sisak, Gradski muzej Vinkovci, Gradski muzej Vukovar, Muzej Brodskog Posavlja, Slavonski Brod, Muzej Cetinske krajine, Sinj, Muzej grada Šibenika, Muzej hrvatskih arheoloških spomenika, Split, Muzej Like, Gospić, Muzej Međimurja, Čakovec, Muzej Slavonije, Osijek, Muzej triljskog kraja A.L. Anita Librenjak; A.S. Alka Starac; D.M. Dražen Maršić; E.V.-Lj. Ema Višić-Ljubić; I.B. Iskra Baćani; I.R.-L. Ivan Radman-Livaja; L.M.-L. Lidija Miklik-Lozuk; M.D. Marko Dizdar; M.G. Ž.M. J.Z. Miroslav Glavičić, Željko Miletić; Joško Zaninović; S.F. Slavica Filipović; M.H. Mirela Hutinec; H.V. Hrvoje Vulić; N.U. Nikolina Uroda; S.I. Sanja Ivčević; T.K. Tanja Kolak; Z.M. Zsolt Mráv Obl ik ova n je kata lo ga i pr ipr em a za t i s a k / Catalo gu e De sign & dt p Srećko Škrinjarić Ti sak / Prin t e d by Iz lož ba je ost varena zah valjujući Nalazi Rimske Vojne Opreme u Hrvatskoj Finds Of The Roman Military Equipment In Croatia / The e xhibit ion wa s realised t h ank s to t he Novčanoj pomoći Ministarstva kulture Republike Hrvatske, Gradskog ureda za kulturu i sport Grada Zagreba i sredstvima Arheološkog muzeja u Zagrebu Financial support of the Ministry of Culture of the Republic of Croatia, the City of Zagreb Office for Culture, Education and Sport and the funds of the Archaeological Museum in Zagreb Stega tisak, Zagreb Nakl a da / Prin t ru n ISBN: 978-953-6789-51-1 600 primjeraka / copies CIP zapis dostupan u računalnom katalogu Nacionalne i sveučilišne knjižnice u Zagrebu pod brojem: 73939 Zagreb · MMX. Ante Rendić-Miočević Predgovor 6 Foreword Marin Zaninović Rimska vojska u Iliriku 13 The Roman Army in Illyricum Mirjana Sanader · Domagoj Tončinić Gardun – antički Tilurium 33 Katalog nalaza 55 Gardun – the Ancient Tilurium The Catalogue of Finds Željko Miletić Burnum - vojničko središte provincije Dalmacije 113 Katalog nalaza 143 Burnum - A Military Centre in the Province of Dalmatia The Catalogue of Finds Ivan Radman-livaja Siscia kao rimsko vojno uporište 179 Katalog nalaza 203 Siscia as a Roman MilitarySt ronghold The Catalogue of Finds Zsolt Mráv Rimska vojna oprema iz Hrvatske u Mađarskom Narodnom muzeju u Budimpešti 213 Katalog nalaza 215 Roman Militaria from Croatia in the Hungarian National Museum, Budapest The Catalogue of Finds Mirjana Sanader o problemima topografije hrvatskog dijela Dunavskog limesa 221 na temelju novijih arheoloških istraživanja On the problem of topography of the Croatian part of the Danube limes based on recent archaeological excavations Katalog nalaza 233 The Catalogue of Finds Ivan Radman-Livaja lokaliteti civilnog karaktera i slučajni nalazi 247 Katalog nalaza 251 Non-military sites and stray finds The Catalogue of Finds Mato Ilkić Rimske vojničke diplome pronađene u Hrvatskoj 263 Katalog nalaza 275 Roman military diplomas from the territory of the Republic of Croatia The Catalogue of Finds Literatura Bibliography 281 Ante Rendić-Miočević Predgovor Foreword B O eside regular annual study exhibitions, mostly of a smaller scale and generally based on material from the Museum holdings, the Archaeological museum in Zagreb occasionally organizes larger, more demanding exhibition projects, requiring a studious approach and significantly longer preparatory period. Most often certain kindred institutions, as well as numerous experts, specialists in their respective fields, cooperate in their implementation with the Museum. The exhibition “Finds of Roman military equipment in Croatia” belongs to such a category, and its preparation involved the cooperation of institutions and experts from different parts of Croatia. The idea for this project was born after the acceptance of the candidacy of the Department of archaeology at the Faculty of philosophy of the Zagreb University and the Archaeological museum in Zagreb for the organization of the 17th Roman military equipment conference (ROMEC). The decision was made on the 2005 Budapest conference, and it was confirmed on the 16th conference, held in Xanten in 2007, as documented in the foreword of the conference proceedings (Xantener Berichte, Band 16). The preparations for the exhibition could now begin, and the date of the Zagreb conference was now determined. The opening day of the exhibition was accordingly scheduled on the first day of the conference, May 24th, 2010. sim redovitih godišnjih studijskih izložaba, većinom manjeg opsega i pretežito baziranih na spomeničkoj građi iz muzejskoga fundusa, zagrebački Arheološki muzej povremeno pokreće i organiziranje većih, zahtjevnijih izložbenih projekata, za koje je potreban studiozan pristup i znatno duže pripremno razdoblje. U takvim projektima s Muzejom najčešće surađuju i druge srodne ustanove, kao i brojni stručnjaci, specijalisti za odgovarajuća područja. Izložba s naslovom „Nalazi rimske vojne opreme u Hrvatskoj“ takvog je karaktera i u njoj sudjeluju ustanove i stručnjaci iz različitih dijelova Hrvatske. Ideja o njezinoj realizaciji potekla je nakon što je bila prihvaćena kandidatura Odsjeka za arheologiju Filozofskog fakulteta Sveučilišta u Zagrebu i zagrebačkog Arheološkog muzeja za organiziranjem XVII. konferencije o rimskoj vojnoj opremi (ROMEC, Roman Military Equipment Conference). Odluka o tomu bila je donesena na skupu održanom 2005. god u Budimpešti, a potvrđena je prigodom održavanja prethodnog, XVI. skupa u Xantenu 2007. god., što je istaknuto u uvodnom tekstu zbornika radova navedenog skupa (Xantener Berichte, Band 16). Tek su tada započeli pripremni radovi na realizaciji izložbe, a ujedno je determinirano i vrijeme održavanja zagrebačkog skupa. U skladu s time odabran je i dan otvorenja izložbe, prvi radni dan skupa, 24. svibnja 2010. god. Soon after the decision on the place and date of the conference, activities normal for this kind of occasion, necessary for a successful realization of such projects, were initiated. During the preceding years, 2008 and 2009, various preparations were conducted. First it was necessary to review and select the material kept in different Ubrzo nakon donošenja odluke o mjestu i vremenu održavanja skupa bile su pokrenute aktivnosti koje su uobičajene u sličnim prigodama, a nužne su za uspješnu realizaciju takvih projekata. Tijekom pret- · 6· hodnih godina, u 2008. i 2009. god., bile su stoga obavljene različite pripremne radnje. Trebalo je najprije pregledati, a zatim i selekcionirati građu pohranjenu u različitim ustanovama u gotovo svim krajevima Hrvatske. Velikim dijelom je riječ o neobjavljenoj građi pa je ona znatnim dijelom i nepoznata stručnoj javnosti. Trebalo je, također, ishoditi suglasnost vlasnika za posudbu izložaka za potrebe izložbe te dogovoriti i sve druge relevantne detalje, uključujući i razgovore s autorima planiranih tematskih jedinica, odnosno piscima uvodnih tekstova i kataloških jedinica namijenjenih izložbenom katalogu. Poteškoća različite naravi nije uzmanjkalo, ali je najvažnije što su one u većini slučajeva, premda ne i u cijelosti, ipak uspješno prebrođene. Među koracima što ih je bilo potrebno odmah poduzeti bila je priprema materijala za potrebe izlaganja. To se poglavito odnosilo na pravovremeno poduzimanje odgovarajućih zaštitnih zahvata na odabranim izlošcima. Potrebno je, međutim, istaknuti da su brojni izlošci bili otkriveni u najnovije vrijeme pa su pojedini nalazi gotovo u posljednjem trenutku priključeni planiranom popisu izložaka. Ta je činjenica, čini mi se, osobita vrijednost ove izložbe, osvježenje koje je izložbu obogatilo i učinilo ju atraktivnijom i aktualnijom. institutions from almost every part of Croatia. The material was mostly unpublished, thus generally unknown to experts. It was also necessary to obtain permissions from the owners for the loaning of the material for the needs of the exhibition and arrange a number of relevant details, including consultations with authors of planned thematic units, the authors of introductory texts and catalogue entries for the exhibition catalogue. Various obstacles presented themselves but it is important they were generally, although not always, successfully overcame. Among the immediate steps that had to be taken was also the preparation of the material for the presentation. This was especially significant in timely accomplishment of adequate protective measures on selected exhibits. It is necessary to emphasize that numerous exhibits were only recently discovered so that certain finds were only attached to the planned list of exhibits in the last moment. These facts, it would seem, are a special value of this exhibition, a refreshment that made it all the more attractive and up-to-date. Since we are dealing with weaponry, that is, military equipment, it is understandable that these objects were mostly made of metal. It is thus logical that certain specimens of weapons and other equipment had to pass through a long process of conservation. It was extremely important to immediately start with the conservation. Along with the conservatory unit of the Archaeological museum in Zagreb, where a major part of these demanding tasks was carried out, numerous finds were, both for the needs of the exhibition and for a later presentation in their respective institutions, conserved at other establishments, where a possibility existed. I would like to emphasize the finds recovered through recent excavations. Some of those were, for example, almost to the opening day, on the conservation in Mainz. Precisely Römisch Germanisches Zentralmuseum Mainz (RGZM), that is, the celebrated department for conserving archaeological material at the institution, is to be commended for a praiseworthy conservation of military equipment from a grave excavated from the onetime Odeschalci castle, now the building of the City museum of Ilok. I would also like to offer my gratitude on this occasion, in the name of the organizer of the exhibition, for allowing us to use the photographs documenting the process of conservation on this exhibition, which we have also used in the exhibition catalogue. I believe that the fact that numerous recent findings, among the total of nearly 300 objects, but also certain elements of military equipment, until recently laying almost unnoticed among Budući da je riječ o oružju, odnosno vojničkoj opremi, razumljivo je što su to najvećim dijelom predmeti načinjeni od metala. Posve je, stoga, logično što su neki primjerci oružja i druge vojne opreme morali biti podvrgnuti dugotrajnom procesu konzervatorske obrade. Bilo je, naime, iznimno važno na vrijeme započeti s postupkom konzervacije. Osim u preparatorskoj radionici zagrebačkog Arheološkog muzeja, u kojoj je obavljen najveći dio tih zahtjevnih poslova, brojni su nalazi za potrebe izložbe, ali i za kasnije izlaganje u matičnim ustanovama, bili restaurirani u drugim radionicama, tamo gdje su postojale takve mogućnosti. Među njima bih osobito izdvojio nalaze koji su proizašli iz recentnih istraživanja. Neki od takvih nalaza gotovo do samog otvorenja izložbe bili su, primjerice, na restauratorskoj obradi u Mainzu. Za primjerno obavljeni posao na konzervaciji i restauraciji dijelova vojničke opreme koja potječe iz groba istraženog u dvorišnom prostoru nekadašnjeg Odescalchijeva dvorca, aktualne zgrade Muzeja grada Iloka, zaslužan je upravo Römisch Germanisches · 7· Zentralmuseum Mainz (RGZM), odnosno poznati odjel za konzerviranje i restauriranje arheološkog materijala koji djeluje u toj uglednoj muzejskoj ustanovi. U ime organizatora izložbe u ovoj im prigodi želim iskreno zahvaliti i na ustupanju fotografija restauriranih nalaza prikazanih na ovoj izložbi, koje smo koristili u izložbenom katalogu. Osobito važnom smatram, također, i činjenicu što su stručnoj, ali i široj javnosti, u ovoj prigodi, između gotovo 300 odabranih izložaka, prvi put prezentirani i brojni nalazi otkriveni u najnovije vrijeme, a isto vrijedi i za elemente vojničke opreme, koji su sve do nedavna bili gotovo nezamijećeni među raznolikom arheološkom građom pohranjenom u prenatrpanim čuvaonicama pojedinih muzejskih zbirki. Osobitu pozornost zaslužuje, također, veliki broj relevantnih nalaza otkrivenih u istraživanjima obavljenim tijekom nekoliko posljednjih godina, a koji su nedugo zatim i konzervatorski obrađeni. To se poglavito odnosi na materijal koji potječe iz sjedišta rimskih legija lociranih u južnim dijelovima Hrvatske. Riječ je o vojnim logorima Burnum i Tilurium, iz kojih potječe i najveći dio izložaka pa je opravdano što oni na izložbi čine zasebne cjeline, a tako su tretirani i u izložbenom katalogu. diverse archaeological material kept in overcrowded depots of certain museum collections, will be presented to both the experts and wider public is also of special importance. A special attention is due to a number of relevant finds recovered through excavations during recent years, which passed through the conservation process immediately after they were found. This especially relates to the material coming from legionary camps in the southern part of Croatia, Burnum and Tilurium, providing the major part of exhibits, thus warranting the fact that they form individual sections within the exhibition, as well as in the catalogue. The decision on the realization of exhibition of military equipment was also influenced by the fact that the Roman army and its conquests were an important – if not the decisive – factor in the complex processes of Romanization. Taking into account precisely this fact when simultaneously preparing the concept of a part of the new permanent exhibition of the Classical Antiquity, that is Roman, material, the section representing the Roman army was the first – due to the above reasons – one to be presented. It is not an accident that the Roman section of the exhibition commences precisely with this subject. It is necessary to emphasize that the said section of the permanent exhibition, the latter still in statu nascendi, forms an integral part of the exhibition. We have considered unnecessary to transfer this part of the permanent exhibition to the area planned for the temporary exhibition, because we believe that its present form, within the new permanent exhibition, is both interesting and articulate. I would also like to emphasize another information that seems to me to be of some interest on this occasion, perhaps in a way indicative. The Museum has inaugurated in 2004 a new series of museum publications titled Catalogues and monographs of the Archaeological museum in Zagreb (Musei Archaeologici Zagrabiensis Catalogi et Monographiae). The first volume of the series, authored by Ivan Radman-Livaja, also the author of the exhibition, has a title Militaria Sisciensia – Roman military equipment from Sisak kept in the Archaeological museum in Zagreb. It is a volume discussing precisely Roman military equipment, which also shows how important this segment of archaeological heritage is for us. U odluci o realizaciji izložbe o nalazima rimske vojne opreme vodilo se računa i o tomu da su rimska vojska i njezina osvajanja bili važnim, ako ne i najznačajnijim faktorom sveukupnih romanizacijskih procesa. Imajući u vidu upravo tu činjenicu prigodom gotovo istodobnog koncipiranja dijela novog muzejskog izložbenog postava Antičke, odnosno Rimske zbirke, dionica posvećena vojsci iz navedenih je razloga prva u nizu tematskih cjelina. Njome, ne bez razloga, započinje postav zbirke s izlošcima iz rimskog razdoblja. Potrebno je u ovoj prigodi naglasiti da navedena dionica stalnog izložbenog postava, koji je još uvijek in statu nascendi, ujedno predstavlja integralni dio aktualne izložbe. Smatrali smo, naime, nepotrebnim premještanje tog dijela izložbenog postava u prostor namijenjen prigodnoj izložbi, jer vjerujemo da je u sadašnjem obliku, u novoj izložbenoj postavi, on dovoljno zanimljiv i pregledan. Istaknuo bih još jedan podatak koji mi se u ovoj prigodi čini važnim i, na neki način, znakovitim. Muzej je, naime, 2004. god. inaugurirao novu seriju muzejskih izdanja naslovljenu Katalozi In the end, I would like to offer my gratitude to all that have enabled the exhibition and the publishing of the catalogue. Among the institutions, that is, museum administrations, to whom we are especially indebted, not · 8· i monografije Arheološkog muzeja u Zagrebu (Musei Archaeologici Zagrabiensis Catalogi et Monographiae). Prvi svezak u toj seriji, kojemu je autor Ivan Radman-Livaja, koji je ujedno autor i ove izložbe, nosi naslov Militaria Sisciensia – Nalazi rimske vojne opreme iz Siska u fundusu Arheološkog muzeja u Zagrebu. Riječ je, dakle, o svesku posvećenom upravo rimskoj vojnoj opremi, što također pokazuje značenje koje pridajemo tom segmentu arheološkog spomeničkog nasljeđa. only because of their preparedness to acquiesce in loaning the selected material, but also for their understanding and consideration, are the City museum of Sisak, Archaeological museum in Zadar, City museum of Drniš, City museum of Šibenik, Archaeological museum in Split, Museum of Croatian archaeological monuments in Split, Museum of Cetina region in Sinj, Museum of Trilj, Museum of Slavonija in Osijek, City museum Vinkovci, The Brodsko Posavlje museum in Slavonski Brod, City museum Vukovar, Museum of Lika in Gospić, City museum Čakovec, Archaeological museum of Istria in Pula, as well as the City museum Ilok, that is, the Institute of archaeology in Zagreb. I would also like to add that the owner of a large quantity of the presented material is – together with the enumerated institutions – the host of the exhibition, the Archaeological museum in Zagreb. Naposljetku bih želio zahvaliti svima koji su omogućili postavljanje izložbe i objavljivanje njezinog kataloga. Među ustanovama, odnosno upravama muzeja, kojima dugujemo osobitu zahvalnost, ne samo zbog njihove spremnosti na ustupanje odabrane građe, nego i zbog iskazanog razumijevanja i susretljivosti, su Gradski muzej Sisak, Arheološki muzej Zadar, Gradski muzej Drniš, Gradski muzej Šibenik, Arheološki muzej Split, Muzej hrvatskih arheoloških spomenika u Splitu, Muzej Cetinske krajine u Sinju, Muzej Trilj, Muzej Slavonije u Osijeku, Gradski muzej Vinkovci, Muzej Brodskog Posavlja u Slavonskom Brodu, Gradski muzej Vukovar, Muzej Like u Gospiću, Gradski muzej Čakovec, Arheološki muzej Istre u Puli, kao i Muzej grada Iloka, odnosno Institut za arheologiju u Zagrebu. Dodao bih, također, da je osim prethodno navedenih ustanova vlasnik znatne količine izložene građe domaćin izložbe, Arheološki muzej u Zagrebu. Among the individuals, the first place must certainly be reserved for the exhibition author, Ivan Radman-Livaja, the curator of the Classical Antiquity collection at the Museum, as well as his closest assistants, especially Maja Bunčić and Ivan Drnić, also curators at the Museum. Besides them, Marin Zaninović, Mirjana Sanader, Domagoj Tončinić, Marko Dizdar, Zsolt Mráv, Sanja Ivčević, Nikolina Uroda, Željko Miletić, Dražen Maršić, Joško Zaninović, Iskra Baćani, Anita Librenjak, Angela Tabak, Slavica Filipović, Hrvoje Vulić, Lidija Miklik-Lozuk, Mirela Hutinec, Branka Marciuš, Tanja Kolak, Alka Starac, and Toni Brajković have considerably helped the implementation of this exhibition with their papers for the catalogue. To all of them, together with the photographs Igor Krajcar, and also Filip Beusan, Sabine Steidl, René Müller, as well as Volker Iserhardt, the master of photography at the Römisch Germanisches Zentralmuseum Mainz, I would also like to offer my sincere gratitude. The same goes for numerous conservators, both those from the Zagreb Museum and the already mentioned Mainz Museum, and those at other Croatian museums: they have all accomplished a significant part of the project by preparing the selected material for the exhibition. I would also like to thank the Museum technicians, who have used their abilities to help to set up the exhibition. In the end, but certainly not the least important, I would like to emphasize that the author of the design of the exhibition, the architect Roman Šilje, had tried to find the best possible solutions within the rather severe budget constrictions. Među pojedincima svakako najveće zasluge za realizaciju izložbe pripadaju njezinom autoru Ivanu Radmanu-Livaji, kustosu u Antičkoj zbirci Muzeja, kao i najbližim suradnicima koji su mu u tom poslu pomagali, poglavito Maji Bunčić i Ivanu Drniću, također kustosima u zagrebačkom Muzeju. Osim njih značajan doprinos ostvarivanju ovog izložbenog projekta s tekstovima namijenjenim izložbenom katalogu ostvarili su Marin Zaninović, Mirjana Sanader, Domagoj Tončinić, Marko Dizdar, Zsolt Mráv, Sanja Ivčević, Nikolina Uroda, Željko Miletić, Dražen Maršić, Joško Zaninović, Iskra Baćani, Anita Librenjak, Angela Tabak, Slavica Filipović, Hrvoje Vulić, Lidija Miklik-Lozuk, Mirela Hutinec, Branka Marciuš, Tanja Kolak, Alka Starac i Toni Brajković. Svima njima, kao i fotografima koji su snimili · 9· odabrane izloške, poglavito Igoru Krajcaru, a zatim i Filipu Beusanu te Sabini Steidl i Renéu Mülleru, odnosno Volkeru Iserhardtu, majstoru fotografije iz Rimsko-germanskog muzeja u Mainzu, također izražavam iskrenu zahvalnost. Isto vrijedi i za brojne restauratore, kako one iz zagrebačkog Muzeja, kao i već spominjanog Muzeja u Mainzu, tako i one iz drugih hrvatskih muzeja: svi su oni obavili velik dio posla pripremajući odabrani materijal za potrebe izlaganja. Zahvaljujem i u ovoj prigodi pojedincima iz tehničke službe Muzeja, koji su, u okviru svojih kompetencija, surađivali u postavljanju izložbe. Na kraju, premda ne i najmanje važno, istaknuo bih da je autor likovnog postava izložbe arhitekt Roman Šilje, koji se u okvirima ograničenih financijskih mogućnost trudio iznaći najbolja moguća rješenja. I also feel the obligation to thank those without whom there would be no exhibition at all, or at least not in the form we see it today as imagined and implemented by its authors. These are the Bureau for education, culture and sport of the City of Zagreb, supporting the preliminary two-year preparation. Finally, the final realization of the exhibition was supported by the Ministry of Culture of the Republic of Croatia and the Bureau for education, culture and sport of the City of Zagreb. Osjećam, također, potrebnim zahvaliti i onima bez kojih, dakako, izložbe ne bi niti bilo, ili barem ona ne bi bila moguća u obliku u kakvom su je zamislili i ostvarili njezini autori. Riječ je o Gradskom uredu za obrazovanje, kulturu i šport Grada Zagreba, koji je podupirao prethodne dvogodišnje pripremne radove. Zaključio bih da su konačnu realizaciju izložbe omogućili Ministarstvo kulture RH i Gradski ured za obrazovanje, kulturu i šport Grada Zagreba. · 10 · · 7· Marin Zaninović Rimska vojska u Iliriku The Roman Army in Illyricum R A imljani su već u ranoj fazi svoje povijesti stvorili dobro organiziranu narodnu obranu, koju su tvorili slobodni ljudi, građani i seljaci. Ako je bilo sukoba bili su to sezonski ratovi rane Republike. Ratovalo se kada je to dozvoljavao poljski posao. Borci su bili izabrani posebnim postupkom - viros ad bella legere (lego, legere, legi, lectum, 3, birati izabrati), odatle naziv legio, znači vojnička jedinica izabranih. Tri tribusa davala su po 1000 vojnika i 300 konjanika, oni bogatiji. To je bilo 3.900 vojnika, što je znalo narasti do 4.200-6.000 boraca u kriznim situacijama. U ovoj je organizaciji kao i vrsti naoružanja bilo dosta etruščanskog utjecaja, kao uostalom i u svemu drugome kod ranih Rimljana i Latina. Na tisuće knjiga i rasprava napisano je o rimskoj vojsci od antike do danas, a tema i danas privlači uvijek nove istraživače. To je razumljivo, jer su još uvijek toliki spomenici ove vojske koje treba istražiti i objaviti. To su natpisi, logori, diplome, oružje, oprema i brojni povijesni problemi vezani uz ovu jedinstvenu organizaciju. lready in the early phase of its history Rome created a well-organized system of popular defence, consisting of freemen, citizens and peasants. Conflicts during the early Republic, if there had been any, were mostly wars of a seasonal character, i.e. war was waged when farming work permitted. Soldiers were chosen by a special procedure – viros ad bella legere (lego, legere, legi, lectum, 3, to choose, select), hence the term legio – a military unit of the chosen ones. Three tribes gave 1000 infantry each, as well as 300 cavalry, the latter being the burden of the richer classes. This amounted to 3900 soldiers, which could swell to 4200-6000 during a crisis. The Etruscan influence was strongly felt in this organization and in the type of weaponry, just in fact as in everything else in early Rome and Latium. Thousands of books and discussions have been written on the Roman military from antiquity to this day and still the subject continues to attract ever new scholars. This makes sense, as there still remain infinite monuments of this military that require investigation and publication, such as inscriptions, camps, diplomas, weapons, equipment as well as numerous historical problems pertaining to this unique organization. Važnost vojske u rimskoj povijesti slikovito je izrazio Theodor Mommsen, jedan od najvećih istraživača i poznavatelja rimske uljudbe u svim njenim vidovima. U svojoj «Rimskoj povijesti» ustvrdio je da je njihova vojska nešto najsavršenije, što je Rim u svojoj tisućljetnoj povijesti stvorio. Njezin je ustroj nešto, što je najbliže našem današnjem shvaćanju, kada se susrećemo s tim jedinstvenim naslijeđem antike. Vojna je organizacija u pravilu imala ključni udio u stvaranju neke civilizacije, a rimske posebno, jer je imperij u čijem se sklopu ta civilizacija razvijala bio i u stvarnosti djelo njegovih legija. · 6· The importance of the military in Roman history was vividly expressed by Theodor Mommsen, one of the greatest scholars and authorities on the Roman civilization in all its aspects. In his ‘’Roman History’’ he claimed that their military was the most perfect attainment of Rome throughout its millennium-long history. Its structure is something that we today can readily understand when we face this unique legacy of antiquity. The military organization as a rule played a key part in the creation of a · 13 · Rimsko vojničko djelovanje na našoj obali bilo je stoljetni proces, koji je s prekidima trajao od druge polovine 3. st. pr. Kr. do početka 1. st. Nakon konačnog pokoravanja u teškim i krvavim borbama legije su ostale u pokrajini Dalmaciji da bi osigurale mir. Krajem 1. st. legije su napustile pokrajinu, koja je time postala provincia intermis tj. područje bez aktivnih legionara. Tijekom toga razdoblja događale su se velike povijesne promjene, koje i danas vidimo. Kada gazimo pločnicima naših antičkih gradova, hodamo putovima kroz polja koja su premjerili rimski mjernici i cestama, čije su pravce utvrdili rimski vojnici, onda smo i danas u toj antici, kojoj su temelje položile legije, kohorte i centurije1. civilization, which is particularly true of Rome, because the empire within which this civilization was developing was truly the work of its legions. The Roman military activities on our coast unfolded, with interruptions, over several centuries, spanning the time from the second half of the 3rd cent. B.C. until the beginning of the 1st cent. A.D. In the wake of the final conquest, accomplished in tough and bloody battles, the legions remained in the province of Dalmatia in order to secure peace. Towards the end of the 1st cent. A.D. the legions left the province, which by this act became a provincia intermis, i.e. a territory without active legionaries. During this period great historical changes still visible today were taking place. When we walk on the pavements of our ancient towns, tread the field paths measured by Roman surveyors and the roads whose routes were established by Roman soldiers, we are in fact still today in this antiquity, whose foundations were laid by legions, cohorts and centuries1. Prva je faza različitih rimskih djelovanja na našoj obali i u njezinu zaleđu u razdoblju od 229. do 167. g. pr. Kr., odnosno u vremenu uspona i pada ilirske države. U drugoj fazi Rimljani napadaju i pokoravaju plemena u unutrašnjosti Dalmacije. To su pohodi protiv Delmata, Japoda, Desitijata, Mezeja i drugih plemena u vremenu od 158. do 33. pr. Kr. U trećoj fazi buknuo je veliki ilirsko-panonski ustanak od 6. do 9. g. U Dalmaciju i Panoniju upućene su legije i druge vojničke jedinice, koje su u krvavim trogodišnjim bitkama ugušile ovu pobunu.2 Smatra se da je nakon ovoga bila osnovana rimska provincia Dalmatia. Osiguravali su je posade dviju legija, koje su sagradile svoje logore, s nekoliko pomoćnih kohorti (auxilia). Zadnja legija napustila je pokrajinu 86. g., pa je Dalmacija postala provincia intermis, tj. područje bez legija. U posljednjoj, četvrtoj fazi, nakon odlaska legija, vojničku posadu u provinciji čine pojedine pomoćne kohorte, koje su bile stacionirane pretežno u području južno od planine Dinare3. The first phase of various Roman actions on our coast and its hinterland spans the time from 229 to 167 B.C., i.e. the time of the rise and fall of the Illyrian state. In the second phase, the Romans attacked and subdued the tribes in the interior of Dalmatia, in the campaigns against the Dalmatae, Japodes, Daesitiates, Maezaei and other tribes between 158-33 B.C. In the third phase, the great Illyrian-Pannonian insurrection of 6-9 A.D. exploded, prompting Rome to send out legions and other military units to Dalmatia and Pannonia, who quelled the rebellion after three years of gory fighting2. The general opinion is that the Roman provincia Dalmatia was established after this. Its security relied on the crews of two legions, who built their camps, with several auxiliary units (auxilia). The last legion left the province in 86 A.D., rendering Dalmatia a provincia intermis, i.e. a legion-free territory. In the last, fourth phase, after the departure of the legions, the military crew in the province consisted of auxiliary units, stationed mostly in the area south of the Dinara Mountain3. Prva je faza u znaku sukoba kraljice Teute s Rimljanima, o čemu nas pouzdano izvještava povjesničar Polibije4. Na istočnu obalu Rim je po prvi put poslao 229. g. pr. Kr. konzulsku vojsku s brodovljem pod vodstvom G. Fulvija Centumala i L. Postumija Albina, koji osvajaju i razaraju. Ilirska je država zaustavljena u svom usponu, Teuta je poražena, a njen The first phase was marked by the conflict of queen Teuta with the Romans, of which a veritable account exists by the historian Polybius4. Rome first sent a consular army with the navy to the eastern coast in 229 B.C. under the 1 Zaninović 1978, 169; Suić 2003, 95; Bojanovski 1974, 30 2 Bojanovski 1988, 48; Wilkes 1969: 69 3 Alföldy 1962, 259 1 Zaninović 1978, 169; Suić 2003, 95; Bojanovski 1974, 30 4 Polyb., II, 9-10 2 Bojanovski 1988, 48; Wilkes 1969, 69 3 Alföldy 1962, 259 4 Polyb., II, 9-10 · 14 · zapovjednik i savjetnik – filos, Demetrije Faranin postao je rimski klijent, kojemu su oni povjerili na upravu „veliku oblast– megale dynasteia“5. Nekoliko godina kasnije Demetrije je uz podršku Makedonije i Kartage prekršio ugovor s Rimljanima. Došlo je do nove intervencije, kada su konzuli L. Emilije Paulo i M. Livije Salinator 219. g. pr. Kr. varkom zauzeli Pharos, razorivši mu zidove. Demetrije je izbjegao mladome makedonskome kralju Filipu V, kojem je postao savjetnikom. Sudjeluje u velikim onovremenim diplomatskim i strateškim igrama između Makedonije, Kartage i Rima, zagovarajući svoju zemlju i svoj Pharos. Poginuo je u Filipovoj službi u opsadi Messene na Peloponezu 213. g. pr. Kr. leadership of C. Fulvius Centumalus and L. Postumius Albinus, who conquered and wreaked havoc. The rise of the Illyrian state was checked, Teuta suffered defeat, and her commanding officer and aide – filos, Demetrius of Pharos, became a Roman client, whom they appointed manager of ‘’a large region – megale dynasteia’’5. Several years later, Demetrius, aided by Macedon and Carthage, breached the contract with the Romans. A new intervention took place in 219 B.C., in which consuls L. Emilius Paulus and M. Livius Salinator took Pharos by deceit, tearing down its walls. Demetrius fled to the young Macedonian king Philip V, becoming his advisor. He took part in the diplomatic and strategic games of the time, waged between Macedon, Carthage and Rome, advocating the cause of his country and his Pharos. He died in Philip’s service in the siege of Messene on the Peloponnese in 213 B.C. Korist iz ovoga sukoba dobila je Issa, koja je proširila svoje posjede na obali Manijskog zaljeva. Vladari Pleurat i sin mu Gentije (197.-181.) nisu mogli spriječiti rimski prodor u svoje područje. Pobjeda nad Hanibalom kod Zame 202. g. pr. Kr. oslobodila je Rim za obračun s Makedonijom. U bitci kod Pidne u proljeće 168. g. pr. Kr. rimski su lako pokretni manipuli razbili dotad nepobjedivu makedonsku falangu, što je bio i kraj makedonske države. Istovremeno je i Gentije izgubio svoje kraljevstvo. On se bio povukao iz Lisa, najprije u Skodru, pa u Meteon (Medun pokraj Podgorice), koji su Rimljani razorili. Gentija sa ženom i djecom su zarobili i odveli u Rim, a ilirska je država dospjela pod vlast rimskoga naroda – sub dictione populi Romani6. Rimska pobjeda je osim Isejaca donijela neke povlastice i nekim ilirskim plemenima, koja su bila prešla na stranu pobjednika i dobila imunitet – oprost od poreza i drugo, kao Daorsi, Desareti, Taulanti i dr. Međutim, stvarna rimska vlast nije sezala mnogo dalje od obale, a ono što su na obali nadzirali bilo je neka vrsta mostobrana za kasnija nastupanja. Issa took advantage of this conflict and broadened her estates on the coast of the Manioi Bay (Manios Kolpos). The rulers Pleuratus and Gentius (197-181) were unable to stop the Roman incursion into their territory. The victory over Hannibal at Zama in 202 allowed Rome to concentrate on the showdown with Macedon. In the battle of Pidna in 168 the great maneuverability of the Roman maniples shattered the previously invincible Macedonian phalanx, putting an end to the Macedonian state. Simultaneously with this, Gentius too lost his kingdom. He had withdrawn from Lissos, first to Scodra and then to Meteon (Medun near Podgorica), which the Romans destroyed. Gentius, together with his wife and children, was captured and taken to Rome, and the Illyrian state fell under the authority of the Roman people – sub dictione populi Romani6. In addition to the people of Issa, the Roman victory brought certain privileges also to some Illyrian tribes that had changed sides and joined the victor, thereby acquiring immunity – exemption from tax and other benefits, such as the Daorsi, Dassareti, Taulantii etc. However, the actual Roman authority did not reach much further than the coast, and the territory under control on the coast was in fact a bulwark of sorts for future actions. U sjeverozapadnom dijelu naše obale, Histri su već ranije bili došli pod rimsku vlast. Osnivanje snažne kolonije u Akvileji 181. g. pr. Kr. ubrzalo je pohod protiv Histra, koji su ranije gusarili protiv Rimljana u savezu s Demetrijem Faraninom. Konzuli Aulo Manlije Vulson, Marko Junije Brut i Marko Kaludije Pulher 178/77. g. pr. Kr., nakon početnih neuspje5 In the northwestern part of our coast, the Histri had been brought under Roman authority at an even earlier date. The foundation of a strong colony in Aquileia in 181 sped 5 Polyb., II 11, 15-17, Zaninović 1998a, 90 Polyb., II 11, 15-17; Zaninović 1998a, 90 6 Liv., XLIV, 23; Polyb., XXX, 2; App., Mac. 16; Domić Kunić 1993, 205 6 Liv., XLIV, 23; Polyb., XXX, 2; App., Mac. 16; Domić Kunić 1993, 205 · 15 · ha velikim su snagama porobili poluotok i slomili posljednji junački otpor Histra s njihovim vladarom Epulonom kod Nezakcija (Vizače pokraj Pule). up the campaign against the Histri, who had pirated against the Romans in alliance with Demetrius of Pharos. In 178/77, consuls Aulus Manlius Vulso, Marcus Iunius Brutus and Marcus Claudius Pulcher, following the initial lack of success, conquered the peninsula with huge forces and crushed the last heroic stand of the Histri with their leader Epulo at Nesactium (Vizače near Pula). In the second phase the Roman coastal bulwarks were to be used as a point of departure for protracted and bloody battles in the interior of Illyricum. The pivotal role in the resistance was now played by the Dalmatae, mostly in the area between the Krka and Cetina rivers to Duvno and Glamoč. Already during the reign of Pleurates they slipped away from his authority and started attacking their neighbours, i.e. the coastal settlements founded by Issa at Tragurion (Trogir) and Epetion (Stobreč), and in the east their neighbours the Daorsi, who were Roman allies, as reported by Polybius7. Under the protection of Rome the Issaeans took foothold in the Manioi Bay and developed their civilization there, albeit a marginal one. The evidence of this civilization are inscriptions, architecture, sculptures, ceramics, coins and other vestiges that served as the base for subsequent development by Roman and Italian immigrants8. The Dalmatian threat forced the Issaeans and the Daorsi to seek help from Rome, and in 158 B.C. they sent a delegation to the Senate with such a plea. The Senate approved the support and sent a delegation to the Dalmatae, led by Caius Fanius. The Dalmatae, however, refused everything, claiming that they had nothing to do with the Romans. The Senate decided to attack the Dalmatae, motivated among other things also by the fact that the legions were inactive for more than a decade. The first campaign against the Dalmatae was led in 156 B.C. by Caius Marcius Figulus, who set out from Narona but was defeated and forced to return to his base. He renewed the attack at the onset of the winter, but without success. The war was ended in 155 B.C. by P. Cornelius Scipio Nasica, who burned their seat in Delminion, enslaved a large part of the population and subsequently celebrated a triumph ‘’de Dalmateis’’. U drugoj će fazi rimski mostobrani na obali poslužiti kao polazište za dugotrajne i krvave borbe u unutrašnjosti Ilirika. Sada su glavni nositelji otpora Delmati, uglavnom na području između rijeka Krke i Cetine do Duvna i Glamoča. Oni su se već za Pleuratova vladanja izmakli njegovoj vlasti i napadali svoje susjede. Na obali isejske naseobine u Traguriju (Trogiru) i Epetiju (Stobreču), a na istoku susjede Daorse, rimske saveznike, kako je to zabilježio Polibije7. Pod rimskom zaštitom Isejci su se učvrstili u Manijskom zaljevu i tu razvili, svoju, makar i rubnu, helenističku uljudbu. Nju svjedoče natpisi, arhitektura, skulpture, keramika, novci i drugi ostaci na kojima kasniji rimski i italski došljaci nastavljaju taj razvitak8. Delmatska opasnost primorala je Isejce i Daorse zatražiti rimsku pomoć te su 158. g. pr. Kr. uputili poslanstvo senatu s tom molbom. Senat je odobrio pomoć i uputio poslanstvo Delmatima pod vodstvom Gaja Fanija, ali su Delmati sve to odbili, tvrdeći da nemaju ništa s Rimljanima. Senat je odlučio napasti Delmate, a jedan od motiva im je bio da su im legije mirovale više od desetljeća. Prvi pohod protiv Delmata poveo je 156. g. pr. Kr. Gaj Marcije Figul, krenuvši iz Narone, ali je bio poražen i vratio se natrag. Opet je napao početkom zime, ali bez uspjeha. Rat je dovršio 155. g. pr. Kr. Publije Kornelije Scipion Nazika, koji im je spalio središte u Delminiju i odveo veliki broj pučanstva u ropstvo i te iste godine proslavio triumf «de Dalmateis». Nakon par desetljeća mira počeli su novi sukobi, jer su se Ardijejci oporavili i opet gusarili. Konzul Servije Fulvije Flak poveo je 135. g. pr. Kr. ekspediciju protiv Ardijejeaca i Plereja s 10000 pješaka i 600 konjanika. Pobijedio je i, prema Strabonu, preselio Ardijejce u unutrašnjost, gdje su s vremenom gotovo nestali, neprilagođeni novoj sredini. Nešto poslije 119. g. pr. Kr. ratuje protiv Japoda L. Cecilije Metel, koji je osvojio Segestiku u Panoniji i zatim sišao na jug u Salonu i kod Delmata, gdje je i prezimio. To je prvi spomen Salone u povijesti. Metel je, iako dobro primljen, ipak napao i opljačkao Delmate i 117. g. pr. Kr. proslavio triumf nad njima. Confrontations were resumed after a respite of several decades, when the reinvigorated Ardiaei took up pirating again. In 135 B.C. consul Servius Fulvius Flaccus led an expedition against the Ardiaei and Pleraei with 10000 infantry and 600 cavalry. He won and, according to Strabo, resettled the Ardiaei into the interior, where in 7 Polyb., XXXII, 9; Zaninović 1966, 27 7 Polyb., XXXII, 9; Zaninović 1966, 27 8 Novak 1952, 5; Kirigin 1996, 73 8 Novak 1952, 5; Kirigin 1996, 73 · 16 · Nakon tri desetljeća mira Delmati su ponovno zauzeli Salonu. U Ilirik je upućen Gaj Koskonije, koji ratuje od 78. do 76. g. pr. Kr. To ukazuje koliko je rimska vlast još uvijek bila nestabilna u ovome razdoblju na našoj obali. Koskonije je ponovno zauzeo Salonu, koja je otada trajno u rimskome posjedu. To je vjerojatno značilo i veći priliv italskih i drugih doseljenika, trgovaca, publikana, pomoraca. Oni će imati važnu ulogu u kasnijim sukobima između Cezarovih i Pompejevih legata, naročito u poznatoj obrani Salone od opsade Pompejevaca 48. g. pr. Kr. Cezar je namjeravao posjetiti Ilirik, što nije ostvario, kao što nije uspjela ni njegova intervencija u prilog Liburna, a protiv Delmata koji su im bili oduzeli Promonu 51. g. pr. Kr. time they all but disappeared, unaccustomed to the new environment. A little after 119 B.C. L. Caecilius Metellus waged war on the Japodes. He conquered Segestica in Pannonia, whereupon he descended south to Salona and among the Dalmatae, where he spent the winter. This is the first mention of Salona in history. In spite of their hospitality, Metellus attacked and plundered the Dalmatae, and in 117 B.C. celebrated his triumph over them. After three decades of peace the Dalmatae reconquered Salona. Caius Cosconius was sent to Illyricum, where he waged war between 78 and 76 B.C., which goes to show that during that time the Roman authority on our coast was still unstable. Cosconius reoccupied Salona, which then remained in Roman possession for good. This probably meant that the influx of immigrants, merchants, publicans and seamen from Italy and elsewhere was considerable. They will play an important role in subsequent conflicts between Caesar’s and Pompey’s legates, particularly in the renowned defence of Salona against the siege by Pompey’s troops in 48 B.C. Caesar intended but failed to visit Illyricum, just as he failed to intervene in favour of the Liburnians against the Dalmatae, who dispossessed the former of Promona in 51 B.C. U ljeto 48. g. pr. Kr. u Ilirik je došao konzular Aulo Gabinije s 15 kohorti pješaka i 3000 konjanika. Delmati su ih dočekali u uskom klancu kod Sinodija (Balina Glavica pokraj Drniša) i uništili pet kohorti oduzevši im vojničke znakove (signa), što je bila najveća sramota. Poginulo je oko 2000 pješaka, 4 tribuna i 38 centuriona. Ostatak se povukao u Salonu, gdje je Gabinije i umro u zimi 47. g. pr. Kr. U pomoć poraženim cezarijancima došao je hitno iz Brundizija 46. g. pr. Kr. P. Vatinije, koji je porazio M. Oktavija kod Taurisa (Šćedra) te iste godine. Sljedeće godine Vatinije ratuje protiv Delmata iz Narone, ali bez nekoga uspjeha. Svejedno je 42. g. pr. Kr. proslavio trijumf „de Illlurico“9. In the summer of 48 B.C. the former consul Aulus Gabinius arrived in Illyricum with 15 infantry cohorts and 3000 horsemen. The Dalmatae ambushed them in a narrow canyon near Sinodium (Balina Glavica near Drniš) and annihilated five cohorts, capturing their military insignia (signa), which was the greatest humiliation. Around 2000 infantry, 4 tribunes and 38 centurions were killed. The remainder withdrew to Salona, where Gabinius himself died in the winter of 47 B.C. P. Vatinius, having defeated M. Octavius off Tauris (Šćedro) in 46 B.C. rushed from Brundisium to help Caesar’s defeated troops. The following year Vatinius undertook a campaign against the Dalmatae from Narona, but without any tangible success. This, however, did not prevent him from celebrating a triumph ‘’de Illurico’’ in 42 B.C.9 U drugom trijumviratu 42. pr. Kr. Oktavijan je dobio na upravu Ilirik. Svojim pohodima protiv Delmata i Japoda 35. do 33. g. pr. Kr., te protiv Panonaca od 12. do 11. g. pr. Kr. i gušenjem Batonova ustanka 6. do 9. g., on je prebacio rimsku granicu na Dunav i osigurao mir na ovim prostorima. Ovi su dugotrajni i krvavi sukobi bili genocidne operacije u kojima su vojnici uništavali sve pred sobom, naročito sve ono što se nalazilo odmah iza obale. Na toj istoj obali, međutim, stvaraju se enklave nadošlih rimskih građana koji se organiziraju u conventus (rimski građani koji stanuju u provinciji). Cezar im je, zbog jačanja romanizacije, dodijelio status rimskih kolonija kao vjernim pristašama, u Saloni, Jaderu, Naroni i Epidauru. Rimska vlast vrši premjer plodnih površina oko ovih naseobina, koje su oduzete pokorenom stanovništvu i pravno postale ager publicus populi Ro9 In the second triumvirate of 42 B.C. Octavian was awarded the management of Illyricum in 40 B.C. His campaigns against the Dalmatae and Japodes in 35-33 B.C., against the Pannonians in 12-11 B.C., as well as his quelling of Baton’s insurrection of 6-9 A.D. placed the Roman frontier on the Danube and secured peace in these lands. Zaninović 1966, 31 9 · 17 · Zaninović 1966, 31 mani. Naravno, da je uloga vojske u ovim procesima bila odlučujuća, jer se nitko nije mogao buniti. Ono što je Cezar započeo Oktavijan August je uspješno dovršio i Dalmacija je sada njegova imperatorska provincija, kojom upravlja njegov legatus Augusti pro preatore provinciae Dalmatiae. Naša se pokrajina sada službeno tako naziva tj. Delmatia ili Dalmatia10. Taj se naziv za pokrajinu prvi put spominje u jednom natpisu iz Tiberijeva vremena: Ti. Iulius Iulianus praef. fabrum, trib. coh. VIII voluntariorum qua est in Dalmatia11. Stoljetni sukobi s Delmatima, poistovjetili su ovo pleme s čitavim prekojadranskim prostorom naročito kod vojskovođa i vojnika, pa su mu dali i njihovo ime. Dugotrajni sukobi utjecali su na pojedince, koji su vodili ove operacije ili sudjelovali u njima poput povjesničara Veleja Paterkula u stožeru Oktavijana i Tiberija, da opišu ova zbivanja i krajeve. Drugi su pak koristili konzulske izvještaje senatu i spise drugih auktora, kao Apijan Oktavijanove i druge. Zahvaljujući tome po prvi put saznajemo za imena pojedinih zajednica i naselja unutrašnjosti Ilirika, a i na obali. Ti su podaci često pomiješani i nejasni, ali zato ništa manje dragocjeni. These long-lasting and bloody confrontations were genocidal operations in which soldiers destroyed everything they encountered, especially all that lay in the immediate hinterland of the coast. On that same coast, however, enclaves were formed of immigrant Roman citizens, who organized themselves into a conventus (Roman citizens inhabiting a province). In order to boost the process of Romanization and to reward their loyalty, Caesar granted the status of a Roman colony to Salona, Jader, Narona and Epidaurum. Roman authorities had the fertile land around these settlements surveyed and, taking them from the conquered population, converted them officially into ager publicus populi Romani. It is only natural that the army played the decisive role in these processes, preventing anyone from raising a complaint. The process started by Caesar was successfully completed by Augustus and Dalmatia became his imperial province, governed by his legatus Augusti pro praetore provinciae Dalmatiae. This is what our province is now officially called, i.e. Delmatia or Dalmatia10. The first documented use of this term for the province is found in an inscription from the time of Tiberius: Ti. Iulius Iulianus praef. fabrum, trib. coh. VIII voluntariorum qua est in Dalmatia11. Centennial clashes with the Dalmatae rendered them synonymous with the entire transadriatic area, particularly in the minds of army commanders and soldiers, so they named it after this tribe. Long confrontations prompted several persons among those who managed these operations or took part in them, such as the historian Velleius Paterculus in the headquarters of Octavian and Tiberius, to describe these events and lands. Others made use of consular reports to the Senate and accounts by other authors, as Appian did with those of Octavian and others. Because of this we now learn for the first time of the names of certain communities and settlements in the hinterland of Illyricum, as well as on the coast. These data are often mixed and unclear, but nevertheless extremely valuable. Zadnji ilirsko-panonski ustanak od 6. do 9. g. poznat i kao «bellum Batonianum», snažno je potresao rimsku državu. Naizgled pokorena plemena Breuka, Desitijata, Delmata, Mezeja i dr., prisilila su Rim na rat, koji je prema poznatim Svetonijevima riječima bio „gravissimum omnium externorum bellorum post Punica – najteži od svih vanjskih ratova poslije onih kartažanskih“12. Tiberije, koji je prema Svetoniju, na čelu 15 legija sa svojim tribunima s mukom gušio ovaj ustanak, proslavio je 23. listopada 12. g. trijumf nad Panoncima i Delmatima13. Tako je, tek sada, s konačnim pokoravanjem svih Ilira nastupila Augustova pax Romana i mogla je započeti stvarna romanizacija, naročito u unutrašnjosti pokrajine. U tim procesima vojska će odigrati najvažniju ulogu. The last Illyrian-Pannonian revolt of 6-9 A.D., also known as the ‘’Bellum Batonianum’’, shook the foundations of the Roman state. Seemingly pacified tribes of the Breuci, Daesitiates, Dalmatae, Maezaei and others imposed war on Rome, described by Suetonius with the famous words „gravissimum omnium externorum bellorum post Punica – Slom ustanka zatekao je u Iliriku vojsku od pet legija, od kojih tri u Panoniji: VIII Augusta, IX Hispana, XV Appolinaris, a dvije u Dalmaciji: VII i XI. 10 Dio. Cass., LIII, 12, 8 11 Rim, Via Nomentana, Not. d. Scavi 1912, 372 – Rav. Arch. /Ann. epigr./, 22 /1913./, 450, n. 3 12 Suet. Tib. 16 13 Inscr. It., XIII, 2, p. 134 – Fasto Praenestini 10 Dio. Cass., LIII, 12, 8 11 Rim, Via Nomentana, Not. d. Scavi 1912, 372 – Rav. Arch. /Ann. epigr. / 22 /1913./, 450, n. 3 · 18 · · 7· U Tiluriju (Gardun iznad Trilja na Cetini) svoj je logor podigla VII legija14. U Burnumu (Ivoševci pokraj Kistanja) nad Krkom logor je podigla XI legija15. Logori su bili pažljivo odabrani strateški i prometno, jer su presjekli upravo područje vječno buntovnih Delmata. Ujedno su nadzirali lakše prijelaze preko spomenutih rijeka, koji su se nalazili ispod logora. Oba su mjesta imala svoju povijesnu ulogu u stoljetnim sukobima, kako ih spominje i Plinije : „In hoc tractu sunt Burnum, Andetrium, Tribulium novilitata proeliis castella – U ovom su kraju Burnum, Andetrium i Tribulium utvrde /gradine slavne po bojevima“16. A od Gaja Marcija Figula do Oktavijana i Tiberija bojeva je bilo napretek. Ovim su logorima na istim mjestima prethodile čvrste domaće gradine. Na Krki gradina kod Puljana, koja se nalazi na lijevoj strani rijeke, točno nasuprot logora. Logor na Gardunu je praktički sagrađen na širem položaju delmatske gradine, na čijem se vrhu danas nalazi crkvica Sv. Petra s uzidanim vojničkim natpisom,17 a zaravan oko nje i danas podupiru ostaci gradinskih zidova. I gradine su nadzirale od pamtivijeka promet ljudi i roba ispod gdje se rijeka sužavala, prije ulaska u uski klanac do mora kod Omiša. Na suprotnoj strani Garduna nalazi se gradina pokraj sela Čaporice. Na mjestu današnjeg Trilja, ispod gradine nalazio se antički most pons Tiluri. Prema tome, logori su samo preuzeli i naslijedili raniju funkciju delmatskih castella – gradina18. Nešto kasnije logori su postali raskrižja rimske cestovne mreže. Od Burnuma su se račvali putovi za Iader i prema sjeveru, a od Tilurija za Duvno i dalje prema Savi i Drini te prema Neretvi i jugu. Tilurij se nalazio na južnom kraju Sinjskoga polja, a Burnum je bio u ravnici, zapadno od Promone. Očekivali bismo, s obzirom na tolike sukobe da će Rimljani svoje logore sagraditi sjeverno od planine Dinare 19. Vjerojatno je čitavo područje i ovako bilo pod nadzorom, a ceste su to omogućile i za čitavu provinciju. S druge strane, velika količina opreme, što su je trebale tisuće vojnika, lakše se mogla dopremiti iz of all the wars waged abroad, second only to the Punic wars in gravity’’12. Tiberius, who in the words of Suetonius had had a hard time suppressing this rebellion at the head of 15 legions, celebrated on 23rd October 12 A.D. a triumph over the Pannonians and the Dalmatae13. Thus only now, with the final subjugation of all the Illyrians, did Augustus’ pax Romana begin and true Romanization could start, especially in the interior of the province. In these processes the army will play a crucial role. At the time of the collapse of the insurrection five legions were present in Illyricum, three in Pannonia: VIII Augusta, IX Hispana, XV Appolinaris, and two in Dalmatia: VII and XI. In Tilurium (Gardun above Trilj on the Cetina river) the VII legion erected its camp14, while the XI legion established its camp in Burnum (Ivoševci near Kistanje) on the Krka river15. The camp sites were carefully selected, strategically and communication-wise, as they cut precisely the territory of the ever rebellious Dalmatae. At the same time they controlled the easier crossings over the mentioned rivers, which lay beneath the camps. Both sites had a historical role in the centennial fights, as mentioned by Pliny: „In hoc tractu sunt Burnum, Andetrium, Tribulium novilitata proeliis castella – In this land are Burnum, Andetrium and Tribulium, forts/ hillforts famous for battles’’16. There were indeed many battles from Caius Martius Figulus to Octavian and Tiberius. The sites of these camps were previously occupied by strong local hillforts. On the Krka there was a hillfort near Puljane, occupying the opposite left river bank and facing the camp. The camp in Gardun was practically erected on a wider surface occupied by a Delmatian hillfort, presently topped by a chapel dedicated to St. Peter. There is a military inscription built into the wall of the chapel17, and the plateau surrounding it is still supported by the remains of the hillfort walls. The hillforts also controlled, from times immemorial, the flow of people and goods at the place where the river narrowed, before it entered a narrow canyon leading to the sea near Omiš. There is a hillfort near the village of Čaporice opposite Gardun. 14 Zaninović 1966, 280; Sanader et alii 2003; Tončinić 2005 12 Suet. Tib. 16 13 Inscr. It., XIII, 2, p. 134 – Fasto Praenestini 15 Zaninović 1968, 119; Cambi et alii 2006 16 N. h., III 142 14 Zaninović 1966, 280; Sanader et alii 2003; Tončinić 2005 17 CIL III 2710 = 9726 15 Zaninović 1968, 119; Cambi et alii 2006 18 Zaninović 1968, 119 16 N. h., III 142 19 Strab., VII 5, 5 17 CIL III 2710 = 9726 · 20 · ovako bližih luka Salone, Narone i Jadera. U 1. st. u području Desitijata i Mezeja, u unutrašnjosti provincije primjetna je odsutnost natpisnih spomenika, što govori za rjeđu naseljenost, kao posljedicu nemilosrdnog uništavanja ljudi i naselja tijekom posljednje bune, pa je i to moglo utjecati na odabir logora na ovim mjestima. Između logora na Krki i Cetini, Rimljani su podigli i manje logore za pomoćne čete (auxilia) u municipiju Magnumu (Balina Glavica), u Andetriju (Gornji Muć)20, te u Bigeste (Humac pokraj Ljubuškoga). Na potezu, dakle, od oko osamdesetak kilometara ovaj sustav logora osiguravao je mir u jednom području tolikih sukoba, gdje su se nalazile tolike utvrde Delmata i drugih Ilira. At the location of present-day Trilj, below the hillfort, pons Tiluri stood in antiquity. It is therefore clear that the camps merely took over and inherited the previous function of the Delmatian castella – hillforts18. Somewhat later, the camps became the crossroads of the Roman road network. From Burnum the roads forked towards Jader and to the north, and from Tilurium they led to Duvno and further to the Sava and Drina rivers, and toward the Neretva river and the south. Tilurium was situated at the southern end of the Sinj Plain, while Burnum lay in the lowlands west of Promona. In the light of so many battles one would expect that the Romans would have established their camps north of the Dinara Mountain19. In all probability the entire territory was successfully controlled as it was, and the roads made such control possible for the entire province. On the other hand, the great quantity of equipment required by thousands of soldiers could thus be shipped more easily from nearby harbours in Salona, Narona and Jader. There is a marked lack of inscribed monuments of the 1st cent. A.D. in the territory of the Daesitiates and Maezaei, in the interior of the province, which speaks of a lower population density, as a consequence of the merciless annihilation of people and settlements during the last insurrection, which may have also influenced the choice of the camps on these spots. Between the camps on the Krka and Cetina the Romans founded also minor camps for auxiliary troops (auxilia) in municipium Magnum (Balina Glavica), in Andetrium (Gornji Muć)20 and in Bigeste (Humac near Ljubuški). This system of camps stretching across some eighty kilometres thus secured peace in a territory beset by innumerable conflicts, where there were also countless forts of the Dalmatae and other Illyrians. Ovdje su boravile sljedeće legije: u Burnumu do 9. g. legija XX Valeria Victrix, koju je naslijedila XI legija, koja od 42. g. nosi počasno ime Claudia pia fidelis, jer je skupa sa VII odbila ustati protiv cara Klaudija. Napustila je Burnum 68. g. i prešla u Italiju, gdje je sudjelovala u ratu između Otona i Vitelija te je 70. g. prešla u Germaniju. U Burnum je došla leg. IV Flavia felix, koja je tu boravila do 86. g., kada je prešla u Singidunum. Nešto ranije, oko 60. g., napustila je Tilurij leg. VII Claudia pia fidelis, koja je prešla u Viminacij (Kostolac) na Dunavu21. U pokoravanju Ilirika sudjelovale su osim legija i pomoćne čete. Prema Veleju Paterkulu bilo je 70 kohorta pješaka i 14 konjičkih ala22. Poznato nam je 5 ala: 1. Ala Claudia nova, 2. Ala I Pannoniorum, 3. Ala Parthorum, 4. Ala I Tungrorum Frontoniana, 5. Ala I Hispanorum. Sve su ove jedinice napustile Dalmaciju odmah nakon sloma Batonova ustanka ili tijekom 1. st. do 69. godine. The following legions were stationed there: until 9 A.D. Burnum was the seat of legion XX Valeria Victrix, in turn superseded by the XI legion, which in 42 A.D., together with the VII legion, received the honorary title Claudia pia fidelis for refusing to rebel against emperor Claudius. In 68 A.D. it left Burnum for Italy, where it took part in the war between Otho and Vitellius, and in 70 A.D. it arrived in Germania. Burnum became the seat of the legion IV Flavia felix, which remained there until 86 A.D., Poznata su nam imena 18 kohorata: 1. Cohors I Alpinorum equitata, 2. Coh. III Alpinorum equitata, 3. Coh. Aquitanorum, 4. Coh. Asturum, 5. Coh. I Flavia Brittonum, 8. Coh. I Campana (Campanorum) voluntariorum civium Romanorum, 9. Coh. II Cyrrhestarum, 10. Coh. I miliaria Delmatarum, 11. Coh. II miliaria Delmatarum, 12. Coh. XI Galorum, 13. Coh. 20 Bekić 2002 18 Zaninović 1968, 119 21 Betz 1939, 37 19 Strab. VII 5, 5 22 Veleius Paterculus, II 13 20 Bekić 2002 · 21 · I Flavia Hispanorum, 14. Coh. I Liburnorum, 15. Coh. I Lucensium equitata, 16. Coh I Montanorum, 17. Coh. VI voluntariorum civium Romanorum23. when it went to Singidunum. Somewhat earlier, around 60 A.D., the legion VII Claudia pia fidelis left Tilurium and went to Viminacium (Kostolac) on the Danube21. Neke od ovih kohorta napustile su pokrajinu odmah nakon kraja ustanka 9. g. kao ala I Parthorum i coh. XI Gallorum. Ostale su napuštale Dalmaciju sa VII i XI legijom te IV Flavijom felix. Inače veći dio natpisa, što spominju ove jedinice, potječe upravo iz užega delmatskoga područja tj. s crte: Burnum – Mun. Magnum – Andetrium – Tilurium – Bigeste te kolonijskih područja na obali: Salone, Narone, Epidaura i Jadera. Srazmjerno najveći broj natpisa ostavile su kohorte III Alpinorum, I Belgarum i VII vol. c. Romanorum. One su bile stalna posada nakon odlaska legija iz Dalmacije i to do sredine 3. st., a ostale su, kako smo rekli, napustile Dalmaciju tijekom 1. st. In addition to the legions, auxiliary units also participated in the conquest of Illyricum. Velleius Paterculus speaks of 70 cohorts of infantry and 14 equestrian alae22. We know of 5 alae: 1. Ala Claudia nova, 2. Ala I Pannoniorum, 3. Ala Parthorum, 4. Ala I Tungrorum Frontoniana, 5. Ala I Hispanorum. All these units left Dalmatia in the wake of the collapse of Baton’s insurrection, either immediately or during the 1st cent. until 69 A.D. at the latest. The names of 18 cohorts are known to us: 1. Cohors I Alpinorum equitata, 2. Coh. III Alpinorum equitata, 3. Coh. Aquitanorum, 4. Coh. Asturum, 5. Coh. I Flavia Brittonum, 8. Coh. I Campana (Campanorum) voluntariorum civium Romanorum, 9. Coh. II Cyrrhestarum, 10. Coh. I miliaria Delmatarum, 11. Coh. II miliaria Delmatarum, 12. Coh. XI Galorum, 13. Coh. I Flavia Hispanorum, 14. Coh. I Liburnorum, 15. Coh. I Lucensium equitata, 16. Coh I Montanorum, 17. Coh. VI voluntariorum civium Romanorum23. To je bilo vrijeme najveće koncentracije vojske u našem području. Uzevši brojčani prosjek ljudstva legija i pomoćnih četa možemo računati s brojem od 20 do 30000 vojnika. Ti su ljudi svojom brojčanom prisutnošću i raznovrsnim djelatnostima ostavili brojne tragove u našoj antici, što ih na terenima i istraživanjma stalno susrećemo i otkrivamo. Možemo samo najsažetije spomenuti, što je sve ta vojska načinila ili pomogla učiniti. Jedan od najvažnijih poduhvata bila je izgradnja cestovne mreže poznatom rimskom tehnologijom. Te su prometnice povezale provinciju Dalmaciju od obale do sjevernih rijeka i dalje i osigurale su rimski mir i zakonitost na čitavom području. Ceste su započinjale u glavnom gradu provincije Saloni, a gradnju je započeo već August, da bi je pod carem Tiberijem završio njegov namjesnik Publije Kornelije Dolabela (14.–20. g.). Gradili su ih vojnici VII i XI legije, koji su lomili otpor Ilira i Delmata. Bilo je pet cesta, koje su zabilježene na poznatim natpisima iz Salone, a koji su ostali sačuvani, jer su ih u srednjem vijeku uzidali u zvoniku splitske stolnice Sv. Duje. Bili su pronađeni nakon sedam stoljeća, prilikom obnove zvonika krajem 19. stoljeća24. Godine 16. do 17. bile su dovršene ceste: 1. a colonia Salonitana ad fines provinciae Illyrici. 2. via Gabiniana ab Salonis Andetrium. Godine 18-20. dovršene su dvije duže i jedna kraća: prva duža je: a Salonis ad He[dum] castel[lum] Daesitiatum. Druga: ad Some of these cohorts left the province immediately upon the end of the rebellion in 9 A.D., such as ala I Parthorum and coh. XI Gallorum. The others left Dalmatia together with the VII and XI legions, as well as with IV Flavia felix. Incidentally, most of the inscriptions mentioning these units were found precisely in the narrower Delmatian territory, i.e. from the line Burnum – Mun. Magnum – Andetrium – Tilurium – Bigeste. The same holds true for the colonial areas on the coast – Salona, Narona, Epidaurus and Jader. The cohorts III Alpinorum, I Belgarum i VII vol. c. Romanorum left the relatively highest number of inscriptions. These units formed the permanent crew after the legions had left Dalmatia, until the mid-3rd cent., while the other, as we have seen, left Dalmatia during the 1st century. Drugi važni oblik Dolabelinih intervencija bio je rješavanje teritorijalnih sporova i razgraničenja među pojedinim plemenima i mjesnim zajednicama. Toga je prirodno bilo nakon pokoravanja, kada su bili narušeni mnogi raniji zemljišni odnosi, pa su ovi zahvati najizravnije zadirali u život preostalih domorodaca. Za potrebe ovih procjena i presuda bila je izrađena posebna katastarska i teritorijalna mapa tzv. forma Dolabeliana, koja je bila pohranjena u središtu namjesnika u Saloni te korištena i po kopijama, koje su se čuvale kod zainteresiranih u sporu. Najveći dio tih rasprava vodili su uglavnom vojni zapovjednici, uglavnom centurioni, koje je namjesnik odredio da budu iudices – suci u ovim sporovima. Nakon izrečenih presuda, one bi se uklesale u kamen i postavile na terenu i tako je do nas danas stiglo oko tridesetak ovih zanimljivih i za našu antiku dragocjenih natpisa25. This was the period of the greatest concentration of military forces in our territory. If we calculate the average strength of the legions and auxiliary units we can reckon with a number of 20-30000 soldiers. These people by virtue of their number and various activities left numerous Neposredno nakon pokoravanja vojni zapovjednici izravno upravljaju pojedinim plemenskim zajednicama. Tako je izvjesni: ... Marcellinus centurion XI legije bio praefectus Maezeiorum item Daesitiatium26. U prvoj polovini 1. stoljeća u Traguriju upravlja: P. Celoelius miles coh. Campanae custos Traguri27. Vojska dakle upravlja gradom, koji je možda morao primiti na opskrbu čitavu jedinicu ili iz nekog drugog, zasigurno neželjenog razloga. Brojni veterani VII i XI legije naseljavaju se u obalskim gradovima, što je i logično, jer su im bili najbliži, iako ovi gradovi nisu 21 Betz 1939, 37 25 Betz 1939, 34; Wilkes 1974: 258 23 Alföldy 1962, 260 22 Velleius Paterculus, II 13 26 CIL IX 2564, Bovianum (Samnij u Italiji) 24 CIL III 3198-3201 = 10156-59 23 Alföldy 1962, 260 27 CIL III 8693, Salona · 22 · traces in the antiquity of our land, which we continue to encounter and discover in the field and through research. We can give only the briefest of accounts as to the accomplishments carried out or assisted by that army. One of the most important feats was the building of the road network using the famous Roman technology. These communications connected the province of Dalmatia from the coast to the rivers of the north and beyond, thereby strengthening the Roman peace and legality in the entire territory. The roads branched out from the provincial capital in Salona, and their construction was started already by Augustus, even though it was Publius Cornelius Dolabella (14-20), emperor Tiberius’ governor, who completed it. The roads were built by the soldiers of the VII and XI legions, the same ones that were breaking the resistance of the Illyrians and the Dalmatae. There were altogether five roads, recorded on the famous inscriptions from Salona, which remained preserved because in the Middle Ages they were used as spolia in the construction of the bell-tower of the Split cathedral church of St. Domnius. It took seven centuries for their rediscovery, which happened during the reconstruction of the belltower toward the end of the 19th century24. The years 1617 A.D. saw the completion of the roads: 1. a colonia Salonitana ad fines provinciae Illyrici. 2. via Gabiniana ab Salonis Andetrium. Two longer roads and one shorter road were completed in 18-20: the first longer road is: a Salonis ad He[dum] castel[lum] Daesitiatum. The second: ad Bat[hinum? flu]men quod dividit B[r]e[ucos Oseriat?]ibus a Salonis munit. The third road, the shorter one, is: ad imum montem Ditionum Ulcirum i.e. to Strmica, north of Knin. There were thus three roads leading into the interior of Illyricum, i.e. the road ad fines provinciae Illyrici, equated with the road Salona – Servitium (Gradiška na Savi) from Tabula Peutingeriana and Itinerarium Antonini. The second big road entered the territory of the Daesitiates, the Sarajevo Plain and further toward northeast and the Drina river in Moesia. The third road led to the valley of the Bosna river and probably further to the Sava river. These main communication routes were complemented by a network of local roads connecting the inhabited parts of karst fields and broader river valleys. Bat[hinum? flu]men quod dividit B[r]e[ucos Oseriat?] ibus a Salonis munit. Treća, kraća cesta je: ad imum montem Ditionum Ulcirum, tj. do Strmice, sjeverno od Knina. Tri su, dakle, išle u unutrašnjost Ilirika, tj. cesta ad fines provinciae Illyrici, koja se poistovjećuje s cestom Salona – Servitium (Gradiška na Savi), koju donosi Tabula Peutingeriana i Itinerarium Antonini. Druga velika cesta išla je u područje Desitijata, u Sarajevsko polje i dalje prema sjeveroistoku i Drini u Meziju. Treća je išla u dolinu Bosne, gdje se vjerojatno nastavljala do Save. Ove glavne prometne pravce dopunjavala je mreža lokalnih putova po nasljenim dijelovima kraških polja i širih riječnih dolina. The second important form of Dolabella’s interventions was related to solving territorial disputes and demarcations between tribes and local communities. These were 24 · 23 · CIL III 3198-3201 = 10156-59 nastali kao kolonije veterana, već zajednice rimskih građana koji su pristigli u ranijim desetljećima, posebno od Cezara pa dalje. Naseobina veterana bila je colonia Claudia Aequum (Čitluk pokraj Sinja), koju je osnovao car Klaudije nakon 42. g. Veteranima istih legija on je dodijelio zemljište u Sikulima (Kaštel Štafilić), zapadno od Salone. Ovim naseljavanjima i osnivanjem kolonije želio je nagraditi vojnike, koji se nisu odazvali pobuni na koju ih je protiv Klaudija pozvao L. Aruntije Skribonijan, namjesnik Dalmacije 40-42. g.28 · 6· a natural aftermath of the conquest, which considerably disturbed previous land-property relationships, so these interventions most directly impinged upon the lives of the remaining natives. A special cadastre and territorial map – the so-called forma Dolabelliana – was crafted for the requirements of these assessments and verdicts. The map was stored in the governor’s seat in Salona, and copies of it were issued to the parties in a dispute. The major part of these discussions were led by military commanders, primarily centurions, iudices – referees in these disputes appointed by the governor. After the sentences were passed, they would be carved into stone and placed in the field, which is how around thirty or so of these interesting and for our antiquity valuable inscriptions have come down to us25. Veterani su podrijetlom bili većinom Italici te dijelom iz Galije, Makedonije i Male Azije29. U našu pokrajinu, izmučenu ratovima i razaranjima, rimski mir što su ga ovi vojnici uspostavili, donio je i njihovom zaslugom velike društvene i gospodarske promjene. U zatvorene plemenske zajednice, koje su preživjele ratove, i živjele po svojim tradicijama, sve su promjene višestruko utjecale na njihov život. To posebno vrijedi za one, koji su bili naseljeni duž prometnih pravaca ili su sišli sa svojih razorenih gradina i naselja. U svojim prostranim logorima, kao što je bilo uobičajeno, vojnici prave raznovrsne radionice za svoje potrebe, ali ti se proizvodi i tehnologija šire i izvan logorskih bedema među domorocima. Natpisi nam svjedoče o građevinskim djelatnostima vojnika koji učvršćuju kule i zidove u Saloni, Jaderu, Aequmu i drugdje gdje je trebalo. Grade vodovode i mostove, proizvode crijep i opeke sa svojim žigovima. Takve peći su otkrivene u Smrdeljima pokraj Knina, gdje su nađeni keramički proizvodi s pečatima VII i XI legije, kao i oni legija IV Flavia Felix i VIII Augusta. Veterani, pa i vojnici sudjeluju u upravljanju kolonijama i municipijima, kao članovi njihovih vijeća, dekurioni i drugo. Tako je čitavi život provincije u ovoj ranoj fazi njezina razvitka bio snažno prožet vojničko - veteranskim elementima30. In the period immediately after the conquest the military commanders exerted direct control over individual tribal communities. Thus one ... Marcellinus centurion of the XI legion was the praefectus Maezeiorum item Daesitiatium26. In the first half of the 1st cent. Tragurium was managed by P. Celoelius miles coh. Campanae custos Traguri27. It was thus the military that managed the town, which might have been coerced into accommodating the entire unit, or perhaps there was another equally undesired reason. Many veterans of the VII and XI legions settled in coastal towns, a logical choice given their proximity, even though these towns were not founded as veteran colonies but as communities of Roman citizens that had arrived in previous decades, particularly from Caesar’s time onwards. There was a settlement of veterans, colonia Claudia Aequum (Čitluk kraj Sinja), which was founded by emperor Claudius after 42 A.D. He gave the veterans of those same legions the land in Siculi (Kaštel Štafilić), west of Salona. He used these acts of settlement and the foundation of the colony as a means to reward the soldiers who refused to join the rebellion against him led by L. Arruntius Scribonianus, the governor of Dalmatia in 40-42 A.D28. Vrijeme nakon odlaska legija iz provincije, pa do 3. st. bilo je vrijeme javne sigurnosti i određenog blagostanja. Pučanstvo je milom ili silom prihvatilo Most of the veterans were from Italy, and partly from Gaul, Macedonia and Asia Minor29. It was the merit also of these soldiers that the Roman peace they themselves 28 Tac. Hist. I 89, II 75; Betz 1939, 36 29 Tončinić 2005 30 Zaninović 1967, 63; Wilkes 1969, 107 · 25 · 25 Betz 1939, 34; Wilkes 1974, 258 26 CIL IX 2564, Bovianum (Samnium in Italy) 27 CIL III 8693, Salona 28 Tac. Hist. I 89, II 75; Betz 1939, 36 29 Tončinić 2005 spoznaju o snazi i konačnoj stvarnosti rimske vlasti. Sigurnost su jamčile augzilijarne jedinice u jakosti triju kohorta, što je u to doba iznosilo oko 1800 vojnika. To su bile cohors III Alpinorum, koja se nalazila u logoru Bigeste (Humac kod Ljubuškoga) za vrijeme Flavijevaca, da bi u 2. st. prešla u Andetrij, a oko 200. g. prebačena u Panoniju. Cohors I Belgarum došla je u Dalmaciju iz Germanije početkom 2. st. Njezin je logor također bio u Bigeste, a manji su odjeli bili stacionirani u Tiluriju i Andetriju. U 3. st. više nema njenih natpisa. Cohors VIII volunt. c. Romanorum nalazila se u Dalmaciji već za Batonova ustanka te je tu i ostala kao jedina takva jedinica za vrijeme čitavoga principata. Njezin je logor u 1. st. bio u Andetriju, a poslije u Tiluriju, odakle potječe i njen posljenji poznati nam natpis datiran u 245. g.31 U 4. st. ova se kohorta nalazi u Arabiji32. had established brought to our province, battered by wars and destruction, great social and economic changes. In reclusive tribal communities that survived through wars and lived by their traditions, every change had multiple effects on their lives. This is particularly applicable to those settled along traffic routes and those who descended from their destroyed hillforts and settlements. It was customary for the soldiers in their spacious camps to establish various manufactures to satisfy their own needs, but these products and technologies spread beyond the camp walls among the natives. The inscriptions bear testimony to the construction activities of the soldiers who reinforced the towers and walls in Salona, Jader, Aequum and elsewhere where the need arose. They built aqueducts and bridges, produced stamped tiles and bricks. Furnaces of this kind were discovered in Smrdelji near Knin, where ceramic objects bearing stamps of the VII and XI legions were found, as well as those of the legions IV Flavia Felix and VIII Augusta. The veterans but also soldiers participated in the management of the colonies and municipia, as members of their councils, decurions or on other duties. That way the entire life of the province in this early phase of development was imbued with elements pertaining to soldiers and veterans30. Osim ovih jedinica brigu o sigurnosti su vodili i beneficiarii, danas bi ih nazvali oružnicima ili policajcima. Uglavnom su služili u pojedinim stationes, svojim postajama duž važnijih prometnih pravaca. Iako su bili izuzeti iz svojih vojničkih jedinica i redovite službe u njima (immunes), tehnički su uvijek ostajali pripadnicima jedinica iz kojih su bili detaširani. Ovi su beneficijari često bili jedini vidljivi predstavnici rimske vlasti u krajevima u kojima su služili. The period following the departure of the legions from the province until the 3rd century was a time of public safety and relative prosperity. By force or by choice, the population acknowledged that Roman authority and its power were a reality. Safety was guaranteed by auxiliary units three cohorts strong, which at that time amounted to 1800 soldiers. These were cohors III Alpinorum, stationed in the camp at Bigeste (Humac near Ljubuški) during the Flavians but moving to Andetrium in the 2nd cent., while around 200 A.D. it was transferred to Pannonia. Cohors I Belgarum arrived in Dalmatia from Germania at the beginning of the 2nd cent. It was also stationed in Bigeste, with minor detachments stationed in Tilurium and Andetrium. In the 3rd cent. there are no more inscriptions attributable to this unit. Cohors VIII volunt. c. Romanorum was present in Pannonia already during Baton’s insurrection, and it remained the only unit of that kind present there during the entire Principate. In the 1st century it camped in Andetrium and later in Tilurium, the latter being the site that yielded its last inscription Dugotrajni boravak ovih vojničkih jedinica, koje su vodile brigu o javnoj sigurnosti i obrani, prometu i drugom, osjećao se i u drugim raznolikim vidovima antičkoga života, o čemu nam se sačuvao poneki zanimljivi natpis. Tako npr. vojnici coh. VIII vol. c. Romanorum podižu u svome logoru u Gardunu oko 150. g. vodotoranj – turrem ad aquam tollendam, jer je stari vjerojatno bio dotrajao33. Kvint Silvije Sperat centurion coh. I Belgarum, na ari koju je za svoga boravka na otoku Bratiji (Braču) posvetio nimfama sebe određuje da je «curagens theatri»34, vjerojatno neke poslove oko teatra u Saloni. Vojnici iste kohorte obnavljaju u Bigeste hram Libera i Libere i dodaju mu novi portik35. Zasigurno je ovakvih intervencija i gradnja bilo mnogo više, ali natpisi nisu sačuvani. 31 CIL III 9274, Gardun 32 Alföldy 1962, 271 33 Abramić 1930-34, 225 34 CIL III 3096, Škrip 35 CIL III 8484 30 Zaninović 1967, 63; Wilkes 1969, 107 Veoma je zanimljivo osmotriti odnose vojnika i domorodaca. Znamo da je u 1. st. još od Augusta, vojnicima u aktivnoj službi bilo zabranjeno vjenčati se. Njihovi divlji brakovi sa ženama oko logora zakonski nisu bili priznati. Rimska država naprosto nije htjela imati obveza prema djeci iz tih nezakonitih brakova, koji su inače bili redovita pojava uz svaki logor. To su bile kanabe, naselja koja su se razvijala na određenoj udaljenosti od logora. U 2. st. ova odredba se nije strogo poštovala, pa se postupno i ugasila. Sada se ovi vojnici iz različitih krajeva Carstva miješaju s domaćim stanovništvom, vjenčaju se s domaćim ženama, pa se time stvarao i širio povlašteni sloj romaniziranih stanovnika. Ti su utjecaji, naravno, bili dvosmjerni, pa su i vojnici prihvaćali domaće običaje i shvaćanja. Zanimljivo je npr. podvući, da vojnike pripadnike pomoćnih četa – auxilia, gotovo i ne nalazimo među veteranima, koji dobijaju zemljište pri otpustu iz službe (missio agraria). Prema tome možemo zaključiti da su radije uzimali novčani iznos (missio nummaria), čime su mogli kupiti obradivu zemlju ili otvoriti neki posao ili obrt. Isto tako zanimljivo je osmotriti prisutnost domaćih ljudi u tim jedinicama. U 1. st. to su, po svemu sudeći, bili peregrini slobodni ljudi bez rimskog građanskog prava, koje bi zavojačili i poslali na službu u udaljene predjele od rodnoga kraja. Tako su delmatski i drugi ilirski incolae et peregrini osiguravali državi stalno pritjecanje vojnika za ovu službu. Poznato nam je 7 kohorta Delmata, koje su služile u raznim provincijama od Britanije, preko Germanije i Gornje Mezije do Afrike (Mauretania Caesariensis). Oktavijan je npr. 34. g. pr. Kr. odveo sa sobom u Italiju 700 mladih Delmata kao taoce. Sigurno ih se malo vratilo u rodni kraj. Novačenje domorodaca bilo je, uostalom, i uzrok velikoga ustanka 6. godine, kada je Valerije Mesalin silom novačio Desitijate za Tiberijevu vojsku u Germaniji. Nekoliko desetljeća kasnije odvedeno je iz Dalmacije 6000 ljudi. Pokupili su ih 69. g. vojnici XI legije Cl. p. f., koji su te godine napustili Burnum i priključili se Vespazijanovoj vojsci u Italiji, a mnogi su uvršteni u službu u mornarici36. In addition to these units, safety was also the care of beneficiarii, whom we would today term militiamen or policemen. They mostly served in the stationes, their stations along major communication routes. Although they were exempt from service in the military units they came from (immunes), technically speaking they remained listed as members of the units from which they were detached. These beneficiarii were often the only visible representatives of Roman authority in the lands where they served. The long-term residence of these military units that were responsible for public safety and defence, traffic and other things, was felt also in many other aspects of life in antiquity, as revealed by occasional interesting inscriptions. Thus, for instance, the soldiers of coh. VIII vol. c. Romanorum erected a water tower - turrem ad aquam tollendam, in their camp at Gardun around 150 A.D., probably because the old tower fell out of use33. On an ara that Quintus Silvius Speratus, a centurion of the coh. I Belgarum, dedicated to the nymphs during his stay on the island of Bratia (Brač), he appointed himself a ‘’curagens theatri’’34, which probably has something to do with the works on the Salona theatre. The soldiers of the same cohort renovated the temple of Liber and Libera in Bigeste, furnishing it with a new portico35. There must have been many more such interventions and constructions, but inscriptions have not been preserved. It is highly interesting to look at the relationship between the soldiers and the indigenous population. We know that in the 1st century and as early as the rule of Augustus, soldiers in active service were forbidden to marry. Their cohabitation with women around the camp was not legally recognized. The Roman state simply refused to take on any obligation toward the children from these unlawful marriages, which were a common occurrence around the camps. These were canabae, settlements that formed at a certain distance from the camp. This rule was not strictly obeyed in the 2nd century and it gradually withered away. These soldiers from all over the Empire now intermingle with the local residents and marry indigenous women, which led to the creation and broadening of the privile- Od vremena cara Hadriana (117.-138. g.) započela je praksa novačenja vojnika za pomoćne čete iz mjesta, koja se nalaze na istom području, gdje su kohor36 · 26 · known to us, dated to the year 24531. In the 4th century this cohort was in Arabia32. Tac. Hist. III 50; Zaninović 1967, 69 · 27 · 31 CIL III 9274, Gardun 32 Alföldy 1962, 271 33 Abramić 1930-34, 225 34 CIL III 3096, Škrip 35 CIL III 8484 te bile stacionirane. Od toga vremena nalazimo na delmatske i ilirske peregrine na službi u tim pomoćnim četama. Za nas su posebno zanimljive dvije kohorte, koje su za sada i posljednje takve jedinice zanovačene u našem području. To su cohors I miliaria Delmatarum i cohors II miliaria Delmatarum. Dva natpisa, što su ih te jedinice postavile u Saloni 170. g., sačuvala su nam podatak o podizanju i učvršćivanju 800 stopa gradskoga zida i jedne kule37. Bilo je to jedno od težih razdoblja po Rimsko Carstvo, kada su Parti na istoku opasno prijetili, a germanska plemena Kvada i Markomana probila obrambene sustave na sjevernim granicama, prodrla do Italije i zaprijetila i Dalmaciji. To je ujedno i vrijeme osnivanja spomenutih jedinica, kada je velika potreba za vojnicima prisilila cara Marka Aurelija da i razbojnike pretvori u vojnike – „Latrones etiam Dalmatiae atque Dardaniae milites fecit“38. Neke su od tih jedinica vjerojatno pošle na istok, a ove dvije kohorte su ostale u svome kraju, da bi poslije, sudeći po nekim natpisima, i one prešle u granična područja antičke provincije Dalmacije39. ged class of romanized population. These influences naturally worked both ways, meaning that the soldiers too accepted the local customs and beliefs. It deserves special mention, for instance, that soldiers from auxiliary units (auxilia) are all but lacking among the veterans rewarded with land at the end of their service (missio agraria), leading us to conclude that they preferred the reward in money (missio nummaria), which allowed them to buy an arable plot of land or to start a business or craft. It is equally interesting to look at the presence of local people in those units. In the 1st century those were in all probability peregrini, free men without Roman citizenship, who were recruited and dispatched to serve in lands far away from their homeland. That way the incolae et peregrini of the Dalmatae and other Illyrians provided the state with a steady supply of soldiers for that duty. We know of 7 cohorts of the Dalmatae, which served in various provinces from Britain through Germania and Upper Moesia to Africa (Mauretania Caesariensis). Octavian, for instance, in 34 B.C. took 700 young Dalmatae to Italy with him as hostages. There could not have been many of them who returned to their homeland. Recruitment of the natives was in fact what caused the great revolt in the year 6 A.D., when Valerius Mesallinus was enlisting the Daesitiates by force for Tiberius’s army in Germania. Several decades later, in 69 A.D., 6000 men were taken from Dalmatia by the soldiers of the XI legion Cl. p. f., who left Burnum that year to join Vespasian’s army in Italy. Many of these men ended up serving in the navy36. Sredinom 3. st., nakon odlaska cohors VIII vol. c. Romanorum u Arabiju, Dalmacija je ostala bez stalnih vojnih posada u logorima. Nove društvene okolnosti to više nisu trebale, jer je 3. st. u Dalmaciji i pored većih previranja i problema u državi, bilo vrijeme relativnoga cvata naše pokrajine. Drugi krajevi na sjeveru i sjeveroistoku bili su izloženi rastućim pritiscima s one strane limesa. Gotske provale u Meziju, u drugoj polovini istoga stoljeća, radikalno će narušiti ovo stanje. CIL III 1979, 8655 Salona 38 SHA, Vita Marci, 21, 7 39 Alföldy 1962, 268 ders, reaching Italy and threatening also Dalmatia. This was also the time when the mentioned units were formed, when a dire need for soldiers compelled emperor Marcus Aurelius to turn even brigands into soldiers - „Latrones etiam Dalmatiae atque Dardaniae milites fecit“38. Some of those units were probably sent to the east, while these two cohorts at first remained in their homeland, and later, judging by certain inscriptions, moved nearer the frontier of the ancient province of Dalmatia39. In the mid-3rd century, following the departure of the cohors VIII vol. c. Romanorum to Arabia, Dalmatia was left without permanent military garrisons in the camps. The new social circumstances rendered them unnecessary, because the 3rd century in Dalmatia, in spite of wider perturbations in the state, was a time of relative prosperity for our province. Other territories in the north and northeast were exposed to growing pressures from across the limes. Gothic incursions into Moesia in the latter half of the same century will radically disrupt this situation. As there is only limited space for a summary of this topic, I wished only to highlight some major facts about the importance of the military factors in the development of the ancient province of Dalmatia. Starting with the first intervention in 229 B.C. until the suppression of Baton’s rebellion in 9 A.D. the Roman military conquests were predominantly destructive campaigns. The assaults of the mighty legions gradually erased the original Illyrian civilization that had developed until that time more or less independently. Some powerful Illyrian tribes such as Ardiaei also disappeared. We cannot claim that this was a result of a preconceived Roman policy, but rather the result of the actions caused by specific historical circumstances. Situations were created from which arose conflicts that required military interventions from one case to another. This, as is known, is one of the topics that still remains a bone of contention among the historians of antiquity. These were times when such deeds were a customary practice that was not distinctly Roman, it is just that in this, as in many other things, they were more methodical and thorough. After the army had completed its conquest, it would focus on creating the conditions for romanization to proceed as swiftly as possible, by constructing roads, settlements, camps and everything else that gave shape to this uniform civilization also in the antiquity of our territory as part of a far larger whole. On the other hand, From the time of emperor Hadrian (117-138) soldiers for auxiliary units started to be recruited in the places lying in the same territory where the cohorts were stationed. From that time on we find Delmatian and Illyrian peregrines in the service of those auxiliary units. Two cohorts are of special interest to us, which are presently considered the last such units recruited in our territory. These are cohors I miliaria Delmatarum and cohors II miliaria Delmatarum. Two inscriptions set up by these units in 170 in Salona, preserved for us the information about the erection and strengthening of 800 feet of a town wall and one tower37. This was one of the gravest periods for the Roman Empire, when the severe Parthian menace loomed in the east and the Germanic tribes of the Quadi and Marcomanni burst through the defence systems on the northern bor- Zbog zahtjeva za sažetim izlaganjem ovoga teksta, želio sam više-manje podvući neke glavnije činjenice o značenju vojničkog čimbenika u razvitku antičke provincije Dalmacije. Rimska je vojska od prve intervencije 229. g. pr. Kr. do gušenja Batonova ustanka 9. g. svojim osvajanjima uglavnom razarala. Pred naletom moćnih legija nestajala je izvorna ilirska civilizacija, koja se do tada više-manje neovisno razvijala. Nestala su i neka moćna ilirska plemena 37 poput Ardijejaca. Ne možemo tvrditi da je to bio rezultat neke planske rimske politike, već je to prije bio rezultat akcija, koje su bile izazvane određenim povijesnim okolnostima. Stvarale su se situacije iz kojih su izbijali sukobi, koji su zahtijevali vojničke intervencije od slučaja do slučaja. To je, kako je poznato, jedno od pitanja, oko kojega se i danas spore povjesničari antike. Bila su to vremena, kada su takvi postupci bili uobičajeni i nisu bili svojstveni samo Rimljanima. Oni su i u tome, kao i u mnogočemu drugome, bili samo metodičniji i temeljitiji. Nakon što bi vojska obavila svoj osvajački posao, prešla bi na stvaranje uvjeta za što bržu romanizaciju, gradnjom prometnica, naselja, logora i svega onoga što je oblikovalo ovu uniformnu civilizaciju i naše antike kao dijela mnogo veće cjeline. S druge strane, svojevrsna rimska pravna, ljudska i religijska tolerancija, omogućavala je da i u toj jednoobraznosti, negdje jače negdje slabije, žive i dalje elementi starijih tradicija, koje su bile svojstvene pojedinim plemenima i drugim ljudskim zajednicama. Naša arheologija već duže od stoljeća posvećuje dužnu pažnju upravo tim autohtonim strujanjima, s priznatim rezultatima. · 28 · 36 Tac. Hist., III 50; Zaninović 1967, 69 37 CIL III 1979, 8655 Salona · 29 · 38 SHA, Vita Marci, 21, 7 39 Alföldy 1962, 268 Ovu našu temu ne bismo mogli prikazati bez dragocjene, sačuvane spomeničke ostavštine natpisa, što su nam je ostavili toliki vojnici i drugi pojedinci, naročito iz prvih dvaju stoljeća po Kristu. Iz njih se najbolje može ocijeniti uloga, što su je imale brojne različite vojničke jedinice od legija do pomoćnih četa i pojedinih vojnika, u razvitku naše antike. Vojska je stvarala temelje te antike na kojima su se dalje razvijali pravni, društveni i gospodarski okviri u kojima su provincija Dalmacija i širi Ilirik živjeli gotovo osam stoljeća svoje stare povijesti. Štoviše, mnogi elementi ove antičke civilizacije sastavni su dio i naše današnje civilizacije, čega često nismo ni svjesni u tehniziranoj svakodnevici. Zato je ova dionica antičke prošlosti predmet trajnoga proučavanja tolikih vrijednih stručnjaka. Ta je prošlost privlačna i uvijek nova sa svakim novootkrivenim natpisom i drugim predmetima iza kojih stoje tolike ljudske sudbine. To je onaj fascinantni dio naše profesije, koji bez prestanka i uvijek iznova širi obzore naših spoznaja. Stoga, kao stariji kolega i učitelj tolikih generacija, očekujem od onih koji nas uspješno zamijenjuju, da nastave taj posao i vode ga na još bolje razine od onih, koje smo mi nastojali dosegnuti. U to od srca vjerujem! the Roman tolerance in legal affairs, with regard to people and religion, created the foundations, even in this uniformity, somewhere more or less strongly than elsewhere, for the survival of the elements of older traditions that characterized specific tribes and other human communities. For more than a century Croatian archaeology has been dedicating due attention precisely to these autochthonous currents, with recognized results. It would have been impossible to present this topic of ours without the invaluable preserved legacy of inscribed monuments, left to us by innumerable soldiers and other individuals, particularly from the first two centuries after Christ. They are the best gauge of the role played by the many distinct military units, from legions to auxiliary troops and individual soldiers, in the development of our antiquity. The army created the foundations of that antiquity, on which subsequently developed the legal, social and economic framework in which the province of Dalmatia and wider Illyricum lived through almost eight centuries of their ancient history. Moreover, many elements of this ancient civilization are incorporated in our contemporary cilivization, a fact that we are often unaware of in the technicized character of our everyday life. This is why this segment of ancient history is the subject of permanent research by innumerable diligent scholars. That past is attractive and always fresh with each discovered inscription or other objects behind which lie so many human destinies. This is that fascinating part of our profession, which without interruption and always anew broadens the horizons of our knowledge. For that reason, as a senior colleague and mentor of many generations, I expect from those who successfully come in our stead, to continue that work and carry it to the levels even higher than those that we tried to reach. It is my heartfelt belief that this will indeed be so. · 30 · · 31 · Mirjana Sanader Domagoj Tončinić Gardun – antički Tilurium∗ Gardun – The Ancient Tilurium∗ M. Sanader – D. Tončinić, Gardun – antički Tilurium.1∗ elo Gardun nalazi se na uzvisini iznad desne obale rijeke Cetine, na dominantnom i strateškom položaju s kojeg se nadziru sva okolna polja i visoravni te prijelaz preko rijeke Cetine na području grada Trilja. Trilj se razvio na mjestu na kojem je bio moguć lakši prijelaz preko rijeke Cetine i na kojem ona napušta Cetinsko polje te počinje sječi duboki klanac kroz Zamosorje. Za razliku od Trilja, koji se nalazi na nadmorskoj visini od 300 m, kod crkve Sv. Petra, u sjeveroistočnom dijelu sela Gardun, apsolutna nadmorska visina doseže 429 m, a prema sjeverozapadu sela, gdje se nalazi lokalitet Oglavak, teren se stepenasto penje do visine od gotovo 450 m, dok se prema jugu i lokalitetu Podvornice teren spušta na ispod 420 m. Prema jugozapadu područje današnjeg sela Gardun graniči s dolinom sela Vojnić. M. Sanader – D. Tončinić Gardun – the Ancient Tilurium1∗ he village of Gardun is perched on a plateau overlooking the right bank of the Cetina river, on a dominating and strategic position controlling the surrounding fields and plateaus, as well as the crossing over the Cetina in the area of the town of Trilj. Trilj has developed on the spot that offered an easy crossing over the Cetina, at the point where the river leaves the Cetina Plain and starts intersecting the deep canyon through the Zamosorje region. Unlike Trilj, which lies at 300 m above the sea level, at St. Peter's church in the northeastern part of the Gardun village the absolute height reaches 429 m. Towards the northwest of the village, at the site of Oglavak, the terrain rises over several terraces to almost 450 m, while to the south, towards the Podvorice site, the terrain descends to less than 420 m. To the southwest, the territory of the present-day village of Gardun borders with the valley of the Vojnić village. Selo Gardun i njegova bliža okolica već više od 200 godina plijene pozornost arheološkim nalazima koji su dospijevali u Arheološki muzej – Split, Arheološku zbirku Franjevačkog samostana u Sinju, Muzej Cetinske krajine u Sinju, a odnedavno dospijevaju i u novoosnovani Muzej triljskog kraja u Trilju.2 Gardun and its immediate vicinity have been attracting attention for more than 200 years due to the archaeological finds that were coming to the Archaeological Museum in Split, the Archaeological Collection of the Franciscan Monastery in Sinj, the Museum of Cetinska Krajina in Sinj and, from recently, also the newly-founded Trilj Regional Museum in Trilj.2 The finds from Gardun reached S T 1 ∗ Prikazani rezultati proizišli su iz znanstvenog projekta (Rimski vojni logori u Hrvatskoj), provođenog uz potporu Ministarstva znanosti, obrazovanja i športa Republike Hrvatske. 1 ∗ The results presented here were achieved within the framework of the scientific project (Roman military camps in Croatia) carried out with the support of the Ministry of Science, Education and Sports of the Republic of Croatia. 2 Gotovo je nemoguće nabrojati sve radove u kojima se oni obrađuju ili usput spominju. Usporedi npr. Milošević 1981, kat. br. 7, 35, 51, 67, 68, 70, 71, 93, 101, 107, 108, 109; Milošević 1998, 243-248; Milošević 2003, slike na str. 3-5, 7-9, 11. Cambi 2008, kat. br. 5, 7, 27-28; Višić-Ljubić 2008, kat. br. 15; Fadić 2008, kat. br. 17-23; Babić 2008, kat. br. 28, 30, 44, 55-56; Župić 2008b, kat. br. 18, 24, 20. 2 It is almost impossible to list all the works in which they are analyzed or at least mentioned in passing. Compare for instance Milošević 1981, cat. no. 7, 35, 51, 67, 68, 70, 71, 93, 101, 107, 108, 109; Milošević 1998, 243-248; Milošević 2003, figures on pages 3-5, 7-9, 11. Cambi 2008, cat. no. 5, · 33 · Nalazi s Garduna dospijevali su i u muzeje izvan Hrvatske,3 u različite privatne zbirke,4 a neki su dan danas uzidani u građevine na Gardunu. O velikoj pozornosti koju su izazvali nalazi s Garduna svjedoči i slučaj krivotvorenja nalaza od strane kovača Petra Pezelja s Vojnića.5 Kao najznamenitije nalaze kamenih spomenika valja spomenuti dva ulomka tropeja (vidi kat. br. 112.-113.) – spomenika pobjedi – za kojeg se pretpostavlja da je na Gardunu podignut kako bi obilježio pobjedu Rimljana nad delmatskopanonskim ustankom 6. do 9. g.6 Nadalje se ističu nadgrobni spomenici i drugi natpisi kojima su na Gardunu potvrđene različite rimske vojne postrojbe – legio VII, odnosno VII Claudia pia fidelis7, legio XI, odnosno XI Claudia pia fidelis8, legio IV Flavia felix9, cohors II Cyrrhestarum10, ala Claudia nova11, also museums outside Croatia,3 as well as various private collections,4 while there are also those that have been built to this day into buildings at Gardun. That the finds from Gardun aroused great interest is made plain by the case of the smith Petar Pezelj from Vojnić, who forged some of the finds.5 Two fragments of a tropaion (see cat. no. 112-113) – a monument commemorating a victory – assumed to have been erected at Gardun to mark the Roman victory in the Dalmatian-Pannonian rebellion of A.D. 6-9, stand out as the most important preserved stone monuments.6 Other prominent monuments are tombstones and other inscriptions bearing testimony to the presence of various Roman military units at Gardun - legio VII, that is VII Claudia pia fidelis7, legio XI, odnosno XI Claudia pia fidelis8, legio IV Flavia felix9, cohors II Cyrrhestarum10, ala 7, 27-28; Višić-Ljubić 2008, cat. no. 15; Fadić 2008, cat. no. 17-23; Babić 2008, cat. no. 28, 30, 44, 55-56; Župić 2008b, cat. no. 18, 24, 20. 3 Milošević 2003, 4. 3 Milošević 2003, 4. 4 Za nalaze u privatnim zbirkama vidi Milošević 2003, 4; Bekić 1998, 233–242. 4 For the finds in private collections see Milošević 2003, 4; Bekić 1998, 233–242. 5 Kenner et alii 1890, 18-24; Thallóczy 1890, 323-330; Milošević 2003, 4. 5 Kenner et alii 1890, 18-24; Thallóczy 1890, 323-330; Milošević 2003, 4. 6 Ulomci AMS Kat. br. D 129 i MCK inv. br 381. Usporedi Cambi 1984. 6 Fragments AMS cat. no. D 129 and MCK Inv. no. 381. Compare Cambi 1984. 7 CIL III 2709, 2710 = 9726, 2714 = 9736, 2715, 2716, 2717 = 9728, 9733, 9734 (usp. str. 2269), 9737, 9738 i 8781; 9741, 9742, 13976, 14931, 14932, 14933; ILJug 1949, 1950, 1952, 733; Bulić 1894, 5, br. 3(1984); Sanader 2000a, 225–236; Fadić 1995, 163-187; Tončinić 2003, 266, br. 18; Tončinić et alii 2006, kat. br. 16, 26-27; O VII. legiji usporedi i RE XII (1924-1925) 1614-1629 s. v. Legio (E. Ritterling); Betz 1938, 6-17, 64-67, kat. br. 1-83; Fadić 1997, 77-119; Tončinić 2004. 7 CIL III 2709, 2710 = 9726, 2714 = 9736, 2715, 2716, 2717 = 9728, 9733, 9734 (comp. page. 2269), 9737, 9738 and 8781; 9741, 9742, 13976, 14931, 14932, 14933; ILJug 1949, 1950, 1952, 733; Bulić 1894, 5, no. 3(1984); Sanader 2000a, 225–236; Fadić 1995, 163-187; Tončinić 2003, 266, no. 18; Tončinić et alii 2006, cat. no. 16, 26-27; About the VII legion compare also RE XII (1924-1925) 1614-1629 s. v. Legio (E. Ritterling); Betz 1938, 6-17, 64-67, cat. no. 1-83; Fadić 1997, 77-119; Tončinić 2004. 8 CIL III 2708=9725, 2711. Tončinić et alii 2006, kat. br. 18-20, 28. O XI. legije usporedi i RE XII (1924-1925) 1692 s. v. Legio (E. Ritterling); Betz 1938, 18, 22, 67-68, kat. br. 85, 89 i 113. Upitno je jeli pečat 14022 i p. 2328179 uistinu potječe s Garduna, vidi: Betz 1938, 26. O još jednom mogućem spomeniku XI. legije sa Garduna vidi Tončinić 2007, 263-264. 8 CIL III 2708=9725, 2711. Tončinić et alii 2006, cat. no. 18-20, 28. About the XI legion compare also RE XII (19241925) 1692 s. v. Legio (E. Ritterling); Betz 1938, 18, 22, 67-68, cat. no. 85, 89 and 113. It is doubtful whether the seal 14022 and 2328179 indeed come from Gardun, see: Betz 1938, 26.Regarding another possible monument of the XI legion from Gardun see Tončinić 2007, 263-264. 9 Sanader 2000a, 225–236; Tončinić et alii 2006, kat. br. 23 i 24. Nadgrobni spomenici i drugi natpisi IV. legije na Gardunu za sada nisu potvrđeni. Usporedi RE XII (19241925) 1540-1549 s. v. Legio (E. Ritterling); Betz 1938, 46-48 i 72, kat. br. 217-220. O jednom mogućem spomeniku IV. legije vidi Tončinić 2007, 263-264. 10 CIL III 14934; Alföldy 1987b, 251, 268-269, 286, kat. br. 11/3; Spaul 2000, 431. 9 Sanader 2000a, 225–236; Tončinić et alii 2006, cat. no. 23 and 24. Tombstones and other inscriptions of the IV legion at Gardun have not been confirmed yet. Compare RE XII (1924-1925) 1540-1549 s. v. Legio (E. Ritterling); Betz 1938, 46-48 and 72, cat. no. 217-220. Regarding another possible monument of the IV legion from Gardun see Tončinić 2007, 263-264. 11 CIL III 9727 (2712); Alföldy 1987b, 242-243, 268269,278-279, kat. br. 1/62. 10 CIL III 14934; Alföldy 1987b, 251, 268-269, 286, cat. no. 11/3; Spaul 2000, 431. · 34 · · 31 · ala (Tungrorum) Frontoniana12, cohors I Belgarum13, cohors III Alpinorum14, cohors VIII voluntariorum civium romanorum15. Osim navedenih uz Gardun se vežu i cohors Aquitanorum, koja je potvrđena u Hrvacima16 te cohors IV Noricorum, koja je potvrđena u Dugopolju.17 S Garduna potječe i nekoliko vojnih natpisa koje ne možemo sa sigurnošću pripisati određenoj vojnoj jedinici.18 Među navedenim spomenicima do sada su najveću pozornost izazvale stele s prikazom vrata. Riječ je o skupini vojničkih nadgrobnih spomenika koja je svojstvena prvenstveno za pripadnike VII. legije i drugih postrojbi koje su potvrđene na Gardunu. One su zarana izdvojene u zasebni tip19 te je na osnovi njih pretpostavljeno postojanje klesarske radionice na Gardunu.20 Ostaci jednog istaknutog primjerka do danas su uzidani u dvije građevine na Gardunu. Na četiri vojničke stele s Garduna javljaju se epigrami, koji upućuju na zaključak da je u okviru te radionice djelovao i jedan pjesnik.21 Uz brojne vojne natpise s Garduna potječe i velika količina sitnih arheoloških nalaza vojne provenijencije,22 a svi oni svjedoče o postojanju rimskog vojnog uporišta na ovome mjestu. Claudia nova11, ala (Tungrorum) Frontoniana12, cohors I Belgarum13, cohors III Alpinorum14, cohors VIII voluntariorum civium romanorum15. Other units associated with Gardun in addition to the mentioned ones are cohors Aquitanorum, whose presence was confirmed in Hrvace,16 and cohors IV Noricorum, which was confirmed in Dugopolje.17 Gardun also yielded several military inscriptions securely attributable to a specific military unit.18 Among the mentioned monuments, the greatest attention so far has been attracted by the door-steles. This group of military tombstones is characteristic primarily for the members of the VII legion and other units known to have been present at Gardun. The stele were distinguished as a separate type from very early on,19 and it was based on them that the idea of the presence of a stone mason’s workshop at Gardun was put forward.20 The remains of a prominent piece were built into two buildings at Gardun and have remained there to this day. Four military steles from Gardun feature epigrams suggesting that a poet was active within the presumed workshop.21 In addition to the 11 CIL III 9727 (2712); Alföldy 1987b, 242-243, 268269,278-279, cat. no. 1/62. 12 CIL III 9735; Alföldy 1987b, 243, 268-269, 279, cat. no. 2/1. 12 CIL III 9735; Alföldy 1987b, 243, 268-269, 279, kat. br. 2/1. 13 CIL III 9739; Bulić 1903, 134 br. 3242; Alföldy 1987b, 248-249, 268-269, 283-285, cat. no. 7/4-5; Spaul 2000, 190192. 13 CIL III 9739; Bulić 1903, 134 br. 3242; Alföldy 1987b, 248-249, 268-269, 283-285, kat. br. 7/4-5; Spaul 2000, 190192. 14 CIL III 14935; Alföldy 1987b, 245-247, 268-269, 280282, cat. no. 5/7; Spaul 2000, 266-268; Tončinić 2003, 266, no. 17; Tončinić et alii 2006, cat. no. 21 and 25. 14 CIL III 14935; Alföldy 1987b, 245-247, 268-269, 280282, kat. br. 5/7; Spaul 2000, 266-268; Tončinić 2003, 266, br. 17; Tončinić et alii 2006, kat. br. 21 i 25. 15 CIL III 9724 (2706), 9732, 13187, 13975, 143361 (10182), 14930; Bulić 1903, 129 no. 3315; Abramić 1940, 225 ff; Alföldy 1987b, 254-255, 268-269, 288-291, cat. no. 18/4-11; Spaul 2000, 35-37; Tončinić 2005, 147-157; Demicheli 2006, cat. no. 18. 15 CIL III 9724 (2706), 9732, 13187, 13975, 14336 (10182), 14930; Bulić 1903, 129 br. 3315; Abramić 1940, 225 ff; Alföldy 1987b, 254-255, 268-269, 288-291, kat. br. 18/4-11; Spaul 2000, 35-37; Tončinić 2005, 147-157; Demicheli 2006, kat. br. 18. 1 16 CIL III 9760, Alföldy 1987b, 247-248, 268-269, 282, kat. br. 6/2; Spaul 2000, 141-142. 16 CIL III 9760, Alföldy 1987b, 247-248, 268-269, 282, kat. br. 6/2; Spaul 2000, 141-142. 17 Cambi 1994. 17 Cambi 1994. 18 For example: CIL III 2713,2718, 2719, 13977. 18 Na primjer: CIL III 2713,2718, 2719, 13977. 19 Hofmann 1905, 54-60 i 88. 19 Hofmann 1905, 54-60 i 88. 20 Cambi 1989, 46-47; Cambi 1991, 66; Cambi 1993, 33; Cambi 1994, 166. O stelama VII. legije iz Tilurija usporedi i Sanader 2003b i Tončinić 2004, 157-164. 20 Cambi 1989, 46-47; Cambi 1991, 66; Cambi 1993, 33; Cambi 1994, 166. Regarding the stele of the VII legion from Tilurium compare also Sanader 2003b and Tončinić 2004, 157-164. 21 Sanader 2000a, 225–236 (MTK 2); CIL III 9733 (AMS, Inv. br. 303 A); ILJug 1950 (AMS, Inv. br. 3959 A); Fadić 1995, 168-172 (MCK, Inv. br. B/1373). O epigramima na stelama iz Garduna usporedi i Rendić-Miočević 1987, 226228; Sanader et alii 2007b. 21 Sanader 2000a, 225–236 (MTK 2); CIL III 9733 (AMS, Inv. no. 303 A); ILJug 1950 (AMS, Inv. no. 3959 A); Fadić 1995, 168-172 (MCK, Inv. no. B/1373). Regarding the epigrams on the stele from Gardun compare also RendićMiočević 1987, 226- 228; Sanader et alii 2007b. 22 Milošević 1998, 243–248, Radman-Livaja 1998; Bekić 1998; Ivčević 2005; Ivčević 2010. · 30 · · 37 · Već je zarana zamijećeno da ni na jednom drugom nalazištu na području rimske provincije Dalmacije nije zabilježen toliki broj nadgrobnih spomenika aktivnih vojnika VII. legije kao na širem području Garduna. Iz toga je izveden zaključak da je ovdje morao biti stalni logor VII. legije za vrijeme njenog boravka u rimskoj provinciji Dalmaciji.23 Taj je podatak od iznimnog značaja pošto se kod antičkih pisaca nisu sačuvali podaci o položaju logora VII. legije, a isto vrijedi i za njegovo antičko ime. Zbog toga se Gardun u literaturi ponekad navodio kao mjesto nepoznatog antičkog imena24, a često se izjednačavao i s Delminijem (Delminium)25 i Ardubom (Arduba).26 I Gardun27 i Trilj28 su izjednačavani s Tilurijem (Tilurium). Danas je općeprihvaćeno tumačenje Stjepana Gunjače prema kojem se Gardun u antici zvao Tilurij (Tilurium), a Trilj Pons Tiluri.29 Ta imena antički izvori i spomenici bilježe u različitim oblicima - Tabula Peutingeriana kao Tilurio, Antoninov itinerar (337,4 i dalje) kao Ponte Tiluri, Anonimni Ravenjanjin kao Tilurion (IV 16 = 210,12) i Ponteluri (IV 16 = 210,13), miljokaz s nalazišta Orepak u selu Pruda kod Narone kao Til[urio]30, miljokaz iz Runovića kod Imotskog kao Tilur(io)31 te Plinije (N.H. 3,142) kao Tribulium.32 Etnik ili osobno ime Ianuarius Tilurinus možda je izvedenica iz imena Tilurium.33 Ono se do danas sačuvalo u imenu grada Trilja.34 many military inscriptions, Gardun also yielded a great many small archaeological finds of military origin22, all of which bear witness to the existence of a Roman military stronghold at this position. It was observed from very early on that the wider area of Gardun is second to no other site in the territory of the Roman province of Dalmatia when it comes to the number of tombstones of active soldiers of the VII legion. This led to the conclusion that the VII legion must have had a permanent camp there during its sojourn in Roman Dalmatia.23 This is an exceptionally important piece of information, considering that neither the data on the position of the camp of the VII legion, nor its ancient name have been preserved in texts of ancient writers. Due to this, Gardun was sometimes referred to in the literature as a place whose ancient name was unknown24, while in other cases it was equated with Delminium25, Arduba.26 Both, Gardun27 and Trilj28 were equated with Tilurium. The opinion of Stjepan Gunjača that the ancient name of Gardun was Tilurium, while that of Trilj was Pons Tiluri is now generally accepted.29 These names were documented in ancient sources in various ways –Tabula Peutingeriana refers to it as Tilurio, Antonine Itinerary (337,4 and further) as Ponte Tiluri, Anonymous of Ravenna as Tilurion (IV 16 = 210,12) and Ponteluri (IV 16 = 210,13), the milestone found at Orepak in the village of Pruda near Narona as Til[urio]30, the milestone from Runovići near Imotski as Tilur(io)31, and Pliny (N.H. 3,142) as Tribulium.32 The ethnonym or personal name Ianuarius 23 RE XII (1924-1925) 1617–1618 s. v. Legio (E. Ritterling); Betz 1938, 8–9. 22 Milošević 1998, 243–248, Radman-Livaja 1998; Bekić 1998; Ivčević 2005; Ivčević 2010. 24 Patsch 1908, 103; Grgin, 1929, 26; Betz 1938, 9; Pregled starije literature vidi kod Alföldy 1987a, 313, bilješka 7. 23 RE XII (1924-1925) 1617–1618 s. v. Legio (E. Ritterling); Betz 1938, 8–9. 25 Pregled starije literature vidi kod Gunjača 1937, 43, bilješka 42 te Alföldy 1987a, 313, bilješka 2. 24 Patsch 1908, 103; Grgin, 1929, 26; Betz 1938, 9; For an overview of the earlier literature see Alföldy 1987a, 313, note 7. 26 Grgin 1929, 26. Pregled starije literature vidi kod Gunjača 1937, 43, bilješka 44 i 45 te Alföldy 1987a, 313, bilješka 5. 25 For an overview of the earlier literature see Gunjača 1937, 43, note 42 te Alföldy 1987a, 313, note 2. 26 Grgin 1929, 26. For an overview of the earlier literature see Gunjača 1937, 43, notes 44 and 45 as well as Alföldy 1987a, 313, note 5. 27 Pregled starije literature vidi kod Alfoldy 1987a, 314, bilješka 8. 28 Abramić 1927, 143. 29 Gunjača 1937, 39-46. Alföldy 1987a, 313-316. 27 For an overview of the earlier literature see Alfoldy 1987a, 314, note 8. 30 Patsch 1908, 101. 28 Abramić 1927, 143. 31 Abramić 1927, 142. 29 Gunjača 1937, 39-46. Alföldy 1987a, 313-316. 32 Gunjača 1937; Alföldy 1987a, 314. 30 Patsch 1908, 101. 33 Alföldy 1987a, 314; Mayer 1957, 337-338. 31 Abramić 1927, 142. 34 Gunjača 1937, 42. vidi i bilješku 40!! 32 Gunjača 1937; Alföldy 1987a, 314. · 38 · · 31 · Iako je u znanstvenoj literaturi značaj ovog nalazišta odavno uočen, znanost se donedavno samo jednom temeljito pozabavila pitanjem Tilurija. Riječ je o članku Marina Zaninovića koji vrlo iscrpno analizira vojni značaj Tilurija u antici. Marin Zaninović je zaključio da se iza Plinijevog Tribulija krije gradina ilirskog plemena Delmata koja je prethodila rimskom legijskom logoru, a nalazila se na mjestu crkve Sv. Petra.35 Osim pojedinačnih nalaza s Garduna36, o prapovijesnom Tiluriju posredno svjedoče i brojni prapovijesni nalazi iz korita rijeke Cetine37, ali i druga prapovijesna nalazišta u njegovoj neposrednoj okolici, među kojima valja istaknuti tzv. Prizidu. Riječ je o prapovijesnom bedemu koji je zatvarao pristup u dolinu sela Vojnić sa zapada, s visoravni Podi. Pružao se od krajnjega juga brda Čemernice, tj. brda Bračice do lokaliteta Kusića gomile koji se nalazi istočno od sela Bučani, a nastavljao se i dalje prema Gardunu. Taj je bedem, čija je izvorna širina iznosila oko 2 m, a visina oko 4 m, građen tehnikom suhozida. Od velikog kamenja složena su lica bedema, a međuprostor je ispunjen sitnijim kamenjem.38 Tilurinus is perhaps a derivative from the name Tilurium.33 It has remained preserved to this day in the name of the town of Trilj.34 Even though the significance of this site has long been noted in the scholarly literature, until recently the issue of Tilurium has been dealt with in detail by the scientific community on only one occasion, i.e. in an article by Marin Zaninović. In this paper, which contains an in-depth analysis of the military importance of Tilurium during antiquity, Zaninović put forward the opinion that Pliny’s Tribulium referred to a hillfort of the Illyrian tribe of the Dalmatae, which predated the Roman legionary camp and which was situated at the position of the church of St. Peter’s.35 In addition to single finds from Gardun36, numerous prehistoric finds from the bed of the Cetina river37 are another indirect testimony about the prehistoric Tilurium, and the same holds true for other prehistoric sites in its immediate vicinity, among which the so-called Prizida deserves a special mention. This is a prehistoric rampart that closed access to the valley of the Vojnić village from the west, from the Podi plateau. It stretched from the southernmost tip of Mount Čemernica, i.e. from the Bračice Hill to the site of Kusića Gomile, situated east of the village of Bučani, and it extended further towards Gardun. This was a dry-stone rampart, originally around 2 m wide and around 4 m high. The outer faces were built of large stone blocks and the interior was then filled with rubble.38 Stratešku važnost ovog položaja prepoznali su i Rimljani. Oni su na platou zapadno od crkve Sv. Petra podigli legijski logor koji je bio karika u nizu utvrda na potezu Ivoševci kod Kistanja (Burnum) – Tepljuh kod Drniša (Promona) – Kadina glavica – Balijina glavica (Magnum) – Muć (Andetrium) – Gardun (Tilurium) – Humac (Bigeste). Pretpostavlja se da su Rimljani tim nizom utvrda presjekli područje Delmata te stvorili obrambenu crtu, neku vrstu limesa prema, u tom vremenu, još nesigurnoj unutrašnjosti Ilirika.39 U posljednje vrijeme je Darko Periša odbacio postojanje takve obrambene linije te je osnivanje stalnog vojnog logora u Tiluriju povezao s novačenjima Delmata i drugih pokorenih naroda u devet The Romans were not slow in recognizing the strategic importance of this position. On the plateau west of the St. Peter’s church they built a legionary camp, which was a link in the chain of fortifications connecting Ivoševci near Kistanje (Burnum) – Tepljuh near Drniš (Promona) – Kadina Glavica – Balijina Glavica (Magnum) – Muć (Andetrium) – Gardun (Tilurium) – Humac (Bigeste). It is assumed that this series of forts built by the Romans cut across the territory of the Dalmatae, establishing a 35 Zaninović 1967, 16 = Zaninović 2007b, 146-148; Zaninović 1996a, 280. 36 Woodward 1909; Milošević 1981, kat. br. 35, 51; Milošević 1998, 245. 34 Gunjača 1937, 42. See also note 40!! 36 Woodward 1909; Milošević 1981, kat. br. 35, 51; Milošević 1998, 245. Britvić 1965, 29-33. 37 Milošević 1998, 291-294; Milošević 1999; Milošević 2003. 39 Patsch 1915., 33-34; Šašel 1974; Zaninović 1996a, 281282. Alföldy 1987a, 315; Sanader 2002a, 713-718 = Sanader 2002b, 120-128. · 30 · Alföldy 1987a, 314; Mayer 1957, 337-338. 35 Zaninović 1967, 16 = Zaninović 2007b, 146-148; Zaninović 1996a, 280. 37 Milošević 1998, 291-294; Milošević 1999; Milošević 2003. 38 33 38 · 41 · Britvić1965, 29-33. delmatskih kohorti nakon Batonovog ustanka.40 Legijski logor Tilurij (Tilurium) nadzirao je osim toga prijelaz preko rijeke Cetine (Hippus) na području grada Trilja (Pons Tiluri), a time i ceste koje su iz antičke Salone vodile prema sjeveroistoku, u unutrašnjost provincije Dalmacije i prema antičkoj Naroni na jugoistoku. Prema Tabula Peutingeriana riječ je o pravcu Salona – Argentaria, a na salonitanskom natpisu CIL III 3201 = 10159 + 3198 b = 10156 b ta je cesta zabilježen kao cesta a Salonis ad Hedum castellum Daesitiatum..41 Od te se ceste u Trilju odvajala cesta za Naronu, koja je bila dio cestovnog pravca Akvileju - Drač.42 O Trilju kao ishodištu ceste za Naronu svjedoče miljokazi s nalazišta Orepak u selu Pruda kod Narone43 i iz Runovića kod Imotskog44 Točno mjesto prijelaza preko rijeke Cetine (Hippus) na području grada Trilja (Pons Tiluri) još nije sa sigurnošću potvrđeno. O mogućim lokacijama svjedoči cijeli niz arheoloških nalaza iz korita rijeke Cetine. Prema mjesnim podacima koje prenosi starija literatura ostaci mosta zabilježeni su na čak tri mjesta – uzvodno od Trilja na Drniću, u Trilju, oko 50 m nizvodno od današnjeg mosta, odnosno oko položaja starog mosta, i nizvodno od Trilja kod tzv. Peštine Mlinice, odnosno na položaju „Mostine“ ispod crkve Sv. Petra na Gardunu. Na osnovi činjenice da Tabula Peuntigeriana na Cetini bilježi dva prijelaza (bivium) u literaturi je zastupljeno i mišljenje o postojanju dvaju antičkih mostova.45 U posljednje vrijeme je argumente za moguću lokaciju rimskog mosta sabrao Ante Milošević.46 Konačni sud o lokaciji i kronologiji mogućih prijelaza ili mostova mogu dati jedino stručna obrada i arheološko-topografsko kartiranje svih dosadašnjih nalaza. U iščekivanju toga valja naglasiti da su do sada najkonkretnije potvrde nađene u Trilju između današnjeg mosta i položaja visećeg mosta. 40 Periša 2008. 41 Bojanovski 1974, 151. 42 Bojanovski 1977, 83. 43 Patsch 1908, 101. 44 Abramić 1927, 142. defence line, a limes of sorts, standing guard against the still precarious interior of Illyricum.39 Darko Periša has recently dismissed the existence of such a defence line, linking in turn the foundation of a permanent military camp in Tilurium with the recruitment among the Dalmatae and other subjugated peoples into nine Dalmatian cohorts in the wake of Bato’s insurrection.40 The legionary camp Tilurium also controlled the crossing over the Cetina river (Hippus) in the area of the town of Trilj (Pons Tiluri), and with this also the roads that led from ancient Salona towards northeast, into the interior of the province of Dalmatia, and southeast, towards ancient Narona. On the Tabula Peutingeriana this is the communication Salona – Argentaria, and on the Salonitan inscription CIL III 3201 = 10159 + 3198 b = 10156 b it was documented as the road a Salonis ad Hedum castellum Daesitiatum.41 The road to Narona, which formed part of the communication Aquileia – Dyrrhachium,42 branched from that road in Trilj. A testimony to the fact that Trilj was the point of origin for the road to Narona is found on the milestones from the site of Orepak in the village of Pruda near Narona43 and from Runovići near Imotski.44 The exact point where the road crossed the Cetina (Hippus) in the area of the town of Trilj (Pons Tiluri) has not been ascertained yet. A plethora of archaeological finds from the bed of the Cetina river are indications of the possible positions. According to the information collected from the local inhabitants and published in the older literature, the remains of a bridge were documented at as much as three positions – at Drnić upstream of Trilj; in Trilj, around 50 m downstream from the present-day bridge, that is, around the position of the old bridge; and downstream from Trilj at the so-called Peština Mlinica, that is, the position of ‘’Mostine’’ below the church of St. Peter’s at Gardun. Based on the fact that on the Tabula Peuntigeriana one finds two crossings (bivium) over the Cetina, the opinion was put forward in the literature that there had in fact been two ancient bridges.45 The arguments 39 Patsch 1915., 33-34; Šašel 1974; Zaninović 1996a, 281282. Alföldy 1987a, 315; Sanader 2002a, 713-718 = Sanader 2002b, 120-128. 45 Bulić 1899, 26; Bojanovski 1977, 90; Zaninović 1996a, 286-287. 46 Milošević 2009. · 42 · 40 Periša 2008. 41 Bojanovski 1974, 151. 42 Bojanovski 1977, 83. 43 Patsch 1908, 101. 44 Abramić 1927, 142. 45 Bulić 1899, 26; Bojanovski 1977, 90; Zaninović 1996a, · 31 · Riječ je o natpisu CIL III 3202 koji govori o popravku mosta, votivna ara koju je I(ovi) O(ptomo) M(aximo) / et N(Umini) H(ippi) FL(uminis) / for the possible site of the Roman bridge were recently reviewed by Ante Milošević.46 The final verdict on the site and chronology of the possible crossings or bridges can be given only after the expert analysis and archaeologicaltopographical mapping of all previous finds have been carried out. While waiting for this to happen it must be pointed out that the most concrete evidence discovered so far is found in Trilj between the present-day bridge and the position of the suspension bridge – the inscription CIL III 3202, which speaks of a repair to the bridge, a votive posvetio konzularni beneficijarij I. legije, drveni piloni, okovi za drvene pilone i dr.47 Do danas nije poznat točan datum dolaska Rimljana na Gardun i podizanja vojnog logora. To je pitanje u izravnoj vezi s problemima rimsko-delmatskih sukoba i dolaska rimskih legija u Dalmaciju, odnosno 286-287. 47 46 Gunjača 1950, 50; Milošević 2009. Milošević 2009. u Tilurij. Rimljani su s ilirskim Delmatima ratovali više od sto pedeset godina – 156. g. pr. Kr. je pohod na Delmate vodio Gaj Marcije Figul, a 155. g, pr. Kr. Publije Kornelije Scipion Nazika. Lucije Cecilije Metel je 119. g. pr. Kr. prezimio u Saloni te je ondje ostao i protiv Delmata ratovao do 117. g. pr. Kr. 78. do 76. g. pr. Kr. Salonu Delmatima ponovno preotima Gaj Koskonije. 51. g. pr. Krista je vojnu intervenciju na Delmate poslao tadašnji prokonzul Ilirika Gaj Julije Cezar. 48. g. pr. Kr. Aulo Gabinije je poražen od Delmata kod Sinodija, a ratovanje je 47. g. pr. Kr. nastavio Publije Vatinije. 34. do 33. g. pr. Kr. protiv Delmata ratuju Marko Agripa i Gaj Oktavijan. Tek je gušenje velikog ilirskog ustanka 6. do 9. g. značilo kraj ratovanja Rimljana s Delmatima. Marin Zaninović iznosi mišljenje da se Plinijev spomen Tilurija odnosi na vrijeme Oktavijanove vojne ekspedicije 34 - 33. pr. Kr. i podržava opće mišljenje da je do gradnje logora došlo nakon gušenja Batonova ustanka 9. godine.48 Nadalje smatra da je prije VII. legije ovdje boravila legio IX Hispana,49 pa je prema tome već ona morala podizati logor. To se mišljenje temelji na nadgrobnom spomeniku Seksta Kornelija (CIL III 13977). Riječ je o jedinom spomeniku te legije ne samo u Tiluriju nego i u čitavoj rimskoj provinciji Dalmaciji, a on je uz to i upitan.50 Većina autora slaže se da je VII. legija u Dalmaciju, a time i u Tilurij moralo doći najkasnije u toku ili neposredno nakon delmatsko–panonskog ustanka 6. do 9. g.51 Valja ipak napomenuti da postoje i druga mišljenja koja se zasnivaju na analizi nadgrobnih spomenika VII. legije. Na osnovi te analize Otto Cuntz zaključuje, da učestalost kojom se 48 Zaninović 1996a, 282-284. 49 Zaninović 1996a, 284. altar dedicated I(ovi) O(ptomo) M(aximo) / et N(Umini) H(ippi) FL(uminis)/ by a consular beneficiarium of the I legion; wooden piles, fittings for wooden piles etc.47 The exact date of the arrival of the Romans in Gardun and the establishment of the military camp has remained unknown to this day. This issue is directly linked with the problems of the confrontations between Rome and the Dalmatae and the arrival of the Roman legions in Dalmatia, that is, Tilurium. The Romans waged war on the Illyrian Dalmatae for more than a hundred and fifty years – in 156 B.C. the campaign against the Dalmatae was led by Caius Marcius Figulus, while in 155 B.C. the leader was Publius Cornelius Scipio Nasica. Lucius Caecilius Metellus spent the winter of 119 B.C. in Salona, and remained there waging war against the Dalmatae until 117 B.C. Between 78-76 B.C. Caius Cosconius once again seized Salona from the Dalmatae. In 51 B.C. Gaius Julius Caesar, who was the proconsul of Illyricum at the time, mounted a military intervention against the Dalmatae. In 48 B.C. the Dalmatae defeated Aulus Gabinius near Sinodium, and the war was resumed in 47 B.C. by Publius Vatinius. In 34-33 B.C. Marcus Agrippa and Gaius Octavianus waged war on the Dalmatae. The end to the wars of Rome with the Dalmatae was put only after the great Illyrian rebellion of A.D. 6-9 was suppressed. Marin Zaninović put forward the opinion that Pliny’s mention of Tilurium refers to the time of Octavian’s military expedition in 3433 B.C. and supported the general opinion that the camp was constructed after Bato’s insurrection was quashed in A.D. 9.48 Further, he believes that the legio IX Hispana49 resided there before the VII legion, and that it was the former that must be credited with the construction of the camp. This opinion is based on the tombstone of Sextus Cornelius (CIL III 13977). Not only is this the only monument attributed to that legion in Tilurium and entire Roman Dalmatia, it is also doubtful.50 Most authors 50 Bulić 1894, 5, br. 4 (1983) ga nije čitao kao vojni natpis; RE XII (1924-1925) 1665 s. v. Legio (E. Ritterling), pripisuje ga IX. legiji i datira u vrijeme cara Augusta; Betz 1938, 52 i 72, kat. br. 233, navodi ga na popisu mogućih spomenika IX. legije; Wilkes 1969, str. 461, donosi ga na popisu spomenika VII. ili XI. legije; RE Supp. XI (1968) 1265 s. v. Tilurium (G. Alföldy) navodi da se navodna oznaka devete legije može čitati i kao nepoznati domus; Zaninović 1996a, 284, upozorava na oba mišljenja; Fadić 1997, 80, donosi ga na popisu mogućih spomenika VII. legije. Gunjača 1950, 50; Milošević 2009. 48 Zaninović 1996a, 282-284. 49 Zaninović 1996a, 284. 50 Bulić 1894, 5, no. 4 (1983) did not read it as a military inscription; RE XII (1924-1925) 1665 s. v. Legio (E. Ritterling), attributed it to the IX legion and dated it to the time of emperor Augustus; Betz 1938, 52 and 72, cat. no. 233, mentioned it in the list of the possible monuments of the IX legion. Wilkes 1969, p. 461 listed it among the monuments of the VII and XI legions; RE Supp. XI (1968) 1265 s. v. Tilurium (G. Alföldy) stated that the alleged mark of the ninth 51 RE XII (1924-1925) 1616 s. v. Legio (E. Ritterling); Wilkes 1969, 92-94; Zaninović 1996a, 284; Mitchell 1976, 303; Strobel 2000, 528. · 30 · 47 · 45 · među obiteljskim imenima vojnika, koji potječu iz Male Azije, javljaju obiteljska imena zapovjednika i drugih sljedbenika Marka Antonija, dokazuje da su ti vojnici unovačeni u razdoblju između 35. i 32. g. pr. Kr. za potrebe Marka Antonija. Poslije bitke kod Akcija 31. g. pr. Kr. stari su vojnici Antonijevih legija otpušteni, a mladi su vojnici nastavili služiti u Dalmaciji. Jednostavnom računicom - zbrajanjem godina vojne službe koje su navedene na nadgrobnim spomenicima i datuma kada su pokojnici mogli biti unovačeni (35. do 32. g. pr. Kr.) - dobivaju se godine kada su pojedini vojnici preminuli u Iliriku. Iz nje proizlazi da je VII. legija najkasnije 15. g. pr. Kr. već morala boraviti u Iliriku.52 U to bi se uklopila i neka razmišljanja o izgradnji tzv. delmatskog limesa već za vrijeme pohoda Marka Agripe i Gaja Oktavijana 34. do 33. g. pr. Kr.53 agree that the latest plausible date for the arrival of the VII legion in Dalmatia, and with this also in Tilurium, was during or immediately after the Dalmatian-Pannonian insurrection of A.D. 6-9.51 It nevertheless deserves mention that there are also other opinions based on the analysis of the tombstones of the VII legion. Based on this analysis, Otto Cuntz concluded that the frequency with which the family names of commanders and other followers of Marc Anthony appear among the family names of the soldiers originating from Asia Minor, is the proof that these soldiers were recruited between 35 and 32 B.C. to serve Marc Anthony’s needs. Following the battle of Actium in 31 B.C. the elder soldiers of Anthony’s legions were dismissed, while the young soldiers continued their service in Dalmatia. A simple calculation – adding the years of military service found on the tombstones to the plausible recruitment dates of the deceased (35-32 B.C.) – gives us the years in which specific soldiers died in Illyricum. The results show that the VII legion must have been present in Illyricum by 15 B.C. at the latest.52 This tallies well with certain considerations about the construction of the so-called Dalmatian limes already during the campaign of Marcus Agrippa and Gaius Octavianus in 34-33 B.C.53 Nije poznato ni točno vrijeme odlaska VII. legije iz rimske provincije Dalmacije, ali većina autora taj događaj datira u razdoblje oko sredine 1. st.54 E. Ritterling smatra da je VII. legija prije 58. g. napustila Dalmaciju kako bi u provinciji Meziji zauzela mjesto legije IIII Scythica, koja je 56. na 57. g. premještena u Armeniju.55 Druga mogućnost je da je tek 61. g. premještena u Meziju kako bi zauzela mjesto legije V Macedonica, koja je također premještena na Istok.56 Karl Strobel smatra da je VII. legija u Meziji od samog početka preuzela logor u Viminaciju iz kojeg je legija IIII Scythica otišla vjerojatno već 55. g.57 John J. Wilkes i Marin Zaninović su naglasili mišljenja o još ranijem odlasku, i to već 45. g., kada je bila pripojena Trakija. Ono se zasniva na zapažanju da je u Dalmaciji zabilježen relativno mali broj spomenika legije VII. Claudia pia fidelis, a John J. Wilkes u prilog ranog odlaska naglašava, da je mogao biti i rezultat Skribonijanove urote, odnosno spoznaje koju opasnost mogu predstavljati dvije legije u The exact time of the departure of the VII legion from the Roman province of Dalmatia is not known either, but most authors date that event to the period around the middle of the 1st century A.D.54 E. Ritterling thinks that the VII legion left Dalmatia before A.D. 58 in order to replace the legion IIII Scythica in the province of Moesia, which was moved to Armenia at the turn from A.D. 56 to 57.55 The other possibility is that it was transferred to Moesia only in A.D. 61 as a replacement for the legion V Macedonica, which was likewise shifted east.56 Karl Strobel legion could be read as an unknown domus; Zaninović 1996a, p. 284, draws attention to both opinions; Fadić 1997, 80, put it on the list of the possible monuments of the VII legion. 52 Cuntz 1929, 74-75; Betz 1938, 14-17. 51 RE XII (1924-1925) 1616 s. v. Legio (E. Ritterling); Wilkes 1969, 92-94; Zaninović 1996a, 284; Mitchell 1976, 303; Strobel 2000, 528. 53 Šašel 1974. 52 Cuntz 1929, 74-75; Betz 1938, 14-17. 53 Šašel 1974. 54 RE XII (1924-1925) 1619 s. v. Legio (E. Ritterling); Betz 1938, 38; Strobel 2000, 528; Wilkes 1969, 96; Zaninović 1996a, 287. 55 RE XII (1924-1925) 1619 s. v. Legio (E. Ritterling). 54 RE XII (1924-1925) 1619 s. v. Legio (E. Ritterling); Betz 1938, 38; Strobel 2000, 528; Wilkes 1969, 96; Zaninović 1996a, 287. 56 Betz 1938, 38. 55 RE XII (1924-1925) 1619 s. v. Legio (E. Ritterling). 57 Strobel 2000, 528. 56 Betz 1938, 38. · 46 · Dalmaciji.58 U ovom kontekstu valja naglasiti da u međuvremenu raspolažemo s ulomcima tegula s pečatima legije VII Claudia pia fidelis, koji su nađeni na Gardunu i u Čitluku.59 Oni svjedoče o boravku i građevinskim aktivnostima legije nakon 42. g. u samom Tiluriju, ali i na mjestu Klaudijeve kolonije Aequum. Ostaje otvoreno jesu li se i u kojoj mjeri preklapali teritorij kolonije Aequum i prata legionis legijskog logora Tilurija.60 thinks that in Moesia the VII legion from the very start took over the camp in Viminacium, which the legion IIII Scythica left probably already in A.D. 55.57 John J. Wilkes and Marin Zaninović put emphasis on the opinions about an even earlier departure in A.D. 45, the year Thrace was annexed. This is based on the observation that relatively few monuments of the legion VII Claudia pia fidelis were documented in Dalmatia, and John J. Wilkes stressed in favour of the early departure that it may have been an aftermath of the Scribonianus’ plot, that is the recognition of the danger posed by the presence of two legions in Dalmatia.58 It is necessary to stress in this context that in the meantime we have at our disposal the fragments of the tegulae bearing the stamp of the legion VII Claudia pia fidelis found at Gardun and in Čitluk.59 They bear witness to the residence and building activities of the legion after A.D. 42 in Tilurium itself, but also at the position of Claudius’ colony of Aequum. It remains open whether and to what extent the territory of the Aequum colony overlapped with the prata legionis of the legionary camp of Tilurium.60 Sve navedene rekonstrukcije nekadašnjih događanja u svezi s rimskim logorom Tilurijem i s boravkom rimskih postrojbi u Iliriku, odnosno Dalmaciji, zasnivale su se na samo jednoj znanstvenoj disciplini, naime na staroj povijesti i antičkim pisanim izvorima. Potvrdu dosadašnjih teza ili rezultate koji bi u kombinaciji s dosadašnjim spoznajama mogli pružiti temelje za stvaranje novih zaključaka mogla su pružiti samo arheološka istraživanja. Već spomenuti arheološki nalazi, podaci različitih putopisaca i starijih autora o vidljivim ostacima logorske arhitekture61 i rijetki do danas nad zemljom vidljivi ostaci, jasno upućuju na potencijal i značaj ovog nalazišta. No, iako je u više navrata naglašeno da je arheološko istraživanje legijskog logora Tilurija jedna od važnih zadaća budućih arheologa,62 ono je započelo tek 1997. g. Od tada pod rukovodstvom prof. dr. sc. Mirjane Sanader Odsjek za arheologiju Filozofskog fakulteta Sveučilišta u Zagrebu provodi sustavna arheološka istraživanja u Tiluriju. Ona se odvijaju u sklopu znanstveno-istraživačkog projekta Rimski vojni logori u Hrvatskoj (130-0000000-0777), koji od 1997. Ministarstvo znanosti, obrazovanja i športa All the mentioned reconstructions of former events connected with the Roman camp of Tilurium and with the stay of the Roman units in Illyricum and Dalmatia were based on a single scholarly discipline, that is, the ancient history and ancient written sources. The corroboration of previous theses or the results that could be combined with previous knowledge to serve as the foundation on which new conclusions could be based, could have been provided only by archaeological investigations. The already mentioned archaeological finds, the records by various travellers and earlier authors about visible remains of the camp architecture61, as well as rare still visible aboveground remains, clearly point to the prospects and importance of this site. However, even though it was stressed on several occasions that the archaeological investigation of the legionary camp of Tilurium was a major task fac- 58 Nesselhauf 1941, 42; Wilkes 1969, 96; Zaninović 1996a, 287. 59 Tončinić et alii 2006; Tončinić 2009. 60 Za teritorij legijskog logora Tilurija usporedi Zaninović 1996b, 268-270. 61 Usporedi Milošević 1981, 49-50 kat. br. 66; Zaninović 1996a: 285; Milošević 2003, 2-4. 57 Strobel 2000, 528. 58 Nesselhauf 1941, 42; Wilkes 1969, 96; Zaninović 1996a, 287. 62 Gunjača 1937, 46; Betz 1938, 8–9; Zaninović 1996a: 285. 59 Tončinić et alii 2006; Tončinić 2009. 60 For the territory of the legionary camp of Tilurium compare Zaninović 1996b, 268-270. 61 Compare Milošević 1981, 49-50 cat. no. 66; Zaninović 1996a: 285; Milošević 2003, 2-4. · 47 · RH podržava kroz treće projektno razdoblje63, a uz potporu Ministarstva kulture RH, županije Splitsko-dalmatinske i Grada Trilja.64 ing future archaeologists,62 it commenced only as late as 1997. Since then, the Department of Archaeology of the Faculty of Philosophy of the University in Zagreb, under the management of Prof. Dr. Mirjana Sanader, has carried out systematic archaeological investigations at Tilurium. The investigations unfold in the framework of the scientific and research project Roman military camps in Croatia (130-0000000-0777), supported by the Croatian Ministry of Science, Education and Sports through the third project period63, with the support of the Ministry of Culture of RC, the Split-Dalmatia county and the town of Trilj.64 Istraživanja su potaknuta gore navedenim nedoumicama, a pred istraživače se postavilo više ciljeva, od kojih kao najznačajnije valja istaknuti sljedeće: 1. Konačno utvrđivanje položaja i parametara nekadašnjeg rimskog legijskog logora. 2. Utvrđivanje kronologije gradnje kao i njene stratigrafije. I kao 3. je od izvanredne važnosti konačno bilo prekinuti odljev arheoloških nalaza s tog lokaliteta te budućim nalazima utvrditi kontekst koji nema ni jedan gardunski spomenik koji se čuva u muzejima. The investigations were stimulated by the above-mentioned uncertainties, and the researchers were faced with several objectives, the most important being: 1. To definitely ascertain the position and parameters of the former Roman legionary camp. 2. To determine the chronology of construction as well as its stratigraphy. 3. It was crucial to finally put an end to the drain of archaeological finds from that site, and to use the future finds to try to contextualize the finds from Gardun kept in various museums, none of which comes from a known context. Istraživanjima je obuhvaćen samo mali dio nekadašnjeg logora, ali dosadašnji rezultati i studije pokretnih te nepokretnih nalaza pokazuju da Gardun krije impozantne ostatke rimske logorske arhitekture i vojne opreme. Ujedno su dobiveni odgovori na pojedina pitanja, ali su otvorena i brojna nova. The investigations covered only a small part of the former camp, but the results obtained so far and the studies of movable and immovable finds show that Gardun hides imposing remains of Roman camp architecture and military equipment. At the same time certain questions received answers, but many new ones were also raised. Pregledima područja oko crkve Sv. Petra za sada nije potvrđena prapovijesna gradina, ali su uz rimske spolije nađeni i ulomci rimske keramike, a u nekim grobovima su prepoznati i (rimski?) zidovi. U arheološkim iskopavanjima na području samog logora također nisu dokumentirane stratigrafske jedinice koje bi se mogle datirati u prapovijesno razdoblje, ali pojedinačni nalazi upućuju na zaključak da je taj prostor mogao biti nastanjen i prije dolaska Rimljana. 62 Gunjača 1937, 46; Betz 1938, 8–9; Zaninović 1996a: 285. 63 From 1997 to 2002 through the project Roman military camps in Croatia – Tilurium (130666) (http://zprojekti.mzos. hr/zprojektiold/arh_dets.asp?trazi=130666&gdje=1&ID=1071 ); from 2003 to 2006 through the project Roman military camps in Croatia – Tilurium (130460) (http://zprojekti.mzos. hr/zprojektiold/result_det.asp?trazi=tilurij&gdje=1&Submit= Pretrazi&ID=0130460 ) and since 2007 through the project Roman military camps in Croatia (130-0000000-0777) (http://zprojekti.mzos.hr/public/c2prikaz_det.asp?cid=1&psid =31&offset=20&ID=1470 ) 63 Od 1997. do 2002. kroz projekt Rimski vojni logori u Hrvatskoj – Tilurij (130666) (http:// zprojekti.mzos.hr/zprojektiold/arh_dets. asp?trazi=130666&gdje=1&ID=1071 ); od 2003. do 2006. kroz projekt Rimski vojni logori u Hrvatskoj – Tilurij (130460) (http://zprojekti.mzos.hr/zprojektiold/ result_det.asp?trazi=tilurij&gdje=1&Submit=Pretrazi& ID=0130460 ) i od 2007. kroz projekt Rimski vojni logori u Hrvatskoj (130-0000000-0777) (http://zprojekti.mzos.hr/ public/c2prikaz_det.asp?cid=1&psid=31&offset=20&I D=1470 ) 64 Sanader 1998; 2000b; 2001a; 2001b; 2002c; 2003a; Sanader&Tončinić 2003; Sanader et alii 2005a; 2005b; Sanader et alii 2006; Sanader et alii 2007a; 2008; 2009; 2010. Compare also http://www.fastionline.org/ s.v. Gardun (09.04.2010.) 64 Sanader 1998; 2000b; 2001a; 2001b; 2002c; 2003a; Sanader&Tončinić 2003; Sanader et alii 2005a; 2005b; Sanader et alii 2006; Sanader et alii 2007a; 2008; 2009; 2010. Usporedi i http://www.fastionline.org/ s.v. Gardun (09.04.2010.) · 48 · · 31 · Prvenstveno se to odnosi na nalaze keramike65, ali dokumentirane su i pojedine kamene alatke poput ulomka od opsidijana (?)66. Predrimskom horizontu pripada brončani primjerak grčko-ilirskog novca Pharosa iz 4. ili 3. st. pr. Kr.67 Za sada ostaje otvoreno je li se rani primjerci rimskog republikanskog novca također mogu pripisati predrimskom horizontu.68 The surveys of the area around the St. Peter’s church have not confirmed a prehistoric hillfort, but the fragments of Roman pottery were found in addition to Roman spolia, and (Roman?) walls were recognized in some of the graves. The archaeological excavations within the camp have likewise yielded no stratigraphic units attributable to the prehistoric period, but individual finds point to the conclusion that this area could have been inhabited before the Romans arrived. This primarily applies to the ceramic finds65, but there were also stone tools, such as an obsidian fragment (?).66 A bronze Greek-Illyrian coin from the 4th-3rd cent. B.C. from Pharos is another find attributable to the pre-Roman horizon.67 It presently remains open whether the early specimens of Roman Republican coins can also be ascribed to the pre-Roman horizon.68 Na samom zapadnom kraju seoske ceste, nalaze se rijetki ostaci logorske arhitekture koji su do danas sačuvani nad zemljom. Riječ je o ostacima masivnog zapadnog logorskog bedema. Vidi se srž bedema izrađena od nabacanog kamenja zalivenog vezivom, a na nekim mjestima se prepoznaje još jedan konstruktivni detalj - otisci masivnih drvenih greda koje su bile ugrađene u bedem. Temeljem vidljivih ostataka može se predložiti idejna rekonstrukcija zapadnog bedema i dokumentirati pravac na kojem se pružao.69 U jugoistočnom dijelu logora dokumentiran je segment zida širine 3,15 m s temeljnom stopom širine 0,20 - 0,40 m. Zid je izgrađen od većih blokova kamena, a temelji od kamenja različitih dimenzija bez žbuke. Dimenzije i položaj zida upućuju na zaključak da je riječ o južnom bedemu logora.70 Položaj navedenih bedema i prirodna konfiguracija terena na sjeveru i istoku upućuju na zaključak da je logor zauzimao površinu od oko 12 ha. Iako se površine legijskih logora međusobno razlikuju, one uglavnom variraju između 20 i 25 ha71, a u tom je kontekstu zanimljivo da se površina od oko 12 ha pretpostavlja i za Burnum, drugi legijski logor u provinciji Dalmaciji.72 The extreme western end of the village road contains the rare remains of the camp architecture, which have remained preserved above ground to this day. The remains belong to a massive western camp rampart. The still visible core of the rampart consists of mortar-bound rubble, and another construction detail – the impressions of massive timber beams built into the rampart are recognizable at places. The visible remains allow one to put forward an ideal reconstruction of the western rampart and to document its course.69 A wall segment 3,15 m wide, with a 0,20-0,40 m wide foundation was documented in the southeastern part of the camp. The wall was built of larger blocks of stone, and the foundation consists of stones of various size without mortar. The dimensions and position of the wall point to the conclusion that this is the southern rampart of the camp.70 The position of these ramparts and the natural configuration of the terrain in the north and east point to the conclusion that the camp covered the surface of around 12 ha. Even though the surface areas of legionary camps differ, they mostly vary between 20 and 25 ha.71 It is interesting in this context that 12 ha is also the size assumed for Burnum, the second legionary camp in the province of Dalmatia.72 U jugoistočnom dijelu nekadašnjeg logora je, osim segmenta južnog bedema, istražena građevina s nizom zanimljivih konstruktivnih rješenja. U zidove su ugrađene drvene grede. One vidljive na licu zidova međusobno su povezane gredama koje prola65 Šimić-Kanaet 2003, 109; Podrug 2010. 66 Sanader et alii 2010. 67 Šeparović 2010, kat. br. 1. 68 Šeparović 2010, kat. br. 2-6. Usporedi i Šeparović 2006. 69 Sanader 2003a, 21-31; Sanader&Tončinić 2005. 70 Sanader et alii 2006. Šimić-Kanaet 2003, 109; Podrug 2010. 66 Sanader et alii 2010. 67 Šeparović 2010, cat. no. 1. 68 Šeparović 2010, kat. br. 2-6. Compare also Šeparović 2006. 71 Usporedi Baatz 1962, 80-81; Johnson 1987, 42; Campbell 2006, 33. 72 65 69 Sanader 2003a, 21-31; Sanader&Tončinić 2005. 70 Sanader et alii 2006. 71 Compare Baatz 1962, 80-81; Johnson 1987, 42; Campbell 2006, 33. N. Cambi et alii 2007. 72 · 30 · · 51 · N. Cambi et alii 2007. ze okomito kroz zid. Južni i istočni zid poduprti su kontraforima. Da bi se nivelirao teren prostorije su ispunjene kamenom. Cjelovito su istraženi, konzervirani i rekonstruirani samo južni i istočni zid te prostorija koju oni zatvaraju. No, istraživanja pokazuju da se ispod ove terase prema sjeveru nastavlja niz paralelnih prostorija/građevina. Usporedba s tlocrtima rimskih legijskih i drugih vojnih logora upućuje na zaključak da se ovdje nalazila vojnička spavaonica (centuria).73 Na osnovi komparativne analize tlocrta rimske arhitekture, zidova dokumentiranih na parceli zapadno od njega, tlocrtnog prikaza geofizičkih istraživanja na istoj parceli, konfiguracije terena te karakterističnih tlocrta rimskih legijskih logora može se pretpostaviti sklop od šest spavaonica jedne legijske kohorte, koje su položene u smjeru sjever-jug, a nadovezuju se na prethodne.74 In addition to a segment of the south rampart, the excavation in the southeast part of the former camp revealed a building exhibiting a series of interesting constructional details. It had wooden beams built into the walls. Those visible on the wall face were interconnected with beams set vertically through the wall. The south and east walls were supported with counterforts. The rooms were filled with stone in order to level the terrain. Only the southern and eastern walls, as well as the room they enclosed, were thoroughly investigated, conserved and reconstructed. However, the investigations showed that a series of parallel rooms/structures continue northwards from beneath this terrace. A comparison with the layouts of Roman legionary camps and other military camps points to the conclusion that a military dormitory (centuria) was situated there.73 Based on the comparative analysis of the layout of Roman architecture, the walls documented on the plot of land west of it, ground plan of the geophysical investigations on the same plot, terrain configuration and the characteristic layouts of Roman legionary camps, one can assume that there lay a complex of six dormitories of a legionary cohort, oriented north-south and laying adjacent to the previous ones.74 U središnjem dijelu logora nađeni su ostaci podnog mozaika. Sačuvan je ulomak središnjeg polja na kojem se prepoznaje stražnji dio bika prikazan bijelim i svijetlocrvenim kockicama na crnoj podlozi. Polje je okruženo rubom na koji se nadovezuje niz crnih i bijelih rombova. U podlozi ovog mozaika nađena su dva ulomka mozaika s različitim motivima – jedan mali s plavim viticama na bijeloj podlozi i jedan veći na kojem se izmijenjuju pravokutna polja različitih boja. Ovi ulomci svjedoče o postojanju dva mozaika, koji su stariji od onog s prikazom bika. Slijed tilurijskih mozaika se prema provedenoj analizi može okvirno smjestiti s prijelaza 1. st. pr. Kr. pa do kraja 1. st.75 Do sada su istraženi samo manji dijelovi arhitektonskih ostataka, koji se za sada samo podrobnom usporedbom s drugim rimskim vojnim logorima mogu pripisati rimskoj vojnoj arhitekturi. Za razliku od njih sitni se arheološki nalazi mnogo lakše mogu povezati s vojskom, jer su tipični za rimske vojne logore. Riječ je o ulomcima keramičkih i staklenih posuda, ulomcima građevinske keramike i kamenih arhitektonskih elemenata, nadgrobnim spomenicima, novcu, rimskom oružju i dijelovima rimske vojne opreme te raznim drugim predmetima. Oni svjedoče o naseljenosti Garduna tokom čitave antike, ali ujedno i o najintenzivnijem životu tokom prve pol. 1. st., kada je na Gardunu boravila VII. legija. into which the wall foundations of these structures were dug yielded most of the Roman military equipment and weapons found at Gardun. In the northwestern part of the camp, the remains of a cistern with supporting pillars that carried the roof and a canal that probably carried water to the centre of the camp, were only partly investigated. Only a limited part of the architectural remains have been investigated so far. These remains can be attributed to the Roman military architecture only based on a comprehensive comparison with other military camps. Unlike those, small archaeological finds can be associated with the military much more easily because they are typical for Roman military camps. This includes fragments of ceramic and glass vessels, fragments of construction ceramics and architectural elements in stone, tombstones, coins, Roman weapons and parts of Roman military equipment as well as a number of other objects. They bear testimony to the fact that Gardun was settled throughout the antiquity, and that life was most intense during the first half of the 1st cent. A.D., when the VII legion resided in Gardun. The remains of a floor mosaic were found in the central part of the camp. A fragment of the central field remained preserved, on which one can recognize the rear of a bull depicted with white and light red tiles on a black background. The field is surrounded by a border from which continues a series of black and white rhombuses. Two mosaic fragments with different motifs were found in the bed of this mosaic – a small one with blue tendrils on a white background and a larger one with alternating rectangular fields in various colours. These fragments bear witness to the presence of two mosaics predating the one with the bull depiction. The analysis places the sequence of the mosaics from Tilurium approximately from the turn of the 1st cent. B.C. until the end of the 1st century A.D.75 Osim navedenih, iskopavanja su se vodila i na jednoj građevini koja je paralelna sa zapadnim bedemom, a ostaci njenog zapadnog zida sa zanimljivim otiscima drvenih greda također su očuvani do danas. Iz stratigrafskih jedinica u koje su ukopani temelji zidova ove građevine potječe većina rimske vojne opreme i oružja koji su nađeni na Gardunu. U sjeverozapadnom kutu logora samo su dijelom istraženi ostaci cisterne s potpornim stupovima koji su nosili svod i kanalom kojim je voda vjerojatno otjecala prema središtu logora. In addition to the mentioned positions, the excavations were also carried out on a structure lying parallel to the western rampart, and the remains of its western wall with interesting impressions of timber beams have likewise remained preserved to this day. The stratigraphic units 73 Sanader 2009a; Usporedi Petrikovits 1975, 37-40 sl. 2 i 3; Johnson 1987, 190 sl. 127, 192 sl. 129. 73 Sanader 2009a; Compare Petrikovits 1975, 37-40 sl. 2 and 3; Johnson 1987, 190 Fig. 127, 192 Fig. 129. 74 Sanader et alii 2008. 74 Sanader et alii 2008. 75 Matulić 2010. 75 Matulić 2010. · 52 · · 53 · Katalog Nalaza The Catalogue of Finds Gardun – antički Tilurium Gardun – The Ancient Tilurium 1. Vrh balističkog projektila Gardun (Tilurium), AMS, H 6174 željezo dužina: 7,6 cm, dužina glave: 5,2 cm, dužina trna: 2,4 cm, debljina glave u najširem dijelu: 1,3 cm, debljina trna u najširem dijelu: 0,4 cm, težina: 40 g 1. st. 1. Bolt head Gardun (Tilurium), AMS, H 6174 iron length: 7.6 cm, length of head: 5.2 cm, length of tang: 2.4 cm, width of head at the widest point: 1.3 cm, width of tang at the widest section: 0.4 cm, weight: 40 g 1st cent. Glava i trn sulice su četvrtastoga presjeka, trn je nešto širi u dijelu uz glavu, a glava je izduženog piramidalnog oblika. Vrh je zaravnjen. Pripada nešto rjeđoj inačici s trnom za nasad te glavom dvostruko dužom od trna, što ga datira u carsko doba. S obzirom na to da su samo legije, pretorijanci i ratna mornarica u rimskoj vojsci rabili balističke sprave, naš se primjerak može datirati u prve dvije trećine 1. st., odnosno u vrijeme boravka legije u Gardunu. Head and tang of the bolt have a rectangular cross-section, the tang is wider near the head, which has an elongated pyramidal shape. The tip is flattened. It belongs to a relatively rare variant with a tang, with a head twice the length of the tang, a feature that dates it to the imperial period. As in the Roman army only the legions, praetorians and the navy used catapults, this piece can be dated to the first two thirds of the 1st cent., that is, the period the legion resided in Gardun. Objava: Ivčević 2005, 167, T. 2. 24. Lit.: Behrens 1912, 9, fig. 6. 41 (Mainz); Ritterling 1913, 160, T. XVII. 26, 28 (Hofheim); Tudor 1964, 241, T. 3. 17, 18 (Racari); James &Taylor 1994, 94, fig.1 (Qasr Ibrim); Zanier 1994, 589, fig. 2 (Oberammergau); Harnecker 1997, 34, 93, T. 79. 848, 849 (Haltern); Sivec 1997, 146, T. 1. 6 (Ljubljana); Unz&Deschler-Erb 1997, 9, 24, T. 22. 431 – 458 (Vindonissa); Deschler-Erb 1999, T. 3. 44 – 46; Radman-Livaja 2001a, 135, T. 3, 5 (Sisak); Roma sul Danubio 2002, 245, IV a, 125 (Aquilea) S. I. 2. Vrh balističkog projektila Gardun (Tilurium), MCK, B-923 željezo dužina: 10,7 cm, promjer tuljca: 1 cm, težina: 40 g 1. st. Glava ovog projektila ima četvrtasti presjek te je tipičnog izduženog piramidalnog oblika, dok je nasad izveden u obliku tuljca. S obzirom na dimenzije možemo pretpostaviti da je riječ o balističkom projektilu. Vjerojatno se može dovesti u vezu s legionarskom posadom Tilurija te ga je, stoga, moguće datirati u 1. st. Objava: Radman-Livaja 1998, 223, T. 1.3 Lit.: Bishop & Coulston 2006, 88-89, 135, 168-170 3. Bolt head Gardun (Tilurium), MCK, B-924 iron length: 9.4 cm, diameter of socket: 1 cm, weight: 50 g 1st cent. 3. Vrh balističkog projektila Gardun (Tilurium), MCK, B-924 željezo dužina: 9,4 cm, promjer tuljca: 1 cm, težina: 50 g 1. st. This object by its shape, more precisely its bodkin-shaped head and socket, as well as its weight and size, corresponds to typical Roman catapult missiles. Svojim izgledom, točnije piramidalnom glavom i nasadom na tuljac te težinom i dimenzijama, ovaj predmet odgovara tipičnim rimskim balističkim projektilima. Publication: Radman-Livaja 1998, 223, T. 1. 5 Lit.: Bishop &Coulston 2006, 88-89, 135, 168-170 I. R.-L. 4. Incendiary missile Gardun (Tilurium), MCK, B-910 iron length: 14.2 cm, diameter of socket: 1,1 cm, weight: 65 g 1st cent. Publication: Ivčević 2005, 167, T. 2. 24. Lit.: Behrens 1912, 9, fig. 6. 41 (Mainz); Ritterling 1913, 160, T. XVII. 26, 28 (Hofheim); Tudor 1964, 241, T. 3. 17, 18 (Racari); James & Taylor 1994, 94, fig.1 (Qasr Ibrim); Zanier 1994, 589, fig. 2 (Oberammergau); Harnecker 1997, 34, 93, T. 79. 848, 849 (Haltern); Sivec 1997, 146, T. 1. 6 (Ljubljana); Unz&Deschler-Erb 1997, 9, 24, T. 22. 431 – 458 (Vindonissa); Deschler-Erb 1999, T. 3. 44 – 46; Radman-Livaja 2001a, 135, T. 3, 5 (Sisak); Roma sul Danubio 2002, 245, IV a, 125 (Aquilea) This incendiary missile, the so-called malleolus, is one of the rare preserved specimens from the Roman period. This socketed missile had a cage-like tip consisting of 6 bars, 4 of which are still preserved. The size and weight of this missile make it obvious that it was used for firing from a catapult. This fact allows us at the same time to associate it with the presence of the legionary garrison in Tilurium, giving us the approximate date around the end of the 1st cent. B.C. and the first half of the 1st cent. A.D. S. I. 2. Bolt head Gardun (Tilurium), MCK, B-923 iron length: 10.7 cm, diameter of socket: 1 cm, weight: 40 g 1st cent. Publication: Radman-Livaja 1998, 219-222, T. 1. 2 Lit.: James 1983, 142-143; Coulston 1985, 266; Bishop &Coulston 2006, 134-135 I. R.-L. Catapult bolt-head of a rectangular cross-section and the typical elongated bodkin-shape. It is socketed and in view of its dimensions it was presumably a ballistic missile. It can probably be brought into connection with the legionary garrison in Tilurium, which allows one to date it to the 1st cent. Objava: Radman-Livaja 1998, 223, T. 1. 5 Lit.: Bishop &Coulston 2006, 88-89, 135, 168-170 I. R.-L. 4. Zapaljivi projektil Gardun (Tilurium), MCK, B-910 željezo dužina: 14,2 cm, promjer tuljca: 1,1 cm, težina: 65 g 1. st. Ovaj zapaljivi projektil, tzv. malleolus, je jedan od rijetkih sačuvanih primjeraka iz rimskog vremena. Riječ je o projektilu s nasadom na tuljac čiji je vrh u obliku malog kaveza bio formiran od 6 šipki, od kojih su još 4 sačuvane u cijelosti. S obzirom na dimenzije i težinu, očito je riječ o projektilu namijenjenom odapinjanju iz balističkog stroja. To je ujedno i razlog da ga se veže uz nazočnost legionarske posade u Tiluriju pa ga se vjerojatno može okvirno datirati u kraj 1. st. pr. Kr i prvu pol. 1. st. Objava: Radman-Livaja 1998, 219-222, T. 1. 2 Lit.: James 1983, 142-143; Coulston 1985, 266; Bishop&Coulston 2006, 134-135 I. R.-L. Publication: Radman-Livaja 1998, 223, T. 1.3 Lit.: Bishop &Coulston 2006, 88-89, 135, 168-170 I. R.-L. I. R.-L. · 56 57 · 5. Arrowhead Gardun (Tilurium), 1921, AMS, H 6012 iron length: 8.6 cm, length of head: 3.9 cm, length of socket: 4.7 cm, width of socket: 0.9 cm, width of head: 1.6 cm, weight: 20 g 6th cent. 5. Vrh strijele Gardun (Tilurium), 1921., AMS, H 6012 željezo dužina: 8,6 cm, dužina glave: 3,9 cm, dužina tuljca: 4,7 cm, širina tuljca: 0,9 cm, širina glave 1,6 cm, težina: 20 g 6. st. Sačuvan je vrh strijele romboidne glave, s tuljcem za nasad. Pripada skupini strijela s plosnato raskovanom glavom, a takav se oblik nije upotrebljavao za bacačke sprave. Njezine dimenzije i težina također upućuju na to da je vjerojatno bila strijela za ručni luk. Glava je romboidna i plosnatog je presjeka. Premda se ovaj oblik oružja ne može datirati prema tipološkim oznakama, naš primjerak je precizno datiran zbog okolnosti nalaza. Naime, pronađen je u Gardunu, zajedno s vrhom koplja (AMS, H 5995) i Justinijanovim novcem datiranim u 30. godinu vladanja (556./557. g.). To nam omogućuje da nastanak našeg primjerka smjestimo u ranobizantsko justinijansko vrijeme. The tip of the arrow with a rhombic head and a socket have remained preserved. It belongs to the group of arrows with a flattened head, a shape that was not used for ballistic machines. Its size and weight are another indication that this object was probably an arrow for a bow. The head has a rhombic shape and flat cross-section. Even though this type of weapon cannot be dated by typological features, our piece has been dated with precision due to the circumstances of the find. To be precise, it was found in Gardun in association with a spear tip (AMS, H 5995) and Justinian’s coin dated to his 30th year of reign (556/557). This allows us to place the creation of our piece in the early Byzantine period of Justinian’s reign. Objava: Ivčević 2005, 167, T. 2. 25. Lit.: Behrens &Brenner 1911, fig. 28. 7 (Mainz); Henderson 1949, 152, 153, T. LIX. 293 (Richborough); Harnecker 1997, 4, 91, T. 77. 812, 814 (Haltern); Unz &Deschler-Erb 1997, 23, 24, T. 361., 362. (Vindonissa); Bekić 1998, T. 2. 8 (Gardun); Voirol 2000, 11, T. 537. (Avenches); Sivec 1997, T. 1. 1 (Ljubljana); Deschler-Erb 1999, T. 6. 72; Galliazzo 1979, 210-211, fig. 92. 9 (Treviso). Publication: Ivčević 2005, 167, T. 2. 25. Lit.: Behrens &Brenner 1911, fig. 28. 7 (Mainz); Henderson 1949, 152, 153, T. LIX. 293 (Richborough); Harnecker 1997, 4, 91, T. 77. 812, 814 (Haltern); Unz &DeschlerErb 1997, 23, 24, T. 361., 362. (Vindonissa); Bekić 1998, T. 2. 8 (Gardun); Voirol 2000, 11, T. 537. (Avenches); Sivec 1997, T. 1. 1 (Ljubljana); Deschler-Erb 1999, T. 6. 72; Galliazzo 1979, 210-211, fig. 92. 9 (Treviso). S. I. S. I. 6. Vrh strijele Gardun (Tilurium), 2004., MTK 965 željezo dužina:7,5 cm, širina: 2,6 cm, debljina: 0,3 cm 1.-5. st. Listolika plosnata strijela, s tuljcem za nasad. Listolike strelice plosnatog vrha nepromijenjene su u uporabi od prapovijesti do srednjeg vijeka te ih je izvan konteksta teško datirati, a kao i za koplja, teško je odrediti jesu li ih rabili vojnici kao dio naoružanja ili su služile za lov. S obzirom na to da je naš primjerak pronađen u vojničkom logoru možemo ga odrediti kao vojničku strijelu i datirati u vrijeme trajanja rimskog logora Tilurij. 6. Arrowhead Gardun (Tilurium), 2004, MTK, 965 iron length: 7.5 cm, width: 2.6 cm, thickness: 0.3 cm 1st-5th cent. Publication: Ivčević 2010 (in preparation) Lit.: Alicu et alii 1994, T. 22. 171; Unz &Deschler- Erb 1997, T. 19. 319; Bekić 1998, 239, T. 2. 8; Dolenz 1998, T. 11. M172 S. I. S. I. 7. Vrh strijele Gardun (Tilurium), 1998., MTK 52 željezo dužina: 2,5 cm, širina: 1,2 cm, težina: 1,08 g 1. – 4. st. Trilobate tanged arrowhead, belongs to the group appearing from the 2nd cent. B.C. and lasting to the 4th cent. The appearance of the preserved portion makes it probable that it belonged to type Zanier 2 or 3, which are dated from the Republican period until the 3rd cent., enduring even into the 4th cent. Trobridna strelica s nasadom na trn, pripada skupini koja se javlja od 2. st. pr. Kr. i traje do 4. st. Prema sačuvanom dijelu mogla je pripadati tipu Zanier 2 ili 3, koji traju od republikanskog doba do 3. st., a javljaju se i u 4. st. Publication: Šeparović 2003, T. 3. 1 Lit.: Fingerlin 1972, 226, fig. 13. 1-2; Unz &Deschler - Erb 1997, 23-24, T. 20. 336, 338-341, 343-358; Koščević 2000, 133, kat. br. 239; Feugère 2002, 67, fig. 69.; RadmanLivaja 2004a, 166, T. 17. 63 Objava: Šeparović 2003, T. 3. 1 Lit.: Fingerlin 1972, 226, fig. 13. 1-2; Unz &Deschler - Erb 1997, 23-24, T. 20. 336, 338-341, 343-358; Koščević 2000, 133, kat. br. 239; Feugère 2002, 67, fig. 69.; Radman-Livaja 2004a, 166, T. 17. 63 S. I. S. I. 8. Arrowhead Gardun (Tilurium), AMS, H 6010 iron length: 7.75 cm, diameter of socket: 1.2 cm 7th-10th cent. Medieval socketed arrowhead with barbs in the shape of a swallow’s tail. It is not possible to date arrowheads with precision based on typology, and as we are lacking precise data on the circumstances of discovery of the Gardun piece, we can offer only an approximate dating. Iron arrowheads in the shape of a swallow’s tail are usually approximately dated from the 7th to the 10th cent., or between the 9th and 12th cent. On some sites such arrowheads are dated already from the 5th cent. They also appear in forts from late antiquity, where they are dated to the 6th cent.; in the necropolises of the 7th and 8th cent.; in the Early Croatian necropolises of the 8th cent. and the first half of the 9th cent. this is the most common type of arrowheads. Flat leaf-shaped socketed arrow. Leaf-shaped arrows with a flat head remained in use unchanged from prehistory to the Middle Ages, and are consequently very difficult to date out of context. Same as spears, it is difficult to ascertain whether they were used by soldiers as part of their weaponry or were used in hunting. Considering that our piece was found in a military camp, we can determine it as a military arrow and date it to the period of life of the Roman camp of Tilurium. Objava: Ivčević 2010 (u pripremi) Lit.: Alicu et alii 1994, T. 22. 171; Unz &Deschler- Erb 1997, T. 19. 319; Bekić 1998, 239, T. 2. 8; Dolenz 1998, T. 11. M172 7. Arrowhead Gardun (Tilurium), 1998, MTK 52 iron length: 2.5 cm, width: 1.2 cm, weight: 1.08 g 1st-4th cent. Publication: Ivčević 2010 (in preparation) Lit.: Marušić 1967, T. 3. 5, grob 112; Jelovina 1976, T. XXV. 14, T. LXI. 9, T. XXX. 4, 5; Belošević 1980, T. XXVII. 4, 15, 25, T. XXVIII. 13, T. XXIX. 19; Belošević 1985, T. IX. 4, 5; I Langobardi 1990, 150, br. III. 24; Popović 1999, 112, fig. 59. 2 S. I. 8. Vrh strijele Gardun (Tilurium), AMS, H 6010 željezo dužina: 7,75 cm, promjer tuljca: 1, 2 cm 7. - 10. st. Vrh strijele s krilcima u obliku lastavičjeg repa i tuljcem za nasad pripada razdoblju srednjeg vijeka. Vrhove strijela nije moguće precizno datirati na osnovi tipologije, a kako za gardunski primjerak nemamo precizne podatke o okolnostima nalaza moguća je jedino okvirna datacija. Obično se željezni vrhovi strijela u obliku lastavičjeg repa okvirno datiraju od 7. do 10. st., odnosno od 9. do 12. st. Takve su strijele na nekim lokalitetima datirane već od 5. st., javljaju se u kasnoantičkim utvrdama, gdje su datirane u 6. st. u nekropolama 7. i 8. st., a u starohrvatskim nekropolama 8. i prve polovice 9. st. najzastupljeniji su tip vrhova strijela. Objava: Ivčević 2010 (u pripremi) Lit.: Marušić 1967, T. 3. 5, grob 112; Jelovina 1976, T. XXV. 14, T. LXI. 9, T. XXX. 4, 5; Belošević 1980, T. XXVII. 4, 15, 25, T. XXVIII. 13, T. XXIX. 19; Belošević 1985, T. IX. 4, 5; I Langobardi 1990, 150, br. III. 24; Popović 1999, 112, fig. 59. 2 S. I. · 58 59 · 9. Koštano ojačanje kompozitnog luka Gardun (Tilurium), MCK, B-856 kost dužina: 8,5 cm, širina:1,8 cm 1. st.? 9. Bone reinforcement of a composite bow Gardun (Tilurium), MCK, B-856 bone length: 8.5 cm, width: 1.8 cm 1st cent.? Ovo koštano ojačanje vrha kompozitnog luka nije sačuvano u cijelosti jer mu je odlomljen donji dio no vrh s utorom za napinjanje tetive je dobro sačuvan. Ukoliko ovaj nalaz vežemo uz nazočnost druge kohorte Kiresta (cohors II Cyrrhestarum) u Tiluriju, 1. st. bi moglo biti prihvaljiva datacija. This bone reinforcement of the top of a composite bow is not entirely preserved, as its lower part has broken off; however, the top with a groove for drawing the string is well preserved. If we associate this find with the presence of the cohors II Cyrrhestarum in Tilurium, the 1st cent. would be a plausible date. Objava: Radman-Livaja 1998, 222-223, T. 1. 1 Lit.: Coulston 1985, 222-259; Bishop &Coulston 2006, 88, 134-135, 164 Publication: Radman-Livaja 1998, 222-223, T. 1. 1 Lit.: Coulston 1985, 222-259; Bishop &Coulston 2006, 88, 134-135, 164 I. R.-L. I. R.-L. 10. Koštano ojačanje kompozitnog luka Gardun (Tilurium), MCK, B-855 kost dužina: 13,7 cm, širina: 1,6 cm 1. st.? 10. Bone reinforcement of a composite bow Gardun (Tilurium), MCK, B-855 bone length: 13.7 cm, width: 1.6 cm 1st cent. ? Ovom koštanom ojačanju vrha kompozitnog luka također nedostaje donji kraj, a sačuvani dio je slomljen u dva dijela, naknadno slijepljenih prilikom restauracije. This bone reinforcement of the top of a composite bow is likewise lacking the lower portion, while the preserved segment was broken in two parts, subsequently reassembled during the restoration. Objava: Radman-Livaja 1998, 222-223, T. 1.7 Lit.: Coulston 1985, 222-259; Bishop &Coulston 2006, 88, 134-135, 164 Publication: Radman-Livaja 1998, 222-223, T. 1.7 Lit.: Coulston 1985, 222-259; Bishop &Coulston 2006, 88, 134-135, 164 I.R.-L. I.R.-L. 11. Koštano ojačanje kompozitnog luka Gardun, MCK, MCK-B-857 dužina: 10,4 cm, širina: 1,5 cm 1. st. ? 12. Spearhead Gardun (Tilurium), 1921, AMS, H 5995 iron length: 29.2 cm, length of socket: 11.5 cm, length of head: 17.7 cm, diameter of socket at the widest part: 2.2 cm, width of head at the widest part: 3.6 cm, weight: 155 g 6th cent. Socketed leaf-shaped spearhead, with damaged edges and a very prominent longitudinal mid-rib. In the Roman army spears belonged to the infantry and cavalry equipment, and its various shapes and sizes were conditioned by its function, considering that it was used for throwing as well as close combat. Although this type of weapon cannot be dated on typological grounds, our piece has been precisely dated owing to the circumstances of the find. It was found in Gardun in 1921, together with an arrowhead (AMS, inv. no. H 6010) and Justinian’s coin dated to his 30th year of reign (556/557). This allows us to date the creation of our piece in the early Byzantine Justinian’s period. Publication: Ivčević 2005, 167, T. 2. 26 Lit.; Behrens &Brenner 1911, 115, fig. 28. 4 (Mainz); Ritterling 1913, T. XVII. 11 (Hofheim); Henderson 1949, 152, T. LVIII. 287 (Richborough); Fingerlin 1972, T. 14. 3 (Dangstetten); Petru 1972, T. XC. 1; Fisher 1973, fig. 43. 1 (Hedderheim); Reddé et alii 1995, 145, fig. 35. 10, 12-13 (Alésia); Harnecker 1997, 90, T. 75. 800, 804 (Haltern); Unz &Deschler-Erb 1997, 20-21, T. 16. 255–258, T. 17. 262–269 (Vindonissa); Deschler-Erb 1999, T. 6. 66-68; Roma sul Danubio 2002, 231, IVa.11 (Carnuntum); Radman-Livaja 2004a, 151, T. 2. 8-9; for its use in late antiquity: Milošević 1998, 230, 374 (Blajići, Krušvar); Chadwick Hawkes & Clough Dunning 1962–1963, T. 7. 7, 8 (Richborough) 11. Bone reinforcement of a composite bow Gardun, MCK-B-857 bone length: 10.4 cm, width: 1.5 cm 1st cent. ? Ovaj koštani komad je vjerojatno ojačanje drška luka. Oštećen je na oba kraja pa je teško procijeniti izvorne dimenzije. Objava: Radman-Livaja 1998, 222-223, T. 1.4 Lit.: Coulston 1985, 222-259; Bishop&Coulston 2006, 88, 134-135 I. R-L. S. I. 12. Vrh koplja Gardun (Tilurium), 1921., AMS, H 5995 željezo dužina: 29,2 cm, dužina tuljca: 11,5 cm, dužina vrha: 17,7 cm, promjer tuljca u najširem dijelu: 2,2 cm, širina vrha u najširem dijelu: 3,6 cm, težina: 155 g 6. st. Listoliko koplje s tuljcem za nasad, rubovi vrha su oštećeni, a uzdužno rebro snažno istaknuto. Koplje je u rimskoj vojsci bilo dio pješačke i konjaničke opreme, a različiti oblici i veličine uvjetovani su namjenom koplja jer se rabilo kao bacačko oružje, ali i za borbu izbliza. Premda se ovaj oblik oružja ne može datirati prema tipološkim oznakama, naš primjerak je precizno datiran zbog okolnosti nalaza. Pronađen je u Gardunu 1921, zajedno s vrhom strijele (AMS, inv. br. H 6010) i Justinijanovim novcem datiranim u 30. godinu vladanja (556./557.). To nam omogućuje da nastanak našeg primjerka smjestimo u ranobizantsko justinijansko vrijeme. Objava: Ivčević 2005, 167, T. 2. 26 Lit.; Behrens &Brenner 1911, 115, fig. 28. 4 (Mainz); Ritterling 1913, T. XVII. 11 (Hofheim); Henderson 1949, 152, T. LVIII. 287 (Richborough); Fingerlin 1972, T. 14. 3 (Dangstetten); Petru 1972, T. XC. 1; Fisher 1973, fig. 43. 1 (Hedderheim); Reddé et alii 1995, 145, fig. 35. 10, 12-13 (Alésia); Harnecker 1997, 90, T. 75. 800, 804 (Haltern); Unz &Deschler-Erb 1997, 20-21, T. 16. 255–258, T. 17. 262–269 (Vindonissa); Deschler-Erb 1999, T. 6. 66-68; Roma sul Danubio 2002, 231, IVa.11 (Carnuntum); Radman-Livaja 2004a, 151, T. 2. 8-9; za uporabu u kasnoj antici: Milošević 1998, 230, 374 (Blajići, Krušvar); Chadwick Hawkes &Clough Dunning 1962–1963, T. 7. 7, 8 (Richborough) S. I. This bone object is probably a reinforcement of the grip of the bow. It is damaged on both ends, which renders difficult the assessment of its original size. Publication: Radman-Livaja 1998, 222-223, T. 1.4 Lit.: Coulston 1985, 222-259; Bishop&Coulston 2006, 88, 134-135 I.R-L. · 60 61 · 13. Vrh koplja Gardun (Tilurium), AMS, H 5996 željezo dužina: 22,4 cm, dužina tuljca: 8,5 cm, dužina vrha: 13,9 cm, promjer tuljca: 1,4 cm, širina vrha u najširem dijelu: 3,3 cm, težina: 75 g 1.-5. st 13. Spearhead Gardun (Tilurium), AMS, H 5996 iron length: 22.4 cm, length of socket: 8.5 cm, length of head: 13.9 cm, diameter of socket: 1.4 cm, width of head at the widest part: 3.3 cm, weight: 75 g 1st-5th cent. Listoliko koplje s tuljcem za nasad koji je prilično oštećen i nedostaje mu jedan dio, uzduž vrha jedva je vidljivo rebro. Leaf-shaped spearhead with a considerably damaged socket. Part of the socket is missing. Along the length of the head runs a barely visible rib. Objava: Ivčević 2005, 167, T. 2. 27 Lit.; Behrens &Brenner 1911, 115, fig. 28. 4 (Mainz); Ritterling 1913, T. XVII. 11 (Hofheim); Henderson 1949, 152, T. LVIII. 287 (Richborough); Petru 1972, T. XC. 1; Fisher 1973, fig. 43. 1 (Hedderheim); Reddé et alii 1995, 145, fig. 35. 10, 12-13 (Alésia); Unz &DeschlerErb 1997, 20-21, T. 16. 255–258, T. 17. 262–269 (Vindonissa); Harnecker 1997, 90, T. 75. 800, 804 (Haltern); DeschlerErb 1999, T. 6. 66-68; Roma sul Danubio 2002, 231, IVa.11 (Carnuntum); Radman-Livaja 2004a, 152, T. 3. 10 Publication: Ivčević 2005, 167, T. 2. 27 Lit.; Behrens & Brenner 1911, 115, fig. 28. 4 (Mainz); Ritterling 1913, T. XVII. 11 (Hofheim); Henderson 1949, 152, T. LVIII. 287 (Richborough); Petru 1972, T. XC. 1; Fisher 1973, fig. 43. 1 (Hedderheim); Reddé et alii 1995, 145, fig. 35. 10, 12-13 (Alésia); Unz &Deschler-Erb 1997, 20-21, T. 16. 255– 258, T. 17. 262–269 (Vindonissa); Harnecker 1997, 90, T. 75. 800, 804 (Haltern); Deschler-Erb 1999, T. 6. 66-68; Roma sul Danubio 2002, 231, IVa.11 (Carnuntum); Radman-Livaja 2004a, 152, T. 3. 10 S. I. S. I. 14. Vrh koplja Gardun (Tilurium), AMS, H 5998 željezo dužina: 20,2 cm, dužina tuljca: 7,3 cm, dužina vrha: 12,9 cm, promjer tuljca u najširem dijelu: 1,5 cm, širina vrha u najširem dijelu: 2,1 cm, težina: 60 g 1.-5. st. 14. Spearhead Gardun (Tilurium), AMS, H 5998 iron length: 20.2 cm, length of socket: 7.3 cm, length of head: 12.9 cm, diameter of socket at the widest part: 1.5 cm, width of head at the widest part: 2.1 cm, weight: 60 g 1st-5th cent. Listoliko koplje s tuljcem za nasad, tuljac je oštećen, na sredini koplje ima rebro. Leaf-shaped spearhead with damaged socket and a mid-rib. Objava: Ivčević 2005, 167, T. 2. 28. Lit.: Behrens &Brenner 1911, 115, fig. 28, 4 (Mainz); Ritterling 1913, T. XVII. 11 (Hofheim); Henderson 1949, 152, T. LVIII. 287 (Richborough); Petru 1972, T. XC. 1; Reddé et alii 1995, 145, fig. 35. 10, 12-13 (Alésia); Unz &DeschlerErb 1997, 20-21, T. 16. 255–258, T. 17. 262–269 (Vindonissa);; Deschler-Erb 1999, T. 6. 66-68; Roma sul Danubio 2002, 231, IVa.11 (Carnuntum); Radman-Livaja 2004a, 151, T. 2. 8-9 Publication: Ivčević 2005, 167, T. 2. 28. Lit.: Behrens &Brenner 1911, 115, fig. 28, 4 (Mainz); Ritterling 1913, T. XVII. 11 (Hofheim); Henderson 1949, 152, T. LVIII. 287 (Richborough); Petru 1972, T. XC. 1; Reddé et alii 1995, 145, fig. 35. 10, 12-13 (Alésia); Unz &Deschler-Erb 1997, 20-21, T. 16. 255–258, T. 17. 262–269 (Vindonissa);; Deschler-Erb 1999, T. 6. 66-68; Roma sul Danubio 2002, 231, IVa.11 (Carnuntum); Radman-Livaja 2004a, 151, T. 2. 8-9 15. Spearhead Gardun (Tilurium), 2002, MTK 966 iron height: 16.5 cm, width at the widest part: 3 cm, diameter of socket: 1 cm 1st-5th cent. 15. Vrh koplja Gardun (Tilurium), 2002., MTK 966 željezo visina: 16,5 cm, širina u najširem dijelu 3 cm, pr. tuljca 1 cm 1.-5. st. Leaf-shaped spearhead with an oval crosssection. Listoliko oblikovan vrh koplja, ovalnog presjeka. Publication: Ivčević 2010 (in preparation) Lit.: Behrens &Brenner 1911, 115, fig. 28, 4; Ritterling 1913, T. XVII. 11; Hawkes & Dunning 1964, T. 7. 7-8; Henderson 1949, 152, T. LVIII. 287; Simon 1968, 30-31, fig. 19. 1-3; Fingerlin 1972, 227, fig. 14. 4; Fisher 1973, fig. 43, 1; Reddé, von Schnurbein et alii 1995, 145, fig. 35. 10, 12-13; Unz &Deschler-Erb 1997, T. 16, 255–258, T. 17, 262–269; Harnecker 1997, 90, T. 75, 800, 804; Dolenz 1998, 314, T. 6. M 39; Petru 1972, T. XC, 1; Radman-Livaja 2004a, 151, T. 2. 8-9, T. 3. 10-12, T. 4. 13-14; Ivčević 2005, 167, T. 2. 26 – 28 Objava: Ivčević 2010 (u pripremi) Lit.: Behrens &Brenner 1911, 115, fig. 28, 4; Ritterling 1913, T. XVII. 11; Hawkes &Dunning 1964, T. 7. 7-8; Henderson 1949, 152, T. LVIII. 287; Simon 1968, 30-31, fig. 19. 1-3; Fingerlin 1972, 227, fig. 14. 4; Fisher 1973, fig. 43, 1; Reddé, von Schnurbein et alii 1995, 145, fig. 35. 10, 12-13; Unz &Deschler-Erb 1997, T. 16, 255–258, T. 17, 262–269; Harnecker 1997, 90, T. 75, 800, 804; Dolenz 1998, 314, T. 6. M 39; Petru 1972, T. XC, 1; RadmanLivaja 2004a, 151, T. 2. 8-9, T. 3. 1012, T. 4. 13-14; Ivčević 2005, 167, T. 2. 26 – 28 S. I. 16. Spear butt Gardun (Tilurium), 2004, MTK 968 iron height: 5.3 cm, , diameter: 1.5 cm 1st-5th cent. S. I. Iron reinforcement of the spear base (butt) in the shape of a socket with a pointed tip. There is a slot at the joint. The upper part is missing. Publication: Ivčević, Metalni nalazi, in: Tilurij 3 (in preparation) Lit.: Behrens &Brenner 1911, 115, fig. 28. 18; Unz 1975, 91, fig. 2.31; Harnecker 1997, T. 78. 825; Sivec 1997, T. 1. 10; Unz &Deschler- Erb 1997, T. 18. 301-303; Bekić 1998, 235, T. 2. 9; Dolenz 1998, 315, T. 7. M 57 – M 61, T. 8. M 64 – M 74; Bishop 2002a, 9, fig. 1. d S. I. 16. Petica koplja Gardun (Tilurium), 2004., MTK 968 željezo visina: 5,3 cm, promjer: 1,5 cm 1.-5. st Željezno ojačanje dna koplja (petica) u obliku je tuljca koji je na vrhu zaoštren, na mjestu gdje je spojen nalazi se prorez, nedostaje gornji dio. Objava: Ivčević 2010 (u pripremi) Lit.: Behrens &Brenner 1911, 115, fig. 28. 18; Unz 1975, 91, fig. 2.31; Harnecker 1997, T. 78. 825; Sivec 1997, T. 1. 10; Unz &Deschler- Erb 1997, T. 18. 301-303; Bekić 1998, 235, T. 2. 9; Dolenz 1998, 315, T. 7. M 57 – M 61, T. 8. M 64 – M 74; Bishop 2002a, 9, fig. 1. d S. I. S. I. S. I. · 62 63 · 17. Petica koplja Gardun (Tilurium), 2004., MTK 969 željezo visina: 9,2 cm, pr: 2,4 cm 1.-5. st. 17. Spear butt Gardun (Tilurium), 2004, MTK 969 iron height: 9.2 cm, diameter: 2.4 cm 1st-5th cent. Petica (željezno pojačanje dna koplja) u obliku je tuljca koji je na vrhu zaoštren, na mjestu gdje je spojen nalazi se prorez, nedostaje gornji dio. Butt (iron reinforcement of the spear base) in the shape of a socket with a pointed tip, a slot at the joint. The upper part is missing. Objava: Ivčević 2010 (u pripremi) Lit.: Behrens &Brenner 1911, 115, fig. 28. 18; Unz 1975, 91, fig. 2. 31; Harnecker 1997, T. 78. 825; Sivec 1997, T. 1. 10; Unz &Deschler- Erb 1997, T. 18. 301-303; Bekić 1998, 235, T. 2.; Dolenz 1998, 315, T. 7. M 57 – M 61, T. 8. M 64 – M 74; Bishop 2002a, 9, fig. 1. d S. I. 18. Petica koplja Gardun (Tilurium), 2000., MTK 559 željezo dužina: 5, 9 cm, promjer: 2, 6 cm, težina 29, 34 g 1.-5. st. Željezno ojačanje dna koplja, sačuvano u cijelosti. Objava: Šeparović 2003, T. 3. 2 Lit.: Behrens &Brenner 1911, 115, fig. 28. 18; Unz 1975, 91, fig. 2. 31; Harnecker 1997, T. 78. 825; Sivec 1997, T. 1. 10; Unz &Deschler- Erb 1997, T. 18. 301-303; Bekić 1998, 235, T. 2. 9; Dolenz 1998, 315, T. 7. M 57 – M 61, T. 8. M 64 – M 74; Deschler- Erb 1999, T. 7. 82-84; Bishop 2002a, 9, fig. 1. d S. I. 19. Petica sulice Gardun (Tilurium), 1999., MTK 540 željezo dužina: 4, 5 cm, promjer: 1,1 cm, težina: 5, 22 g 1.-5. st. Ojačanje dna sulice s kuglasto naglašenim dnom. Objava: Šeparović 2003, T. 3. 3 Literatura: Unz &Deschler-Erb 1997, T. 21. 399-406; Radman–Livaja 2004a, 156, T. 7. 26-27 Publication: Ivčević 2010 (in preparation) Lit.: Behrens &Brenner 1911, 115, fig. 28. 18; Unz 1975, 91, fig. 2. 31; Harnecker 1997, T. 78. 825; Sivec 1997, T. 1. 10; Unz &Deschler- Erb 1997, T. 18. 301-303; Bekić 1998, 235, T. 2.; Dolenz 1998, 315, T. 7. M 57 – M 61, T. 8. M 64 – M 74; Bishop 2002a, 9, fig. 1. d S. I. 18. Spear butt Gardun (Tilurium), 2000, MTK 559 iron length: 5.9 cm, diameter: 2.6 cm, weight 29.34 g 1st-5th cent. Entirely preserved iron reinforcement of a spear butt. 20. Javelin butt Gardun (Tilurium), 1999, MTK 540 iron length: 4 cm, diameter: 1.1 cm, weight 3.66 g 1st-5th cent. 20. Petica sulice Gardun (Tilurium), 1999., MTK 541 željezo dužina: 4 cm, promjer: 1,1 cm, težina: 3,66 g 1.-5. st. Reinforcement of a javelin butt ending with a knob. Ojačanje dna sulice s kuglasto naglašenim dnom. Publication: Šeparović 2003, T. 3. 4 Lit.: Unz &Deschler-Erb 1997, T. 21, 399406 Objava: Šeparović 2003, T. 3. 4 Lit.: Unz &Deschler-Erb 1997, T. 21, 399-406 S. I. S. I. 21. Military dagger (pugio) Bed of the Cetina river near Trilj, MCK, 5103 iron, wood, leather, silver, copper alloy, enamel total length: 26.9 cm, length of grip: 10 cm, thickness of cross-guard: 1.5 cm, length of scabbard: 16.9 cm, width of scabbard: 5.6 cm, thickness of scabbard: 1.5 cm, weight: 290 g end of the 1st cent. B.C. 21. Vojnički bodež (pugio) Korito Cetine kod Trilja, MCK, 5103 željezo, drvo, koža, srebro, bakrena slitina, emajl ukupna dužina: 26,9 cm, dužina drške: 10 cm, debljina križnice: 1,5 cm, dužina korica: 16,9 cm, širina korica: 5,6 cm, debljina korica: 1,5 cm, težina: 290 g kraj 1. st. pr. Kr. Military dagger with a scabbard. It consists of a hilt with a cross-guard and a blade in sheath. The lower part of the scabbard is missing. The grip begins with a pommel that has three rivets on top, set next to each other and decorated with red enamel. On the semicircular plate of the pommel there are another two rivets separated by a trident motif executed by a copper wire inlay. An elliptical widening with a rivet in the middle runs along the centre of the grip. The grip is decorated with inlaid linear motifs in silver and copper wire. Two rivets on the back of the grip connected the outer fitting with the tang and wooden plates. The grip tapers gently from the pommel to the cross-guard, and it has a convex cross-section through its entire length. The cross-guard is set perpendicularly to the grip and it is slightly bent towards the scabbard. The width of the scabbard alternately tapers and widens; first it narrows, then widens, and it once again tapers toward the broken off tip of the dagger. The lateral sides of the dagger are reinforced with fittings at places where the scabbard is widest. The fittings are supported with rivets identical to those on the grip of the dagger, and decorated with red enamel. Each of the lower two fittings has one preserved link in the eye. Publication: Šeparović 2003, T. 3. 2 Lit.: Behrens &Brenner 1911, 115, fig. 28. 18; Unz 1975, 91, fig. 2. 31; Harnecker 1997, T. 78. 825; Sivec 1997, T. 1. 10; Unz &Deschler- Erb 1997, T. 18. 301-303; Bekić 1998, 235, T. 2. 9; Dolenz 1998, 315, T. 7. M 57 – M 61, T. 8. M 64 – M 74; Deschler- Erb 1999, T. 7. 82-84; Bishop 2002a, 9, fig. 1. d S. I. 19. Javelin butt Gardun (Tilurium), 1999, MTK 540 iron length: 4.5 cm, diameter: 1.1 cm, weight 5.22 g 1st-5th cent. Reinforcement of a javelin butt ending with a knob. Publication: Šeparović 2003, T. 3. 3 Literatura: Unz &Deschler-Erb 1997, T. 21. 399-406; Radman–Livaja 2004a, 156, T. 7. 26-27 S. I. S. I. · 64 65 · Vojnički bodež s koricama. Sastoji se od drške s križnicom i sječiva u koricama. Donji dio korica bodeža nedostaje. Na početku drške je jabučica na čijem vrhu su postavljene tri zakovice u nizu jedna do druge i ukrašene crvenim emajlom. Na polukružnoj pločici jabučice su još dvije zakovice između kojih je motiv trozuba izrađen tauširanom bakrenom žicom. Po sredini rukohvata je elipsasto proširenje s jednom zakovicom u središtu. Rukohvat je ukrašen tauširanim linearnim motivima od srebrene i bakrene žice. Na stražnjoj strani drške nalaze se dvije zakovice koje su spajale vanjski okov s jezičcem i drvenim pločicama. Rukohvat se od jabučice do križnice lagano sužava, a duž čitave duljine ima konveksan poprečni presjek. Križnica je postavljena vodoravno na rukohvat i lagano je povinuta prema koricama. Širina korica bodeža se naizmjenice sužava i širi; prvo se sužava, zatim širi, da bi se prema odlomljenom kraju bodeža opet suzila. Bočne strane bodeža su, na mjestima gdje su korice bodeža najšire, ojačane okovima. Okove pridržavaju zakovice jednake onima na dršci bodeža i ukrašene crvenim emajlom. Poredane su po tri u nizu, jedna ispod druge. Donja dva okova u ušici imaju sačuvanu po jednu kariku. Cijela prednja strana korica bodeža bogato je ukrašena tauširanjem (umetnutim srebrnim i bakrenim nitima) i podijeljena na četiri polja. Prvo polje je kvadratnog oblika s rozetom obrubljenom vegetabilnim motivima. Sljedeće je pravokutno polje s tri manja medaljona postavljena jedan iznad drugoga i uokvirena lovorovim vijencem. Treće polje je ukrašeno istim motivom kao i prvo polje. Četvrto polje ponavlja motiv drugog polja i najvjerojatnije je bilo trokutastog oblika, ali kako je bodež prelomljen završetak polja nije sačuvan. Stražnja strana korica bodeža nije ukrašena. Objava: Milošević 2008, 49-55, fig. 5052 Lit.: Scott 1985, 172, 193, fig. 1. 48; Obmann 2000, 5-13; Radman-Livaja 2004a, 47-54, 128, fig. 8., T. 15. 59; Bishop &Coulston 2006, 83-86, fig. 44; Milošević 2008, 49-55, fig. 50-52; Milošević 2009, 176-179, fig. 16. A. L. 22. Ukrasni okov korica mača bronca Gardun (Tilurium), MCK, B-870 bronca visina: 5 cm, širina: 4,2 cm, debljina: 0,2 cm druga. pol. 1. st. Ukrasni okov korica mača romboidnog oblika ukrašen urezanim linijama, s rupicom na vrhu. Donji dio okova ukrašen je s rombom kojeg uokviruju dvije vodoravne trake koje se nastavljaju u vrpčaste volute s krajevima izvijenim prema unutrašnjoj strani. Objava: neobjavljen Lit.: Ulbert 1969, 112; Unz &Deschler-Erb 1997, 15, T. 9. 150, 2082 (Vindonissa); Deschler-Erb 1999, 75, 137, fig. 86. 121, T. 9. 121; RadmanLivaja 2004a, 40, 128, T. 12. 49; Bishop &Coulston 2006, 81, fig. 41. 5 The entire front of the scabbard is richly decorated with inlaid silver and copper threads and divided into four fields. The first field is square with a rosette bordered with vegetable motifs. The next field is rectangular, with three smaller medallions set one above the other and framed with a laurel wreath. The third field is decorated with the same motif as the first field. The fourth field repeats the motif of the second field. It was most likely triangular, but since the dagger is broken, the end of the field has not been preserved. The back of the scabbard is undecorated. 23. Base of a scabbard chape Gardun (Tilurium), 2003, MTK 970 bronze, tin height: 7.2 cm, width: 0.7-2.5 cm 1st cent. 23. Dno korica mača Gardun (Tilurium), 2003., MTK 970 bronca, kositar visina: 7,2 cm, širina: 0,7-2,5 cm 1. st. Base of a scabbard chape. Traces of tin are visible on one side running the length of the scabbard, probably from soldering. Dno korica s jedne strane u cijeloj dužini uz spoj vidljivi tragovi kositra, vjerojatno od lemljenja. Publication: Ivčević 2010 (in preparation) Literatura: Müller 2002, T. 38. 423; Unz &Deschler- Erb 1997, 16, T. 9. 165-166 Objava: Ivčević 2010 (u pripremi) Literatura: Müller 2002, T. 38. 423; Unz &Deschler- Erb 1997, 16, T. 9. 165-166 S. I. Publication: Milošević 2008, 49-55, fig. 5052 Lit.: Scott 1985, 172, 193, fig. 1. 48; Obmann 2000, 5-13; Radman-Livaja 2004a, 47-54, 128, fig. 8., T. 15. 59; Bishop &Coulston 2006, 83-86, fig. 44; Milošević 2008, 49-55, fig. 50-52; Milošević 2009, 176-179, fig. 16. S. I. 24. Chape from a sword scabbard Gardun (Tilurium), 2005, MTK 971 bronze height: 2.5 cm, diameter of knob on top: 1.8 cm 1st half of the 1st cent. The top consists of a flattened knob above which is a rectangular part decorated with incised lines on the edges. The chape-end of the sword scabbard belonged to a sword of the Mainz type, on which the edges of the scabbard had a protective metal groove along the entire length. A. L. 22. Decorative fitting from a sword scabbard Gardun (Tilurium), MCK, B-870 bronze height: 5 cm, width: 4.2 cm, thickness: 0.2 cm 2nd half of the 1st cent. Publication: Ivčević 2010 (in preparation) Lit.: Ritterling 1913, 157, fig. 31.: Unz &Deschler- Erb 1997, T. 8. 127; DeschlerErb 1999, T. 10. 135; Müller 2002, T. 38. 419; Radman - Livaja 2004a, 160, T. 11. 44, 46 Decorative fitting from a sword scabbard of a rhomboid shape, decorated with incised lines, with a perforation on top. The lower part of the fitting is decorated with a rhomb framed with two horizontal stripes continuing into ribbon-shaped volutes with inward-curving ends. S. I. 25. Fitting from a sword scabbard Gardun (Tilurium), MTK 971 bronze length: 7.9 cm, heigth: 1.1 cm, weight: 3.74 g end of the 1st cent. B.C. - 1st cent. Publication: unpublished Lit.: Ulbert 1969, 112; Unz &Deschler-Erb 1997, 15, T. 9. 150, 2082 (Vindonissa); Deschler-Erb 1999, 75, 137, fig. 86. 121, T. 9. 121; Radman-Livaja 2004a, 40, 128, T. 12. 49; Bishop &Coulston 2006, 81, fig. 41. 5 Fragment of a sheet-bronze fitting from a sword scabbard. It has a prominent mid-rib and a shallow rib along either edge. It is bent at the ends and has a rivet preserved on one side. In addition to reinforcing the front and back of the scabbard, the fittings served also for passing the links for the leather straps of the sword through the rings at their ends. The scabbard fittings like the ones from Gardun were used from the last quarter of the 1st cent. B.C. until the end of the 1st cent. They were placed in pairs a little below the sword A. L. A. L. · 66 67 · 24. Okov dna korica mača (okrajak) Gardun (Tilurium), 2005., MTK 971 bronca visina: 2,5 cm, promjer kuglice na vrhu: 1,8 cm prva pol. 1. st. Vrh je u obliku spljoštene kugle iznad koje je četvrtasti dio ukrašen urezanim linijama na rubovima. Okov dna korica mača pripadala je maču tipa Mainz, kojima su rubovi korica cijelom dužinom bili zaštićeni metalnim žlijebom. Datiraju se u prvu polovicu 1. st. Objava: Ivčević 2010 (u pripremi) Lit.: Ritterling 1913, 157, fig. 31.: Unz &Deschler- Erb 1997, T. 8. 127; Deschler- Erb 1999, T. 10. 135; Müller 2002, T. 38. 419; Radman - Livaja 2004a, 160, T. 11. 44, 46 S. I. 25. Okov korica mača Gardun (Tilurium), MTK 43 bronca dužina: 7,9 cm, visina: 1,1 cm, težina: 3,74 g kraj 1. st. pr. Kr - 1. st. Ulomak okova korice mača izrađen od brončanog lima, ima jedno istaknuto središnje uzdužno rebro te uz rubove po jedno plitko rebro, na krajevima savijen, a s jedne strane sačuvana zakovica. Osim što su učvršćivali prednju i stražnju stranu korica okovi su služili i da bi se kroz prstenasto proširenje na kraju provukle karike za kožno remenje mača. Okovi korica poput gardunskih traju od posljednje četvrtine 1. st. pr. Kr. do kraja 1. st. Postavljani su u paru, nešto ispod drške mača. Primjerci poput našeg pripadali su mačevima tipa Pompeji ili tipa Mainz, a međusobno ih je moguće razlikovati po širini. Okovi su se sastojali od dva dijela; prednjeg i stražnjeg, koji obično nije bio ukrašen, a međusobno su spajani zakovicama. Objava: Šeparović 2003, T. 3. 9. Lit.: Fingerlin 1972, fig. 13. 10; Unz 1974, 34, fig. 6. 26-27; ZabehlickyScheffenegger & Kandler 1979, T. 19. 7-8; Unz &Deschler- Erb 1997, T. 7. 105; Deschler- Erb 1999, T. 9. 112-113; Radman-Livaja 2004a, 160, T. 11. 39 S. I. 26. Spojna kuka karičastog oklopa Gardun (Tilurium), 1902., AMS, H 4053 bronca dužina: 8,2 cm 1. st. Zmijolika kuka, s jedne strane završava proširenjem s urezima koje predstavlja glavu, a po tijelu je ukrašena urezanim linijama. Sačuvana spojna kuka iz Garduna kopčala je desnu naramenicu. Spojne kuke karičastog oklopa datiraju se u 1. st., a javljaju se i početkom 2. st. kada ih postupno zamjenjuju dvije prsne ploče. Prema tipologiji koju je izradio Eckhard Deschler-Erb (Deschler - Erb 1999, 38, n. 158) gardunski primjerak pripadao bi tipu 2 kojem su značajke zmijoliko tijelo s glavom ovna ili zmije. Objava: Ivčević 2010 (u pripremi) Lit.: Unz &Deschler – Erb 1997, T. 35. 861, 862; Radman – Livaja 2004a, T. 27. 130 – 132; Bishop &Coulston 2006, 96, fig. 51, 4; Koščević 2008, 263, fig. 59 grip. Pieces like ours belonged to the swords of the Pompeii or Mainz types, distinguishable between themselves by width. The fittings consisted of two parts, front and back—the latter usually left undecorated—which were attached to each other by rivets. 27. Junction loop (lorica segmentata) Gardun (Tilurium), 1892, AMS, H 3127 bronze length: 4.6 cm, width: 1.6 cm 1st cent. Loop made of a bent wire has an irregular circular shape. The fitting is rectangular, with rounded edges at the end near the loop, while on the opposite end it has two simicircular indentations. The fitting was attached with two rivets, one of which is preserved. Segments of the laminated armour were attached with junction loops, that is fittings with a circular loop, for attaching segments of the Corbridge type armour. They may have belonged to any of the three variants of this armour. They attached strips of the left and right sections of the lower part of the armour. Our piece belongs to type Thomas Hi, characterized by plates with parallel edges. Pieces with the end indented like that on the specimen from Gardun are rare, and the end of this type appears also on some other types of junction loops. Publication: Šeparović 2003, T. 3. 9. Lit.: Fingerlin 1972, fig. 13. 10; Unz 1974, 34, fig. 6. 26-27; Zabehlicky-Scheffenegger & Kandler 1979, T. 19. 7-8; Unz &Deschler- Erb 1997, T. 7. 105; Deschler- Erb 1999, T. 9. 112-113; Radman-Livaja 2004a, 160, T. 11. 39 S. I. 26. Fastener from a mail armour Gardun (Tilurium), 1902, AMS, H 4053 bronze length: 8.2 cm 1st cent. Snake-shaped hook, ending on one side with an incised widening that stands for the head, with a body decorated with incised lines. The preserved junction loop from Gardun fastened the right shoulder flap. Fastening hooks of a mail armour are dated to the 1st cent., and appear also at the beginning of the 2nd cent., when a pair of chest plates begin to gradually replace them. According to the typology worked out by Eckhard Deschler-Erb (Deschler-Erb 1999, 38, n. 158), the piece from Gardun would belong to type 2, characterized by a snake-shaped body with the head of a ram or snake. Publication: Ivčević 2010 (in preparation) Lit.: Ritterling 1913, T. XI. 1-2; Frere &Joseph 1974, fig. 26. 31; ZabehlickyScheffenegger & Kandler 1979, T. 19. 7; Unz &Deschler – Erb 1997, T. 32. 670 – 672, 675 – 681, 684 – 691; Voirol 2000, 49, T. 7. 47; Feugère 2002, 105, fig. 130.; Thomas 2003, 93, fig. 61. 17; Radman-Livaja 2004a, 180, T. 31. 182-183; Matešić 2005, 103, T. 9. 112–114 S. I. Publication: Ivčević 2010 (in preparation) Lit.: Unz &Deschler – Erb 1997, T. 35. 861, 862; Radman – Livaja 2004a, T. 27. 130 – 132; Bishop &Coulston 2006, 96, fig. 51, 4; Koščević 2008, 263, fig. 59 28. Buckle (lorica segmentata) Gardun (Tilurium), 1908, AMS, H 4439 bronze height of frame: 2 cm, length of frame: 1.5 cm, height of fitting: 1.5 cm, length of fitting: 2.15 cm, length of pin: 1.7 cm 1st cent. S. I. Frame of a D-shaped buckle, of a circular cross-section; it tapers towards the ends and has openings through which passes the bar on which the buckle fitting is attached so that it bends over the bar, and it is reinforced with a rivet in the centre; on the outer side of the fitting is a flattened loop for connecting to another fitting; the pin slightly widens toward the top and it is slightly bent. Buckles of this type were used for attaching segments of the laminated armour (Corbridge A and B/C). They belong to type Thomas A ii. S. I. · 68 69 · 27. Spojna petlja obručastog oklopa Gardun (Tilurium), 1892., AMS, H 3127 bronca dužina: 4,6 cm, širina: 1,6 cm 1. st. Ušica od savijene žice je nepravilnog kružnog oblika, okov je pravokutan, na kraju uz ušicu rubovi su zaobljeni, a na drugom kraju je dvostruko polukružno zasječen, okov je bio pričvršćen s dvije zakovice od kojih je jedna sačuvana. Za spajanje dijelova obručastog oklopa rabile su se spojne petlje, odnosno okovi s kružnom ušicom i to za povezivanje dijelova oklopa tipa Corbridge. Mogle su pripadati bilo kojoj od tri inačice navedenog oklopa. Spajale su poluobruče lijeve i desne strane donjeg dijela oklopa. Naš primjerak pripada tipu Thomas Hi kojem je značajka da su rubovi pločice paralelni. Primjerci sa zarezanim krajem kao što je na gardunskom primjerku su rijetki, a takav završetak javlja se i na nekim drugim tipovima spojnih petlji. Objava: Ivčević 2010 (u pripremi) Lit.: Ritterling 1913, T. XI. 1-2; Frere &Joseph 1974, fig. 26. 31; ZabehlickyScheffenegger & Kandler 1979, T. 19. 7; Unz &Deschler – Erb 1997, T. 32. 670 – 672, 675 – 681, 684 – 691; Voirol 2000, 49, T. 7. 47; Feugère 2002, 105, fig. 130.; Thomas 2003, 93, fig. 61. 17; Radman-Livaja 2004a, 180, T. 31. 182183; Matešić 2005, 103, T. 9. 112–114 S. I. 28. Kopča obručastog oklopa Gardun (Tilurium), 1908., AMS, H 4439 bronca visina okvira: 2 cm, dužina okvira: 1,5 cm, visina okova: 1,5 cm, dužina okova: 2,15 cm, dužina trna: 1,7 cm 1. st. Okvir kopče D-oblika, kružnog presjeka; prema krajevima se stanjuje i ima otvore kroz koje prolazi prečka na koju se vezuje okov kopče tako da je presavijen preko prečke, a na sredini učvršćen zakovicom; na vanjskoj strani okova je raskovana ušica za povezivanje s drugim okovom; trn se malo širi prema vrhu i lagano je sa- vijen. Takve su kopče služile za spajanje dijelova obručastog oklopa (Corbridge A i B/C). Pripadaju tipu Thomas A ii. Objavljeno: Ivčević 2005, 166, T. 1. 13. Lit.: Behrens 1912, 87, fig. 3, 13 (Mainz); Ritterling 1913, T. XI. 12-13, 15– 19 (Hofheim); Behrens 1914, 68, fig. 2, 7-8 (Mainz); Fingerlin 1972, fig. 11. 8 (Dangstetten); Petru 1972, T. XXIX. grob 450, 22 (Ljubljana); Unz 1972, fig. 4. 27 (Vindonissa); Nedved 1981, 180, fig. 8, 317 (Ivoševci); Koščević 1991, 67, T. XXV. 362-363 (Sisak); Unz &Deschler-Erb 1997, 30-31, T. 33. T. 34. 783–790 (Vindonissa); Simpson 2000, T. 25. 7; Thomas 2003, 13, fig. 2.; Matešić 2005, T. 9. 103 S. I. 29. Kopča obručastog oklopa Gardun (Tilurium), 1885., AMS, H 1601 bronca visina okvira: 1,9 cm, dužina okvira: 1,3 cm, visina okova: 1,5 cm, dužina: 1,8 cm, dužina trna: 1,5 cm 1. st. Okvir kopče D-oblika i kružnoga presjeka; prema krajevima se stanjuje i ima otvore kroz koje prolazi prečka na koju se vezuje okov kopče tako da je presavijen preko prečke, a na sredini učvršćen zakovicom; na vanjskoj strani okova je raskovana ušica za povezivanje s drugim okovom kroz koju je provučena prečka; trn se malo širi prema vrhu i lagano je savijen. Takve su kopče služile za spajanje dijelova obručastog oklopa (Corbridge A i B/C). Pripadaju tipu Thomas A ii. Objava: Ivčević 2005, 166, T. 1. 14 Lit.: Behrens 1912, 87, fig. 3. 13 (Mainz); Ritterling 1913, T. XI. 12-13, 15– 19 (Hofheim); Behrens 1914, 68, fig. 2., 7.-8. (Mainz); Fingerlin 1972, fig. 11. 8 (Dangstetten); Petru 1972, T. XXIX. grob 450, 22 (Ljubljana); Unz 1972, fig. 4, 27 (Vindonissa); Nedved 1981, 180, fig. 8. 317 (Ivoševci); Koščević 1991, 67, T. XXV. 362-363 (Sisak); Unz &Deschler-Erb 1997, 30-31, T. 33., T. 34. 783–790 (Vindonissa); Simpson 2000, 151, T. 25. 7; Thomas 2003, 13, fig. 2.; Matešić 2005, T. 9. 103 Publication: Ivčević 2005, 166, T. 1. 13. Lit.: Behrens 1912, 87, fig. 3, 13 (Mainz); Ritterling 1913, T. XI. 12-13, 15–19 (Hofheim); Behrens 1914, 68, fig. 2, 7-8 (Mainz); Fingerlin 1972, fig. 11. 8 (Dangstetten); Petru 1972, T. XXIX. grob 450, 22 (Ljubljana); Unz 1972, fig. 4. 27 (Vindonissa); Nedved 1981, 180, fig. 8, 317 (Ivoševci); Koščević 1991, 67, T. XXV. 362-363 (Sisak); Unz &Deschler-Erb 1997, 30-31, T. 33. T. 34. 783–790 (Vindonissa); Simpson 2000, T. 25. 7; Thomas 2003, 13, fig. 2.; Matešić 2005, T. 9. 103 S. I. 29. Buckle (lorica segmentata) Gardun (Tilurium), 1885, AMS, H 1601 bronze height of frame: 1.9 cm, length of frame: 1.3 cm, height of fitting: 1.5 cm, length of fitting: 1.8 cm, length of pin: 1.5 cm 1st cent. Frame of a D-shaped buckle, with a circular cross-section; it tapers towards the ends and it has openings through which passes a bar, to which the buckle fitting is connected so that it is bent over the bar, and it is reinforced with a rivet in the centre; on the outer side of the fitting is a flattened loop for connecting to another fitting, through which the bar passes; the pin slightly widens toward the top and it is slightly bent. Buckles of this type were used for attaching segments of the laminated armour (Corbridge A and B/C). They belong to type Thomas A ii. 30. Buckle (lorica segmentata) Gardun (Tilurium), 1904, AMS, inv. no. H 4204 bronze height of frame: 1.7 cm, length of frame: 1.35 cm, height of first fitting: 1.35 cm, length of first fitting: 2.2 cm, height of second fitting: 1.4 cm, length of second fitting: 2.2 cm, length of pin: 1.6 cm 1st cent. 30. Kopča obručastog oklopa Gardun (Tilurium), 1904., AMS, inv. br. H 4202 bronca visina okvira: 1,7 cm, dužina okvira: 1,35 cm, visina prvog okova: 1,35 cm, dužina prvog okova: 2,2 cm, visina drugog okova: 1,4 cm, dužina drugog okova: 2,1 cm, dužina trna: 1,6 cm 1. st. Frame of a D-shaped buckle, with a circular cross-section; it tapers towards the ends and it has openings through which passes a bar, to which the buckle fitting is connected so that it is bent over the bar; on the outer side of the fitting there are flattened loops through which passes the bar; the bar provided support for the second fitting, which has two circular openings; the pin slightly widens toward the top and it is slightly bent. Buckles of this type were used for attaching segments of the laminated armour (Corbridge A and B/C). They belong to type Thomas A ii. Okvir kopče D-oblika i kružnoga presjeka; prema krajevima se stanjuje i ima otvore kroz koje prolazi prečka na koju se vezuje okov kopče tako da je presavijen preko prečke; na vanjskoj strani okova dvije su raskovane ušice kroz koje je provučena prečka; pomoću nje je učvršćen drugi okov koji ima dva kružna otvora; trn se malo širi prema vrhu i lagano je savijen. Takve su kopče služile za spajanje dijelova obručastog oklopa (Corbridge A i B/C). Pripadaju tipu Thomas A ii. Publication: Ivčević 2005, 166, T. 1. 15. Lit.: Behrens 1912, 87, fig. 3. 13 (Mainz); Ritterling 1913, T. XI. 12,13, 15–19 (Hofheim); Behrens 1914, 68, fig. 2., 7.-8. (Mainz); Fingerlin 1972, fig. 11. 8 (Dangstetten); Petru 1972, T. XXIX. grob 450, 22 (Ljubljana); Unz 1972, fig. 4. 27 (Vindonissa); Nedved 1981,180, fig. 8. 317 (Ivoševci); Koščević 1991, 67, T. XXV. 362-363 (Sisak); Unz &Deschler-Erb 1997, 30-31, T. 33., T. 34. 783–790 (Vindonissa); Thomas 2003, 13, fig. 2 Objava: Ivčević 2005, 166, T. 1. 15. Lit.: Behrens 1912, 87, fig. 3. 13 (Mainz); Ritterling 1913, T. XI. 12,13, 15– 19 (Hofheim); Behrens 1914, 68, fig. 2., 7.-8. (Mainz); Fingerlin 1972, fig. 11. 8 (Dangstetten); Petru 1972, T. XXIX. grob 450, 22 (Ljubljana); Unz 1972, fig. 4. 27 (Vindonissa); Nedved 1981,180, fig. 8. 317 (Ivoševci); Koščević 1991, 67, T. XXV. 362-363 (Sisak); Unz &Deschler-Erb 1997, 30-31, T. 33., T. 34. 783–790 (Vindonissa); Thomas 2003, 13, fig. 2 S. I. Publication: Ivčević 2005, 166, T. 1. 14 Lit.: Behrens 1912, 87, fig. 3. 13 (Mainz); Ritterling 1913, T. XI. 12-13, 15–19 (Hofheim); Behrens 1914, 68, fig. 2., 7.-8. (Mainz); Fingerlin 1972, fig. 11. 8 (Dangstetten); Petru 1972, T. XXIX. grob 450, 22 (Ljubljana); Unz 1972, fig. 4, 27 (Vindonissa); Nedved 1981, 180, fig. 8. 317 (Ivoševci); Koščević 1991, 67, T. XXV. 362-363 (Sisak); Unz &Deschler-Erb 1997, 30-31, T. 33., T. 34. 783–790 (Vindonissa); Simpson 2000, 151, T. 25. 7; Thomas 2003, 13, fig. 2.; Matešić 2005, T. 9. 103 31. Buckle (lorica segmentata) Gardun (Tilurium), 2004, MTK 975 bronze S. I. S. I. · 70 71 · S. I. height of frame: 1.7 cm, length of frame: 1.35 cm, height of first fitting: 1.5 cm, length of first fitting: 1.6 cm, height of second fitting: 1.4 cm, length of second fitting: 2.6 cm, length of pin: 1.5 cm 1st cent. 31. Kopča obručastog oklopa Gardun (Tilurium), 2004., MTK 975 bronca visina okvira: 1,7 cm, dužina okvira: 1,35 cm, visina prvog okova: 1,5 cm, dužina prvog okova: 1,6 cm, visina drugog okova: 1,4 cm, dužina drugog okova: 2,6 cm, dužina trna:1,5 cm 1. st. Frame of a D-shaped buckle, with a circular cross-section; it tapers towards the ends and it has openings through which passes a bar, to which the buckle fitting is connected so that it is bent over the bar; on the outer side of the fitting there is a flattened loop through which passes the bar providing support for the second fitting, which has two circular openings for rivets; the pin becomes wider around the middle and again tapers towards Okvir D-kopče, kružnog presjeka, prema krajevima se stanjuje i ima otvore kroz koje prolazi prečka na koju se vezuje okov kopče tako da je presavijen preko prečke, na vanjskoj strani okova je raskovana ušica kroz koju je provučena prečka pomoću koje je učvršćen drugi okov koji ima dva kružna otvora za zakovice, trn se širi u središnjem dijelu te se ponovo sužava prema vrhu tako da ima rombo- idni oblik, lagano savijen. Takve su kopče služile za spajanje dijelova obručastog oklopa (Corbridge A i B/C). Pripadaju tipu Thomas A ii. Objava: Ivčević 2010 (u pripremi) Lit.: Behrens 1912, 87, fig. 3, 13; Ritterling 1913, T. XI. 12-13, 15-19; Behrens 1914, 68, fig. 2. 7.-8.; Webster 1949, 59, fig. 4. 2; Fingerlin 1972, fig. 11. 8; Petru 1972, T. XXIX. grob 450. 22; Unz 1972, fig. 4. 27; Frere &Joseph 1979, fig. 26. 22; Nedved 1981, 180, fig. 8. 317; Unz &Deschler-Erb 1997, T. 33., T. 34. 783-790; Bishop 2002a, 9, fig. 1. i; Ivčević 2004, 166, T. 1. 15; RadmanLivaja 2004a, 179, T. 30. 162, 180, T. 31. 172; Bishop &Coulston 2006, 99, fig. 56. 15 the top, which gives it a rhomboidal shape, slightly bent. Buckles of this type were used for attaching segments of the laminated armour (Corbridge A and B/C). They belong to type Thomas A ii. Publication: Ivčević 2010 (in preparation) Lit.: Behrens 1912, 87, fig. 3, 13; Ritterling 1913, T. XI. 12-13, 15-19; Behrens 1914, 68, fig. 2. 7.-8.; Webster 1949, 59, fig. 4. 2; Fingerlin 1972, fig. 11. 8; Petru 1972, T. XXIX. grob 450. 22; Unz 1972, fig. 4. 27; Frere &Joseph 1979, fig. 26. 22; Nedved 1981, 180, fig. 8. 317; Unz &Deschler-Erb 1997, T. 33., T. 34. 783-790; Bishop 2002a, 9, fig. 1. i; Ivčević 2004, 166, T. 1. 15; Radman-Livaja 2004a, 179, T. 30. 162, 180, T. 31. 172; Bishop &Coulston 2006, 99, fig. 56. 15 32. Okvir kopče obručastog oklopa Gardun (Tilurium), 2005., MTK 979 bronca dužina: 1,7 cm, visina: 2,4 cm, dužina trna: 2 cm 1. st. Okvir D-kopče s donje strane ravan, s gornje polukružno zaobljen. Takve su kopče služile za spajanje dijelova obručastog oklopa (Corbridge A i B/C). 32. Buckle frame (lorica segmentata) Gardun (Tilurium), 2005, MTK 979 bronze length: 1.7 cm, height: 2.4 cm, length of pin: 2 cm 1st cent. Publication: Ivčević 2010 (in preparation) Lit.: Behrens 1912, 87, fig. 3. 13; Ritterling 1913, T. XI. 12-13, 15-19; Behrens 1914, 68, fig. 2. 7-8; Webster 1949, 59, fig. 4. 2; Fingerlin 1972, fig. 11. 8; Petru 1972, T. XXIX. grob 450. 22; Unz 1972, fig. 4. 27; Frere &Joseph 1979, fig. 26. 22; Nedved 1981, 180, fig. 8. 317; Unz& Deschler-Erb 1997, T. 33, T. 34., 783-790; Bishop 2002a, 9, fig. 1. i; Ivčević 2004, 166, T. 1. 15; Radman-Livaja 2004a, 179, T. 30. 162, 180, T. 31. 172; Bishop &Coulston 2006, 99, fig. 56. 15 S. I. 33. Lobate hinge (lorica segmentata) Gardun (Tilurium), 1998, MTK 542 bronze, iron length: 3.5 cm, height: 3 cm, weight: 8.72 g 1st cent. 33. Šarnir ramenog dijela obručastog oklopa Gardun (Tilurium), 1998., MTK 542 bronca, željezo dužina: 3,5 cm, visina: 3 cm, težina: 8,72 g 1. st. Publication: Šeparović 2003, T. 3. 5 Lit.: Deschler-Erb 1999, T. 15. 253-255; Bishop 2002b, 36, figs. 5. 5, 37, 5. 6. 3b; Thomas 2003, 68, fig. 48.; Radman-Livaja 2004a, 180, T. 31. 176 - 179; Bishop & Matešić 2005, T. 9. 111; Coulston 2006, 8587, fig. 52. 1-7 Objava: Šeparović 2003, T. 3. 5 Lit.: Deschler-Erb 1999, T. 15. 253255; Bishop 2002b, 36, figs. 5. 5, 37, 5. 6. 3b; Thomas 2003, 68, fig. 48.; Radman-Livaja 2004a, 180, T. 31. 176 179; Bishop &Matešić 2005, T. 9. 111; Coulston 2006, 85-87, fig. 52. 1-7 S. I. S. I. Part of a hinge (fitting) of a Corbridge type armour, used for fastening the upper shoulder guards, and the chest and shoulder-neck guard of a laminated armour of the Corbridge type. Belongs to the Thomas F iv type. Frame of a D-shaped buckle, with a straight lower part and semicircularly rounded upper part. Buckles of this type were used for attaching segments of the laminated armour (Corbridge A and B/C). Objava: Ivčević 2010 (u pripremi) Lit.: Behrens 1912, 87, fig. 3. 13; Ritterling 1913, T. XI. 12-13, 15-19; Behrens 1914, 68, fig. 2. 7-8; Webster 1949, 59, fig. 4. 2; Fingerlin 1972, fig. 11. 8; Petru 1972, T. XXIX. grob 450. 22; Unz 1972, fig. 4. 27; Frere &Joseph 1979, fig. 26. 22; Nedved 1981, 180, fig. 8. 317; Unz& Deschler-Erb 1997, T. 33, T. 34., 783-790; Bishop 2002a, 9, fig. 1. i; Ivčević 2004, 166, T. 1. 15; RadmanLivaja 2004a, 179, T. 30. 162, 180, T. 31. 172; Bishop &Coulston 2006, 99, fig. 56. 15 Dio šarke (okova) oklopa sa sačuvanih pet zakovica, dio željezne pločice oklopa sačuvan s donje strane. Služio je za spajanje gornjih ramenih ploča te prsne i ramene-vratne ploče obručastog oklopa tipa Corbridge. Pripada tipu Thomas F iv. 34. Lobate hinge (lorica segmentata) Gardun (Tilurium), 1999, MTK 30 bronze, iron length: 2.7 cm, height: 2.3 cm, weight: 2.40 g 1st cent. S. I S. I Part of a hinge (fitting) of an armour with five preserved rivets, a part of an iron armour plate, preserved in the lower part. It was used for fastening the upper shoulder guards and the chest and shoulder-neck guard of a laminated armour of Corbridge type. Belongs to the Thomas F iv type. Publication: Šeparović 2003, T. 3. 6 Lit.: Deschler-Erb 1999, T. 15. 253-255; Bishop 2002b, 36, fig. 5. 5, 5. 6. 3b; Thomas 2003, 68, fig. 48; Radman-Livaja 2004a, 180, T. 31. 176 - 179; Matešić 2005, T. 9. 111; Bishop, Coulston 2006, 85-87, fig. 52. 1-7 S. I. 35. Decorative fitting (lorica segmentata) Gardun (Tilurium), 1999, MTK 45 bronze diameter: 3.1 cm, weight: 3.64 g 1st cent. Decorative fitting of a Corbridge type armour, in the shape of a rosette decorated with dotted lines on the surface; a rivet with a flat circular head was preserved passing through the circular opening in the middle of the fitting. S. I. Publication: Šeparović 2003, T. 3. 7 Lit.: Deschler-Erb 1999, T. 15. 265; Thomas 2003, 116, fig. 73 S. I. 34. Šarnir ramenog dijela obručastog oklopa Gardun (Tilurium), 1999., MTK 30 bronca, željezo dužina: 2,7 cm, visina: 2, 3 cm, težina: 2,40 g 1. st. Dio šarke (okova) oklopa tipa Corbridge, koji je služio za spajanje gornjih ramenih ploča te prsne i ramene-vratne ploče obručastog oklopa tipa Corbridge. Pripada tipu Thomas F iv. Objava: Šeparović 2003, T. 3. 6 Lit.: Deschler-Erb 1999, T. 15. 253255; Bishop 2002b, 36, fig. 5. 5, 5. 6. 3b; Thomas 2003, 68, fig. 48; RadmanLivaja 2004a, 180, T. 31. 176 - 179; Matešić 2005, T. 9. 111; Bishop, Coulston 2006, 85-87, fig. 52. 1-7 S. I. 35. Ukrasni okov obručastog oklopa Gardun (Tilurium), 1999. god., MTK 45 bronca promjer: 3,1 cm, težina: 3,64 g 1. st. Ukrasni okov oklopa tipa Corbridge u obliku rozete kojem je površina ukrašena točkastim linijama, zakovica okrugle, ravne glave sačuvana je provučena kroz kružni otvor u sredini okova. Objava: Šeparović 2003, T. 3. 7 Lit.: Deschler-Erb 1999, T. 15. 265; Thomas 2003, 116, fig. 73 S. I. · 72 73 · 36. Ukrasni okov obručastog oklopa Gardun (Tilurium), 1999., MTK 50 bronca promjer: 2 cm, težina: 0,84 g 1. st. 36. Decorative fitting (lorica segmentata) Gardun (Tilurium), 1999, MTK 50 bronze diameter: 2 cm, weight: 0.84 g 1st cent. 39. Crest mount Gardun (Tilurium), 1914, AMS, H 4685 bronze height: 3.9 cm, width: 3.3 cm 1st-2nd cent. Ukrasni okov oklopa tipa Corbridge u obliku rozete kojem je površina ukrašena urezanim linijama, zakovica u sredini ima okruglu, ravnu glavu s utisnutom kružnicom. Decorative fitting of a Corbridge type armour, in the shape of a rosette decorated with incised lines on the surface; a rivet in the centre has a flat circular wih an impressec circle. Arms of the mount widen towards the ends and they are gently curving outwards. The lower part that was attached to the dome of the helmet is missing. Objava: Šeparović 2003, T. 3. 8 Lit.: Deschler-Erb 1999, T. 15. 265; Thomas 2003, 116, fig. 73.1 Publication: Šeparović 2003, T. 3. 8 Lit.: Deschler-Erb 1999, T. 15. 265; Thomas 2003, 116, fig. 73.1 S. I. S. I. 37. Rubni okov štita Gardun (Tilurium), 2005., MTK 974 bronca visina: 7,5 cm, širina: 1,7 cm 1.-2. st. 37. Edge fitting of a shield Gardun (Tilurium), 2005, MTK 974 bronze height: 7.5 cm, width: 1.7 cm 1st-2nd cent. Brončani lim uzdužno je presavijen, na krajevima su bile zakovice koje su ga spajale, sačuvana je jedna zakovica. Sheet bronze plate folded along the length, with rivets on the ends, one of which has remained preserved. Objava: Ivčević 2010 (u pripremi) Lit.: Ritterling 1913, T. XVIII. 28; Unz 1974, 33, fig. 5. 24; Unz &DeschlerErb 1997, T. 25. 547, 555, 557; Matešić 2005, T. 8. 92-99 Publication: Ivčević 2010 (in preparation) Lit.: Ritterling 1913, T. XVIII. 28; Unz 1974, 33, fig. 5. 24; Unz &Deschler-Erb 1997, T. 25. 547, 555, 557; Matešić 2005, T. 8. 92-99 S. I. S. I. Publication: Ivčević 2010 (in preparation) Lit.: Unz 1972, 54, fig. 3. 11; Deimel 1987, T. 73. 3; Rodríguez Colmenero &Vega Avelaira 1996, fig. 3. 3; Unz & Deschler – Erb 1997, T. 29. 603; Harnecker 1997, T. 63. 872; Deschler – Erb 1999, T. 10. 142143, T. 11. 144 S. I. 38. Obrazina kacige Gardun (Tilurium), 2004., MTK 973 željezo, bronca visina: 14,4 cm, širina: 12 cm, debljina: 0,2 cm sredina 1. st. 38. Helmet cheek-piece Gardun (Tilurium), 2004, MTK 973 iron, bronze height: 14.4 cm, width: 12 cm, thickness: 0.2 cm mid-1st cent. Na gornjem dijelu sačuvan je tuljac sa šipkom i dio okova kojim je obrazina bila pričvršćena za kalotu kacige, obrazina se prema donjem dijelu lagano sužava, a zatim širi s obje strane, uz rub na gornjem dijelu su bile dvije zakovice (sačuvan je brončani trn jedne), jedna rupica za zakovicu nalazi se na dnu obrazine. Objava: Ivčević 2010 (u pripremi) Lit.: Hartmann 1983, 6, fig. 2.; Waurick 1988, 333, fig. 3. 2-3; Harnecker 1997, 95-96, T. 82. 870a; Radman – Livaja 2004a, 74-75, fig. 16. 176, T. 27. 128; Bishop &Coulston 2006, 103, fig. 59. 4 On the upper part there is a preserved socket with a rod and a part of the fitting by which the cheek-piece was attached to the dome of the helmet. The cheek-piece gently tapers towards the lower part, then it becomes wider on both sides. There were two rivets (a bronze pin of one of those has remained) next to the edge on the upper part. There is one rivethole at the base of the cheek-piece. Publication: Ivčević 2010 (in preparation) Lit.: Hartmann 1983, 6, fig. 2.; Waurick 1988, 333, fig. 3. 2-3; Harnecker 1997, 9596, T. 82. 870a; Radman – Livaja 2004a, 74-75, fig. 16. 176, T. 27. 128; Bishop &Coulston 2006, 103, fig. 59. 4 S. I. S. I. 40. Tip of a standard? Gardun (Tilurium), MCK, B-912 iron height: 15 cm, width: 11.9 cm, thickness: 0.7 cm, height of prong: 5 cm, width of prong: 1.8 cm, thickness of prong: 0.7 cm, weight: 221 g 1st cent.? Object in the shape of a stylized horseman riding a running horse, depicted in the profile. The body of the horse continues into an irregular elliptic opening and a rhomboidal prong. Publication: unpublished A. L. · 74 75 · 39. Držač perjanice Gardun (Tilurium), 1914., AMS, H 4685 bronca visina: 3,9 cm, širina: 3,3 cm 1.-2. st. Krakovi držača šire se prema krajevima, lagano su izvijeni prema van, nedostaje donji dio koji se učvršćivao na kalotu kacige. Objava: Ivčević 2010 (u pripremi) Lit.: Unz 1972, 54, fig. 3. 11; Deimel 1987, T. 73. 3; Rodríguez Colmenero &Vega Avelaira 1996, fig. 3. 3; Unz & Deschler – Erb 1997, T. 29. 603; Harnecker 1997, T. 63. 872; Deschler – Erb 1999, T. 10. 142-143, T. 11. 144 S. I. 40. Vršak vojničkog stijega? Gardun (Tilurium), MCK, B-912 željezo visina:15 cm, širina: 11,9 cm, debljina: 0,7 cm, visina trna: 5 cm, širina trna: 1,8 cm, debljina trna: 0,7 cm, težina: 221 g 1. st.? Opis: Predmet u obliku stiliziranog konjanika s konjem u trku; prikaz u profilu. Na tijelo konja nastavlja se nepravilni elipsasti otvor i trn u obliku romba. Objava: neobjavljeno A. L. 41. Pojasna kopča Gardun (Tilurium), AMS, H 6177 bronca visina: 3,6 cm, dužina: 3,1 cm, debljina: 0,5 cm 1. st. 41. Belt buckle Gardun (Tilurium), AMS, H 6177 bronze height: 3.6 cm, length: 3.1 cm, thickness: 0.5 cm 1st cent. Okvir kopče je polukružan s krajevima uvijenima prema unutrašnjoj strani, prečka kopče je udubljena na mjestu gdje je bio trn, na prečki su dvije ušice kroz koje se provlačila osovina za okov; presjek polukružnoga dijela okvira kopče je trokutast, s unutrašnje strane je istaknuto rebro; trn nije sačuvan. Buckle with a semicircular frame whose ends curve inwards. The bar of the buckle is depressed at the place where the pin stood; the bar has two loops through which the axis for the fitting passed; the semicircular part of the buckle frame has a triangular cross-section; there is a prominent rib in the interior; the pin is missing. Objava: Ivčević 2005, 166, T. 1. 1 Lit.: Behrens 1912, 87, fig. 3. 15 (Mainz); Ritterling 1913, T. XI. 14, 20-21 (Hofheim); Behrens 1918, 28, fig. 8. 1-2 (Mainz); Petru 1972, T. XCIII. 26 (Ljubljana); Oldenstein 1976, 211-212, T. 74. 971 (Wiesbaden); Sagadin 1979, 312-313, T. 9. 15 (Ptuj); Nedved 1981,180, fig. 8. 316 (Ivoševci); Koščević 1991, 66-67, T. XXVI. 365 (Sisak); Unz &Deschler-Erb 1997, 32–34, T. 43. 1138–1163, T. 44. 1164– 1182 (Vindonisa); Deschler-Erb 1999, T. 16. 278-282; Simpson 2000, 151, T. 25. 21-22; Voirol 2000, 51, T. 9. 65; RadmanLivaja 2004a, 184, T. 35. 202 Publication: Ivčević 2005, 166, T. 1. 1 Lit.: Behrens 1912, 87, fig. 3. 15 (Mainz); Ritterling 1913, T. XI. 14, 20-21 (Hofheim); Behrens 1918, 28, fig. 8. 1-2 (Mainz); Petru 1972, T. XCIII. 26 (Ljubljana); Oldenstein 1976, 211-212, T. 74. 971 (Wiesbaden); Sagadin 1979, 312-313, T. 9. 15 (Ptuj); Nedved 1981,180, fig. 8. 316 (Ivoševci); Koščević 1991, 66-67, T. XXVI. 365 (Sisak); Unz &Deschler-Erb 1997, 32–34, T. 43. 1138–1163, T. 44. 1164–1182 (Vindonisa); Deschler-Erb 1999, T. 16. 278-282; Simpson 2000, 151, T. 25. 21-22; Voirol 2000, 51, T. 9. 65; Radman-Livaja 2004a, 184, T. 35. 202 S. I. S. I. 42. Pojasna kopča Gardun (Tilurium), 1885., AMS, H 1599 bronca, kositar visina: 2,5 cm, dužina: 2,6 cm, debljina: 0,4 cm 1. st. Okvir kopče je polukružan s krajevima uvijenima prema unutrašnjoj strani, prečka kopče je udubljena na mjestu gdje je bio trn, na prečki su dvije ušice kroz koje se provlačila osovina za okov; presjek polukružnog dijela okvira kopče je trokutast, s unutrašnje strane istaknuto je rebro; trn nije sačuvan; s prednje strane kopča je pokositrena po cijeloj svojoj površini. Objava: Ivčević 2005, 166, T. 1. 2 Lit.: Behrens 1912, 87, fig. 3. 15 (Mainz); Ritterling 1913, T. XI. 14, 2021 (Hofheim); Behrens 1918, 28, fig. 8. 1-2 (Mainz); Petru 1972, T. XCIII. 26 (Ljubljana); Oldenstein 1976, 211212, T. 74. 971 (Wiesbaden); Sagadin 1979, 312-313, T. 9. 15 (Ptuj); Nedved 1981,180, fig. 8. 316 (Ivoševci); Ko- Koščević 1991, 66-67, T. XXVI. 365 (Sisak); Unz &Deschler-Erb 1997, 32–34, T. 43. 1138–1163, T. 44. 1164–1182 (Vindonisa); Deschler-Erb 1999, T. 16. 278-282; Simpson 2000, 151, T. 25. 21-22; Voirol 2000, 51, T. 9. 65; Radman-Livaja 2004a, 184, T. 35. 202 ščević 1991, 66-67, T. XXVI. 365 (Sisak); Unz &Deschler-Erb 1997, 32–34, T. 43. 1138–1163, T. 44. 1164–1182 (Vindonisa); Deschler-Erb 1999, T. 16. 278-282; Simpson 2000, 151, T. 25. 2122; Voirol 2000, 51, T. 9. 65; RadmanLivaja 2004a, 184, T. 35. 202 S. I. S. I. 43. Belt buckle Gardun (Tilurium), 1908, AMS, H 4453 bronze height: 3.4 cm, length: 2.3 cm, thickness: 0.4 cm 1st cent. Buckle with a semicircular frame with thinned inward-curving ends; the bar of the buckle curves outwards at the ends; a piece is missing in the central part where the pin was; only the traces of the axis loops are visible; the semicircular part of the buckle frame has a triangular cross-section; there is a prominent rib in the interior; the pin is missing. Publication: Ivčević 2005, 166, T. 1. 3 Lit.: Ritterling 1913, T. XI. 14, 20-21 (Hofheim); Behrens 1918, 28, fig. 8, 1-2 (Mainz); Behrens 1912, 87, fig. 3, 15 (Mainz); Petru 1972, T. XCIII. 26 (Ljubljana); Oldenstein 1976, 211-212, T. 74, 971 (Wiesbaden); Sagadin 1979, 312-313, T. 9. 15 (Ptuj); Nedved 1981, 180, fig. 8. 316 (Ivoševci); Koščević 1991, 66-67, T. XXVI. 365 (Sisak); Unz &Deschler-Erb 1997, 32–34, T. 43. 1138–1163, T. 44. 1164–1182 (Vindonisa); Deschler-Erb 1999, T. 16. 290-291; Radman-Livaja 2004a, 184, T. 35. 205; VišićLjubić 2006, 164, fig. 2 42. Belt buckle Gardun (Tilurium), 1885, AMS, H 1599 bronze, tin height: 2.5 cm, length: 2.6 cm, thickness: 0.4 cm 1st cent. S. I. Buckle has a semicircular frame with inwards-curving ends; the bar of the buckle is depressed at the place where the pin stood; the bar has two loops through which the axis for the fitting passed; the semicircular part of the buckle frame has a triangular cross-section; there is a prominent rib in the interior; the pin is missing; the entire front surface of the buckle has been tinned. 44. Belt buckle Gardun (Tilurium), AMS, H 6176 bronze, silver height: 3.1 cm, length: 2.7 cm, thickness: 0.4 cm 1st cent. Buckle has a semicircular frame with inwards-curving ends; the bar of the buckle is depressed at the place where the pin stood; the bar has two loops through which the axis for the fitting passed; the semicircular part of the buckle frame has a semicircular crosssection; the pin is missing; traces of silvercoating are preserved on the front. Publication: Ivčević 2005, 166, T. 1. 2 Lit.: Behrens 1912, 87, fig. 3. 15 (Mainz); Ritterling 1913, T. XI. 14, 20-21 (Hofheim); Behrens 1918, 28, fig. 8. 1-2 (Mainz); Petru 1972, T. XCIII. 26 (Ljubljana); Oldenstein 1976, 211-212, T. 74. 971 (Wiesbaden); Sagadin 1979, 312-313, T. 9. 15 (Ptuj); Nedved 1981,180, fig. 8. 316 (Ivoševci); · 76 77 · 43. Pojasna kopča Gardun (Tilurium), 1908., AMS, H 4453 bronca visina: 3,4 cm, dužina: 2,3 cm, debljina: 0,4 cm 1. st. Okvir kopče je polukružan sa stanjenim krajevima i uvijenima prema unutrašnjoj strani; prečka kopče je na krajevima uvijena prema vanjskoj strani, nedostaje dio na središnjem dijelu gdje se nalazio trn, a ušice za osovinu vidljive su samo u tragovima; presjek polukružnoga dijela okvira kopče je trokutast, s unutrašnje strane istaknuto je rebro; trn nije sačuvan. Objava: Ivčević 2005, 166, T. 1. 3 Lit.: Ritterling 1913, T. XI. 14, 20-21 (Hofheim); Behrens 1918, 28, fig. 8, 1-2 (Mainz); Behrens 1912, 87, fig. 3, 15 (Mainz); Petru 1972, T. XCIII. 26 (Ljubljana); Oldenstein 1976, 211-212, T. 74, 971 (Wiesbaden); Sagadin 1979, 312-313, T. 9. 15 (Ptuj); Nedved 1981, 180, fig. 8. 316 (Ivoševci); Koščević 1991, 66-67, T. XXVI. 365 (Sisak); Unz &Deschler-Erb 1997, 32–34, T. 43. 1138–1163, T. 44. 1164–1182 (Vindonisa); Deschler-Erb 1999, T. 16. 290291; Radman-Livaja 2004a, 184, T. 35. 205; Višić-Ljubić 2006, 164, fig. 2 S. I. 44. Pojasna kopča Gardun (Tilurium), AMS, H 6176 bronca, srebro visina: 3,1 cm, dužina: 2,7 cm, debljina: 0,4 cm 1. st. Okvir kopče je polukružan s krajevima uvijenima prema unutrašnjoj strani, prečka kopče je udubljena na mjestu gdje je bio trn, na prečki su dvije ušice kroz koje se provlačila osovina za okov; presjek polukružnoga dijela okvira kopče je polukružan; trn nije sačuvan, a s prednje strane sačuvani su ostaci posrebrenja. Objava: Ivčević 2005, 166, T. 1. 4 Lit.: Behrens 1912, 87, fig. 3. 15 (Mainz); Ritterling 1913, T. XI. 14. 20-21 (Hofheim); Behrens 1918, 28, fig. 8, 1-2 (Mainz); Petru 1972, T. XCIII. 26 (Ljubljana); Oldenstein 1976, 211-212, T. 74. 971 (Wiesbaden); Sagadin 1979, 312-313, T. 9. 15 (Ptuj); Nedved 1981, 180, fig. 8. 316 (Ivoševci); Koščević 1991, 66-67, T. XXVI. 365 (Sisak); Unz &Deschler-Erb 1997, 32–34, T. 43. 1138–1163, T. 44. 1164–1182 (Vindonisa); Višić-Ljubić 2006, 165, fig. 3a-3b. S. I. 45. Pojasna kopča Gardun (Tilurium), 2000., MTK 22 bronca visina: 5 cm, širina: 3, 8 cm, težina: 13, 44 g 1. st. Polukružna kopča s volutnim završecima s gornje strane je premazana kositrom i ukrašena urezanim linijama, trn nedostaje. Objava: Šeparović 2003, T. 2. 6 Lit.: Behrens 1912, 87, fig. 3. 15 (Mainz); Ritterling 1913, T. XI. 14. 20-21 (Hofheim); Behrens 1918, 28, fig. 8. 1-2 (Mainz); Petru 1972, T. XCIII. 26 (Ljubljana); Oldenstein 1976, 211-212, T. 74. 971 (Wiesbaden); Sagadin 1979, 312-313, T. 9. 15 (Ptuj); Nedved 1981, 180, fig. 8. 316 (Ivoševci); Koščević 1991, 66-67, T. XXVI. 365 (Sisak); Unz &Deschler-Erb 1997, 32–34, T. 43. 1138–1163, T. 44. 1164–1182 (Vindonisa) S. I. 46. Pojasna kopča s okovom Gardun (Tilurium), 1907., AMS, H 4382 bronca, nijelo gumb: promjer: 2 cm, debljina: 0,6 cm; okov kopče: dužina: 10, 35 cm, visina: 3,15 cm, debljina: 0,15 cm 1. st. Glava gumba ukrašena je urezanim biljnim motivima, pomoću zgloba je spojena za pravokutni okov pojasa kojemu se na rubovima vide zakovice pomoću ons to the belt. They appear throughout the Roman Empire and mostly date from the first half of the 1st cent., whereas in the Flavian period they are rare. In the typology worked out for Britain by Francis Grew and Nick Griffiths, the fittings are divided into two basic types based on the shape and method of decoration (Grew &Griffiths 1991, 49). Our piece by its features matches type A, which includes rectangular fittings with a flat polished surface, frequently decorated by punching, incision and niello. They were attached to the belt either by rivets passed through perforations on the corners—as in the case of our fitting—or by prongs on the back. The most frequent decoration on belt fittings like our one were incision and punching, as well as niello. The decoration on the fitting from Gardun consists of a rosette and a chequered pattern framed with a series of triangles, which is a usual motif on buckle fittings in the 1st cent. Publication: Ivčević 2005, 166, T. 1. 4 Lit.: Behrens 1912, 87, fig. 3. 15 (Mainz); Ritterling 1913, T. XI. 14. 20-21 (Hofheim); Behrens 1918, 28, fig. 8, 1-2 (Mainz); Petru 1972, T. XCIII. 26 (Ljubljana); Oldenstein 1976, 211-212, T. 74. 971 (Wiesbaden); Sagadin 1979, 312-313, T. 9. 15 (Ptuj); Nedved 1981, 180, fig. 8. 316 (Ivoševci); Koščević 1991, 66-67, T. XXVI. 365 (Sisak); Unz &Deschler-Erb 1997, 32–34, T. 43. 1138–1163, T. 44. 1164–1182 (Vindonisa); Višić-Ljubić 2006, 165, fig. 3a-3b. S. I. 45. Belt buckle Gardun (Tilurium), 2000, MTK 22 bronze height: 5 cm, width: 3.8 cm, weight: 13.44 g 1st cent. Semicircular buckle with volutae-shaped ends; coated with tin on the upper part and decorated with incised lines; the pin is missing. Publication: Ivčević 2010 (in preparation) Lit.: Unz 1972, 55, fig. 4. 12; Henderson 1949, T. XXXIII. 72; Behrens 1918, 28, fig. 9; Unz &Deschler – Erb 1997, T. 40. 1012, 1020; T. 45. 1211, 1232-1233; Deschler– Erb 1999, T. 19. 354; Simpson 2000, 151, T. 25. 29; Ivčević 2004, 166, T. 1. 6; Bishop &Coulston 2006, 108, fig. 62. 3, 21 Publication: Šeparović 2003, T. 2. 6 Lit.: Behrens 1912, 87, fig. 3. 15 (Mainz); Ritterling 1913, T. XI. 14. 20-21 (Hofheim); Behrens 1918, 28, fig. 8. 1-2 (Mainz); Petru 1972, T. XCIII. 26 (Ljubljana); Oldenstein 1976, 211-212, T. 74. 971 (Wiesbaden); Sagadin 1979, 312-313, T. 9. 15 (Ptuj); Nedved 1981, 180, fig. 8. 316 (Ivoševci); Koščević 1991, 66-67, T. XXVI. 365 (Sisak); Unz &Deschler-Erb 1997, 32–34, T. 43. 1138–1163, T. 44. 1164–1182 (Vindonisa) S. I. 47. Buckle pin Gardun (Tilurium), 1884, AMS, H 1211 bronze dimensions: 3.4 x 2.4 cm 1st cent. S. I. Buckle pin in the shape of a lily, the loop is missing. 46. Belt buckle with a fitting Gardun (Tilurium), 1907, AMS, H 4382 Bronze, niello button: diameter: 2 cm, thickness: 0.6 cm; buckle fitting: length: 10.35 cm, height: 3.15 cm, thickness: 0.15 cm 1st cent. Publication: Ivčević 2005, 166, T. 1. 5 Lit.: Petru 1972, T. XCV. 19. T. XCIII. 26 (Ljubljana); Behrens 1918, 28, fig. 8. 1 (Mainz); Deschler-Erb 1999, T. 17. 300301; Unz &Deschler-Erb 1997, 36, T. 43. 1141, T. 44. 1178 (Vindonissa) The head of the button is decorated with vegetable motifs, hinged to the rectangular belt fitting with visible rivets by which it was attached to the belt; the rectangular field on the front is decorated with a rosette in the middle, surrounded by a chequered pattern framed with the dents-de-loup motif. All incised motifs are filled with niello. Buckles of this type were situated on a dagger or sword strap and were used for fastening the weap- S. I. kojih je bio pričvršćen na pojas; s prednje strane je pravokutno polje koje je ukrašeno rozetom u sredini, uokolo nje se nalazi šahovnica, uokvirena motivom vučjih zubi. Svi urezani motivi su ispunjeni nijelom. Takve kopče su se nalazile na pojasu za bodež ili za mač i pomoću njih se oružje kopčalo na pojas. Javljaju se na području cijelog Rimskog Carstva, najviše ih je iz prve polovice 1. st., a u flavijevsko doba su rijetki. U tipologiji koju su za područje Britanije izradili Francis Grew i Nick Griffiths okovi su podijeljeni u dva osnovna tipa s obzirom na oblik i način ukrašavanja (Grew &Griffiths 1991, 49). Naš primjerak, prema svojim karakteristikama, odgovara tipu A u koji su uvršteni četvrtasti okovi ravne uglačane površine, često ukrašene punciranjem, urezivanjem i nijelom. Za pojas su bili učvršćeni pomoću zakovica koje su se provlačile kroz rupice na uglovima, što je slučaj s našim okovom, ili pomoću trnova sa stražnje strane. Na pojasnim okovima poput našeg najčešće je primijenjen ukras izrađen urezivanjem i punciranjem te nijeliranjem. Ukras na gardunskom okovu sastoji se od rozete i šahovnice uokvirenih nizom trokuta, što je jedan od uobičajenih motiva na okovima kopči u 1. st. Objava: Ivčević 2010 (u pripremi) Lit.: Unz 1972, 55, fig. 4. 12; Henderson 1949, T. XXXIII. 72; Behrens 1918, 28, fig. 9; Unz &Deschler – Erb 1997, T. 40. 1012, 1020; T. 45. 1211, 12321233; Deschler–Erb 1999, T. 19. 354; Simpson 2000, 151, T. 25. 29; Ivčević 2004, 166, T. 1. 6; Bishop &Coulston 2006, 108, fig. 62. 3, 21 S. I. 47. Trn kopče Gardun (Tilurium), 1884., AMS, H 1211 bronca dimenzije 3, 4 x 2, 4 cm; 1. st. Trn kopče je izrađen u obliku ljiljana, nedostaje ušica. Objava: Ivčević 2005, 166, T. 1. 5 Lit.: Petru 1972, T. XCV. 19. T. XCIII. 26 (Ljubljana); Behrens 1918, 28, fig. 8. 1 (Mainz); Deschler-Erb 1999, T. 17. 300-301; Unz &Deschler-Erb 1997, 36, T. 43. 1141, T. 44. 1178 (Vindonissa) S. I. · 78 79 · Lit.: Behrens 1918, 28, fig. 9. 2 (Mainz); Unz &Deschler-Erb 1997, 37-38, T. 45. 1232 (Vindonissa); Voirol 2000, T. 9. 67 (Avenches); Matešić 2005, T. 20. 254-255 48. Trn kopče Gardun (Tilurium), 2004., MTK 983 bronca, kositar dužina: 4,5 cm, širina: 2,5 cm 1. st. 48. Buckle pin Gardun (Tilurium), 2004, MTK 983 bronze, tin length: 4.5 cm, width: 2.5 cm 1st cent. Trn kopče izrađen je u obliku ljiljana, ušica je lijevana zajedno s trnom, s prednje strane trn je premazan kositrom. Buckle pin in the shape of a lily, the loop is cast together with the pin, the front of the pin is coated with tin. Objava: Ivčević 2010 (u pripremi) Lit.: Behrens 1918, 28, fig. 8. 1; Petru 1972, T. XCV. 19, T. XCIII. 26; Unz &Deschler-Erb 1997, T. 43. 1141, T. 44. 1178; Bekić 1998, 238, T. 3. 18; Višić-Ljubić 2006, 165, fig. 3 Publication: Ivčević 2010 (in preparation) Lit.: Behrens 1918, 28, fig. 8. 1; Petru 1972, T. XCV. 19, T. XCIII. 26; Unz &DeschlerErb 1997, T. 43. 1141, T. 44. 1178; Bekić 1998, 238, T. 3. 18; Višić-Ljubić 2006, 165, fig. 3 S. I. 49. Kopča Gardun (Tilurium), MCK, B-431 bronca visina: 3,7 cm, širina: 2,1 cm, debljina: 0,3 cm 1. st. Kopča načinjena od vrpčaste brončane žice pravokutnog presjeka, zavijenih krajeva prema unutrašnjoj strani, na koju je pričvršćena vrpčasta osovina s krajevima koji su savijeni u ušicu sa strana. Po sredini osovine nalazi se odlomljeni dio za pričvršćivanje za remen. Prekrivena tamnozelenom patinom. Objava: neobjavljeno Lit.: Nedved 1981, 189, fig. 8. 315: Grew &Griffiths, 1991, 50, 75, fig. 15, 157; Unz &Deschler-Erb 1997, 19, T. 13. 209 (Vindonissa); Bekić 1998, 234235, T. 4. 10; Bishop &Coulston 2006, 85, fig. 43. d, fig. 45 A. L. 50. Kopča s dugmetom Gardun (Tilurium), 1894., AMS, H 3217 bronca visina: 2,1 cm, dužina: 3,6 cm, debljina: 0,2 cm 1. st. S. I. 51. Buckle with a button Gardun (Tilurium), MCK, B-885 bronze height: 2.4 cm, length: 5.1 cm, thickness: 0.2 cm 1st cent. Cordate buckle, the frame is peltate, rendered in openwork; there are two loops on the bar of the buckle; the pin is bent, with a button on the tip. S. I. S. I. 49. Buckle Gardun (Tilurium), MCK, B-431 bronze height: 3.7 cm, width: 2.1 cm, thickness: 0.3 cm 1st cent. Publication: unpublished Lit.: Behrens 1918, 28, fig. 9. 2; Unz &Deschler-Erb 1997, 37, T. 45. 1233 (Vindonissa); Ivčević 2004, 160, kat. br. 6, T. 1, 6 Buckle made of a ribbon-like bronze wire of a rectangular cross-section, with inwardcurving ends. Ribbon-like axis with ends coiled into a loop on the sides is attached to the wire. A broken-off joint to the belt is set at the middle of the axis. Covered with dark green patina. 52. Belt fitting from a military apron Gardun (Tilurium), 1898, AMS, H 3674 bronze, silver length: 4.4 cm, height: 1.6 cm 1st cent. A. L. One end of the fitting is widened and decorated with incisions; it has four pins on the back, while a silver plaque is applied on the front. Publication: unpublished Lit.: Nedved 1981, 189, fig. 8. 315: Grew &Griffiths, 1991, 50, 75, fig. 15, 157; Unz &Deschler-Erb 1997, 19, T. 13. 209 (Vindonissa); Bekić 1998, 234-235, T. 4. 10; Bishop &Coulston 2006, 85, fig. 43. d, fig. 45 Publication: Ivčević 2005, 166, T. 1. 7 Lit.: Oldenstein 1976, 191, 265, T. 59. 743 (Saalburg); Unz &Deschler-Erb 1997, 52, T. 69. 1984 (Vindonissa); Deschler-Erb 1999, T. 20. 383-389; Voirol 2000, 19, T. 9. 71, 73, 75–77 (Avenches) A. L. 50. Buckle with a button Gardun (Tilurium), 1894, AMS, H 3217 bronze height: 2.1 cm, length: 3.6 cm, thickness: 0.2 cm 1st cent. Lit.: Behrens 1918, 28, fig. 9. 2 (Mainz); Unz &Deschler-Erb 1997, 37-38, T. 45. 1232 (Vindonissa); Voirol 2000, T. 9. 67 (Avenches); Matešić 2005, T. 20. 254-255 S. I. 51. Kopča s dugmetom Gardun (Tilurium), MCK, B-885 bronca visina: 2,4 cm, dužina: 5,1 cm, debljina: 0,3 cm 1. st. Kopča srcolikog oblika, okvir kopče ima oblik pelte, izrađena tehnikom na proboj; na prečki kopče nalaze se dvije ušice; trn je savijen, na vrhu trna nalazi se dugme. Objava: neobjavljeno Lit.: Behrens 1918, 28, fig. 9. 2; Unz &Deschler-Erb 1997, 37, T. 45. 1233 (Vindonissa); Ivčević 2004, 160, kat. br. 6, T. 1, 6 A. L. 52. Okov remena vojničke pregače Gardun (Tilurium), 1898., AMS, H 3674 bronca, srebro dužina: 4,4 cm, visina: 1,6 cm 1. st. Na jednom je kraju proširen i ukrašen urezima; sa stražnje su strane četiri trna, na prednjoj strani aplicirana je srebrena pločica. Objava: Ivčević 2005, 166, T. 1. 7 Lit.: Oldenstein 1976, 191, 265, T. 59. 743 (Saalburg); Unz &Deschler-Erb 1997, 52, T. 69. 1984 (Vindonissa); Deschler-Erb 1999, T. 20. 383-389; Voirol 2000, 19, T. 9. 71, 73, 75–77 (Avenches) S. I. Cordate buckle frame with two openwork peltate motifs, with two loops on the bar of the buckle; the pin is considerably bent, and the button on the tip of the pin is missing. Publication: Ivčević 2005, 166, T. 1. 6 Srcoliki okvir kopče ima dva motiva pelta rađena na proboj, na prečki kopče dvije su ušice; trn je dosta savijen, a na vrhu trna nije sačuvano dugme. Objava: Ivčević 2005, 166, T. 1. 6 · 80 81 · 53. Okov remena vojničke pregače Gardun (Tilurium), 1889., AMS, H 2580 bronca dužina: 3,9 cm, visina: 1,5 cm, debljina s trnom: 0,7 cm 1. st. Pravokutni okov na jednom je kraju proširen i ukrašen urezima; sa stražnje su strane četiri trna Objava: Ivčević 2005, 166, T. 1. 8 Lit.: Voirol 2000, 19, T. 9. 71, 73, 75–77 (Avenches); Deschler-Erb 1999, T. 20. 383-389; Unz &Deschler-Erb 1997, 52, T. 69. 1984 (Vindonissa); Oldenstein 1976, 191, 265, T. 59. 743 (Saalburg) S. I. 54. Okov remena vojničke pregače Gardun (Tilurium), 1886., AMS, H 1832 bronca dužina: 2,7 cm, visina: 1,6 cm, debljina s trnom: 0,6 cm 1. st. 53. Belt fitting from a military apron Gardun (Tilurium), 1899, AMS, H 2580 bronze length: 3.9 cm, height: 1.5 cm, thickness with the pin: 0.7 cm 1st cent. Rectangular fitting with one end widened and decorated with incisions; there are four pins on the back. Objava: Ivčević 2005, 166, T. 1. 9 Lit.: Oldenstein 1976, 191, 265, T. 59. 743 (Saalburg); Unz &Deschler-Erb 1997, 52, T. 69. 1984 (Vindonissa); Deschler-Erb 1999, T. 20. 383-389; Voirol 2000, 19, T. 9. 71, 73, 75–77 (Avenches) S. I. 55. Okov remena vojničke pregače Gardun (Tilurium), 2005., MTK 989 bronca, kositar 1. st. dimenzije: 3,2 x 3,6 cm, debljina s trnom: 0,4 cm Pravokutna pločica, s donje strane uz rub dva trna, bila je premazana kositrom. Objava: Ivčević 2010 (u pripremi) Lit.: Unz &Deschler-Erb 1997, T. 42. 1083, 1085, 1091, 1103, 1113, 1120; Deschler-Erb 1999, T. 20. 383-389; Müller 2002, T. 64. 677 56. Zakovica Gardun (Tilurium), MCK, AZ-465-1 bronca promjer: 2,8 cm 1. st. Circular rivet with a pin on the back; the front was decorated with concentric circles that frame the central interior field with a dot; the rims are serrated. Zakovica kružnog oblika, s trnom na poleđini; prednja strana zakovice ukrašena koncentričnim kružnicama koje uokviruju središnje unutarnje polje s točkicom, rubovi su nazupčeni. Publication: unpublished Lit.: Koščević 1991, 81-82, fig. 569.; Unz &Deschler-Erb 1997, 55-56, T. 74, 22792282; Radman-Livaja 2004a, 89-91 Publication: Ivčević 2005, 166, T. 1. 8 Lit.: Voirol 2000, 19, T. 9. 71, 73, 75–77 (Avenches); Deschler-Erb 1999, T. 20. 383389; Unz &Deschler-Erb 1997, 52, T. 69. 1984 (Vindonissa); Oldenstein 1976, 191, 265, T. 59. 743 (Saalburg) A. L. S. I. 54. Belt fitting from a military apron Gardun (Tilurium), 1896, AMS, H 1832 bronze length: 2.7 cm, height: 1.6 cm, thickness with the pin: 0.6 cm 1st cent. Circular rivet with a pin on the back; engraved decoration in the central field on the front is indiscernible; on the back is a pin within two concentric circles. Publication: unpublished Lit.: Koščević 1991, 79-80; Unz &Deschler-Erb 1997, 53, T. 73, 2204; DeschlerErb 1999, 188, T. 44, 853; Radman-Livaja 2004a, 89-90, T. 38, 239 Publication: Ivčević 2005, 166, T. 1. 9 Lit.: Oldenstein 1976, 191, 265, T. 59. 743 (Saalburg); Unz &Deschler-Erb 1997, 52, T. 69. 1984 (Vindonissa); Deschler-Erb 1999, T. 20. 383-389; Voirol 2000, 19, T. 9. 71, 73, 75–77 (Avenches) A. L. S. I. 58. Fastener Gardun (Tilurium), MCK, AZ-B-461-1 bone length: 3.5 cm, width: 2.2 cm 1st cent. 55. Belt fitting from a military apron Gardun (Tilurium), 2005, MTK 989 bronze, tin 3.2 x 3.6 cm, thickness with the pin: 0.4 cm 1st cent. Fastener with a trapezoidal loop perforated in the centre, the upper part has an irregular circular shape with a perforation in the middle. Tin-coated rectangular plaque, with two pins along the edge on the back. Publication: unpublished Lit.: Unz &Deschler-Erb 1997, 53-54, T. 72. 2125, 2126, 2128; Radman-Livaja 2004a, 92-93, 134, T. 41. 270 Publication: Ivčević 2010 (in preparation) Lit.: Unz &Deschler-Erb 1997, T. 42. 1083, 1085, 1091, 1103, 1113, 1120; DeschlerErb 1999, T. 20. 383-389; Müller 2002, T. 64. 677 Objava: neobjavljeno Lit.: Koščević 1991, 81-82, fig. 569.; Unz &Deschler-Erb 1997, 55-56, T. 74, 2279-2282; Radman-Livaja 2004a, 8991 A. L. 57. Rivet Gardun (Tilurium), MCK, AZ-465-7 bronze diameter: 2.1 cm 1st cent. Rectangular fitting without decoration; there are four pins on the back. Pravokutni neukrašeni okov; sa stražnje su strane četiri trna. 56. Rivet Gardun (Tilurium), MCK, AZ-465-1 bronze diameter: 2.8 cm 1st cent. A. L. 57. Zakovica Gardun (Tilurium), MCK, AZ-465-7 bronca promjer: 2,1 cm 1. st. Okrugla zakovica s trnom na poleđini; na prednjoj strani je središnje polje s graviranim ukrasom čiji je prikaz nejasan; na stražnjoj strani je trn unutar dvije koncentrične kružnice. Objava: neobjavljeno Lit.: Koščević 1991, 79-80; Unz &Deschler-Erb 1997, 53, T. 73, 2204; Deschler-Erb 1999, 188, T. 44, 853; Radman-Livaja 2004a, 89-90, T. 38, 239 A. L. 58. Pričvršćivač Gardun (Tilurium), MCK, AZ-B-461-1 kost dužina: 3,5 cm, širina: 2,2 cm 1. st. Pričvršćivač s trapezastom petljom perforiranom u sredini, gornji dio je nepravilnog zaobljenog oblika s rupicom po sredini. Objava: neobjavljeno Lit.: Unz &Deschler-Erb 1997, 53-54, T. 72. 2125, 2126, 2128; Radman-Livaja 2004a, 92-93, 134, T. 41. 270 S. I. A. L. S. I. · 82 83 · 59. Dugme s jednostrukom ušicom Gardun (Tilurium), MCK, B-465-2 bronca dužina: 2,9 cm, širina: 1,8 cm 1. st. 59. Button with a single loop Gardun (Tilurium), MCK, B-465-2 bronze length: 2.9 cm, width: 1.8 cm 1st cent. Dugmasti pričvršćivač s povijenom jednostrukom oblom petljom, dugme i petlja su kružnog oblika. Button-like fastener with a curved single round loop; the button and the loop are round. Objava: neobjavljeno Lit.: Unz &Deschler-Erb 1997, 53, T. 71, 2082; Deschler-Erb 1999, 184, T. 41. 791. Radman-Livaja 2004a, 92, 94, 133, 189, T. 40. 259 Publication: unpublished Lit.: Unz &Deschler-Erb 1997, 53, T. 71, 2082; Deschler-Erb 1999, 184, T. 41. 791. Radman-Livaja 2004a, 92, 94, 133, 189, T. 40. 259 A. L. 60. Dugme s jednostrukom ušicom Gardun (Tilurium), 2005., MTK 990 bronca dužina: 2,4 cm, promjer glave: 1,5 cm, dužina trakice s ušicom: 1,6 cm, promjer ušice: 0,8 cm 1. st. Glava dugmeta je konveksna, a sa stražnje strane je brončana trakica savijena pod pravim kutom, na kraju oblikovana kao ušica. Objavljeno: Ivčević 2010 (u pripremi) Lit.: Frere &Joseph 1974, fig. 32. 70; Unz 1974, fig. 14. 176, 183; Unz &Deschler-Erb 1997, T. 71. 2066-2085; Voirol 2000, 61, T. 19. 202; Feugère &Poux 2002, 83, fig. 4. 7; Šeparović 2003, T. 2. 8-9; Radman-Livaja 2004a, 190, T. 41. 262 S. I. 61. Dugme s dvostrukom ušicom Gardun (Tilurium), 2001., MTK 993 bronca dužina: 4 cm, promjer pločice: 2,9 cm, visina: 0,7 cm 1. st. Sa stražnje strane kružne pločice nalazi se brončana traka savijena pod pravim kutom te se širi u obliku nepravilnog pravokutnika, kojemu se u uglovima nalaze kružni otvori. Objava: Ivčević 2010 (u pripremi) Lit.: Unz &Deschler-Erb 1997, T. 72. 2152; Müller 2002, T. 44. 480, 481 62. Aucissa fibula Gardun (Tilurium), 1902, AMS, H 4018 bronze length: 5.1 cm, height: 2.7 cm last quarter of the 1st cent. B.C. – third quarter of the 1st cent. A.D. Ribbon-like bow of the fibula is decorated with a series of incised transverse lines along the central longitudinal rib, as well as with a series of small incisions on the edges of the bow; the foot ends with a decorative knob, the partly preserved rectangular catch-plate has a round opening on the outer side and a series of incisions on the upper edge. A. L. Publication: Ivčević, Izdanja HAD-a, Sinj (in preparation) Lit.: Feugère 1985, T. 119. 1522, 1525, 1527; Lacabe 1995, T. 31. 234-239; Fauduet 1999, T. X. 65, 67; Ivčević 2002a, T. II. 1720 60. Button with a single loop Gardun (Tilurium), 2005, MTK 990 bronze length: 2.4 cm, diameter of head: 1.5 cm, length of strip with a loop: 1.6 cm, diameter of loop: 0.8 cm 1st cent. S. I. 63. Aucissa fibula Gardun (Tilurium), 1939, AMS, H 5242 bronze length: 5.4 cm, height: 2.6 cm last quarter of the 1st cent. B.C. – third quarter of the 1st cent. A.D. Button with a convex head, on the back is a bronze strip bent at a right angle and formed into a loop. Publication: Ivčević 2010 (in preparation) Lit.: Frere &Joseph 1974, fig. 32. 70; Unz 1974, fig. 14. 176, 183; Unz &Deschler-Erb 1997, T. 71. 2066-2085; Voirol 2000, 61, T. 19. 202; Feugère &Poux 2002, 83, fig. 4. 7; Šeparović 2003, T. 2. 8-9; Radman-Livaja 2004a, 190, T. 41. 262 Ribbon-like bow of the fibula is decorated with a series of incised transverse lines along the central longitudinal rib, as well as with a series of small incisions on the edges of the bow; the foot ends with a decorative knob, the rectangular catch-plate has two impressed circles and a series of incisions on the upper edge. S. I. 61. Button with a double loop Gardun (Tilurium), 2001, MTK 993 bronze length: 4 cm, diameter of plaque: 2.9 cm, height: 0.7 cm 1st cent. Publication: Ivčević, Izdanja HAD-a, Sinj (in preparation) Lit.: Feugère 1985, T. 119. 1522, 1525, 1527; Lacabe 1995, T. 31. 234-239; Fauduet 1999, T. X. 65, 67; Ivčević 2002a, T. II. 1720 On the back of the circular plaque is a bronze strip bent at the right angle, which widens in the shape of an irregular rectangle with round openings in the corners. S. I. 64. Aucissa fibula Gardun (Tilurium), 1907, AMS, H 4372 bronze length: 5.3 cm, height: 2.6 cm last quarter of the 1st cent. B.C. – third quarter of the 1st cent. A.D. Publication: Ivčević 2010 (in preparation) Lit.: Unz &Deschler-Erb 1997, T. 72. 2152; Müller 2002, T. 44. 480, 481 S. I. S. I. · 84 85 · 62. Aucissa fibula Gardun (Tilurium), 1902., AMS, H 4018 bronca dužina: 5,1 cm, visina: 2,7 cm zadnja četvrtina 1. st. pr. Kr.-treća četvrtina 1. st. Vrpčasti luk fibule ukrašen je središnjim uzdužnim rebrom s nizom urezanih poprečnih linija, a na rubovima luka nizom sitnih ureza, noga završava kuglastim ukrasom, dijelom sačuvana zaglavna pločica je četvrtasta ima kružni otvor s vanjske strane te niz ureza na gornjem rubu. Objava: Ivčević, Izdanja Had-a, Sinj (u pripremi) Lit.: Feugère 1985, T. 119. 1522, 1525, 1527; Lacabe 1995, T. 31. 234-239; Fauduet 1999, T. X. 65, 67; Ivčević 2002a, T. II. 17-20 S. I. 63. Aucissa fibula Gardun (Tilurium), 1939., AMS, H 5242 bronca dužina: 5,4 cm, visina: 2,6 cm zadnja četvrtina 1. st. pr. Kr. treća četvrtina 1. st. Vrpčasti luk fibule ukrašen je središnjim uzdužnim rebrom s nizom urezanih poprečnih linija, a na rubovima luka nizom sitnih ureza, noga završava kuglastim ukrasom, zaglavna pločica je četvrtasta, ima dvije utisnute kružnice i niz sitnih ureza uz gornji rub. Objava: Ivčević, Izdanja Hada, Sinj (u pripremi) Lit.: Feugère 1985, T. 119. 1522, 1525, 1527; Lacabe 1995, T. 31. 234-239; Fauduet 1999, T. X. 65, 67; Ivčević 2002a, T. II. 17-20 S. I. 64. Aucissa fibula Gardun (Tilurium), 1907., AMS, H 4372 bronca duž. 5,3 cm, vis. 2,6 cm zadnja četvrtina 1. st. pr. Kr.-treća četvrtina 1. st. Vrpčasti luk fibule ukrašen je središnjim uzdužnim rebrom s nizom urezanih poprečnih linija, a na rubovima luka nizom sitnih ureza, noga završava kuglastim ukrasom, zaglavna pločica je četvrtasta i ima dva kružna otvora te niz ureza na gornjem rubu. Objava: Ivčević, Izdanja Hada, Sinj (u pripremi) Lit.: Feugère 1985, T. 119. 1522, 1525, 1527; Lacabe 1995, T. 31. 234-239; Fauduet 1999, T. X. 65, 67; Ivčević 2002a, T. II. 17-20 S. I. 65. Aucissa fibula Gardun (Tilurium), AMS, H 3112 bronca dužina: 5,4 cm, visina: 2,4 cm zadnja četvrtina 1. st. pr. Kr.-treća četvrtina 1. st. Vrpčasti luk fibule ukrašen je središnjim uzdužnim rebrom s nizom urezanih poprečnih linija, a na rubovima luka nizom sitnih ureza, noga završava kuglastim ukrasom, zaglavna pločica je četvrtasta i ima kružne ureze sa strane, ukrašena je urezanim trokutima. Objava: Ivčević, Izdanja Hada, Sinj (u pripremi) Lit.: Feugère 1985, T. 133. 1661, 1662; Lacabe 1995, T. 35. 262-267; Ivčević 2002a, T. IV, 32-35 S. I. 66. Aucissa fibula Gardun (Tilurium), 1894., AMS, H 3211 bronca, dužina: 3,9 cm, visina: 2,5 cm zadnja četvrtina 1. st. pr. Kr.-treća četvrtina 1. st. Luk fibule je polukružnog presjeka, noga završava kuglastim ukrasom, zaglavna pločica je četvrtasta s urezima sa strane, u gornjem dijelu je ukrašena nizom kosih linija, zglobni tuljac je izrađen savijanjem prema van. Objava: Ivčević, Izdanja Had-a, Sinj, u pripremi Lit.: Feugère 1985, T. 130. 1629; Lacabe 1995, T. 45. 331; Ivčević 2002a, T. VII. 59-67, T. VIII. 68-75 S. I. Ribbon-like bow of the fibula is decorated with a series of incised transverse lines along the central longitudinal rib, as well as with a series of small incisions on the edges of the bow; the foot ends with a decorative knob, the rectangular catch-plate has two round openings and a series of incisions on the upper edge. 67. Aucissa fibula Gardun (Tilurium), 1894, AMS, H 3276 bronze length: 4.6 cm, height: 2.7 cm last quarter of the 1st cent. B.C. – third quarter of the 1st cent. A.D. Bow of the fibula has a semicircular crosssection, the foot ends with a decorative knob, the rectangular catch-plate is incised at the side, decorated in the upper part with a series of slanting lines, the socket is made by outward bending. Publication: Ivčević, Izdanja HAD-a, Sinj (in preparation) Lit.: Feugère 1985, T. 119. 1522, 1525, 1527; Lacabe 1995, T. 31. 234-239; Fauduet 1999, T. X. 65, 67; Ivčević 2002a, T. II. 1720 Publication: Ivčević, Izdanja HAD-a, Sinj, in preparation Literatura: Feugère 1985, T. 130. 1629; Lacabe 1995, T. 45. 331; Ivčević 2002a, T. VII. 59-67, T. VIII. 68-75 S. I. 65. Aucissa fibula Gardun (Tilurium), AMS, H 3112 bronze length: 5.4 cm, height: 2.4 cm last quarter of the 1st cent. B.C. – third quarter of the 1st cent. A.D. S. I. 68. Aucissa fibula Gardun (Tilurium), 1892, AMS, H 3111 bronze length: 6.2 cm, height: 3.8 cm last quarter of the 1st cent. B.C. – third quarter of the 1st cent. A.D. Ribbon-like bow of the fibula is decorated with a series of incised transverse lines along the central longitudinal rib, as well as with a series of small incisions on the edges of the bow; the foot ends with a decorative knob, the rectangular catch-plate has round incisions on the side, decorated with incised triangles. Bow of the fibula has a semicircular crosssection, the foot ends with a decorative knob, the rectangular catch-plate is incised at the side, decorated in the upper and lower parts with a series of slanting lines, the socket is made by outward bending. Publication: Ivčević, Izdanja HAD-a, Sinj (in preparation) Lit.: Feugère 1985, T. 133. 1661, 1662; Lacabe 1995, T. 35. 262-267; Ivčević 2002a, T. IV, 32-35 Publication: Ivčević, Izdanja HAD-a, Sinj, in preparation Literatura: Feugère 1985, T. 130. 1629; Lacabe 1995, T. 45. 331; Ivčević 2002a, T. VII, 59-67, T. VIII, 68-75. S. I. S. I. 66. Aucissa fibula Gardun (Tilurium), 1894, AMS, H 3211 bronze length: 3.9 cm, height: 2.7 cm last quarter of the 1st cent. B.C. – third quarter of the 1st cent. A.D. Luk fibule je polukružnog presjeka, noga završava kuglastim ukrasom, zaglavna pločica je četvrtasta s urezima sa strane, u gornjem dijelu je ukrašena nizom kosih linija, zglobni tuljac je izrađen savijanjem prema van. Objava: Ivčević, Izdanja Had-a, Sinj, u pripremi Literatura: Feugère 1985, T. 130. 1629; Lacabe 1995, T. 45. 331; Ivčević 2002a, T. VII. 59-67, T. VIII. 68-75 S. I. 68. Aucissa fibula Gardun (Tilurium), 1892., AMS, H 3111 bronca, dužina: 6,2 cm, visina: 3,8 cm zadnja četvrtina 1. st. pr. Kr.-treća četvrtina 1. st. Luk fibule je polukružnog presjeka, noga završava kuglastim ukrasom, zaglavna pločica je četvrtasta s urezima sa strane, u gornjem i donjem dijelu je ukrašena nizom kosih linija, zglobni tuljac je izrađen savijanjem prema van. Objava: Ivčević, Izdanja Hada, Sinj, u pripremi Literatura: Feugère 1985, T. 130. 1629; Lacabe 1995, T. 45. 331; Ivčević 2002a, T. VII, 59-67, T. VIII, 68-75. S. I. Bow of the fibula has a semicircular crosssection, the foot ends with a decorative knob, the rectangular catch-plate is incised at the side, decorated in the upper part with a series of slanting lines, the socket is made by outward bending. Publication: Ivčević, Izdanja HAD-a, Sinj, in preparation Lit.: Feugère 1985, T. 130. 1629; Lacabe 1995, T. 45. 331; Ivčević 2002a, T. VII. 5967, T. VIII. 68-75 S. I. 67. Aucissa fibula Gardun (Tilurium), 1894., AMS, H 3276 bronca dužina: 4,6 cm, visina: 2,7 cm zadnja četvrtina 1. st. pr. Kr. treća četvrtina 1. st. · 86 87 · 69. Aucissa fibula Gardun (Tilurium), 1894., AMS, H 3215 bronca dužina: 5,1 cm, visina: 3,2 cm zadnja četvrtina 1. st. pr. Kr.-treća četvrtina 1. st. Luk fibule je polukružnog presjeka, noga završava kuglastim ukrasom, zaglavna pločica je četvrtasta s urezima sa strane, zglobni tuljac je izrađen savijanjem prema van. Objava: Ivčević, Izdanja Hada, Sinj (u pripremi) Lit.: Feugère 1985, T. 130. 1629; Lacabe 1995, T. 45. 331; Ivčević 2002a, T. VII. 59-67, T. VIII. 68-75 S. I. 70. Aucissa fibula Gardun(Tilurium), AMS, H 5227 bronca dužina 4,8 cm, visina: 2,6 cm zadnja četvrtina 1. st. pr. Kr.-treća četvrtina 1. st. 69. Aucissa fibula Gardun (Tilurium), 1894, AMS, H 3215 bronze length: 5.1 cm, height: 3.2 cm last quarter of the 1st cent. B.C. – third quarter of the 1st cent. A.D. Bow of the fibula has a semicircular crosssection, the foot ends with a decorative knob, the rectangular catch-plate is incised at the side, the socket is made by outward bending. Publication: Ivčević, Izdanja HAD-a, Sinj (in preparation) Lit.: Feugère 1985, T. 130. 1629; Lacabe 1995, T. 45. 331; Ivčević 2002a, T. VII. 5967, T. VIII. 68-75 S. I. 70. Aucissa fibula Gardun (Tilurium), AMS, H 5227 bronze length: 4.8 cm, height: 2.6 cm last quarter of the 1st cent. B.C. – third quarter of the 1st cent. A.D. Luk fibule je polukružnog presjeka, noga završava kuglastim ukrasom, zaglavna pločica je četvrtasta s urezima sa strane, na njoj nije vidljiv natpis. Bow of the fibula has a semicircular crosssection, the foot ends with a decorative knob, the rectangular catch-plate is incised at the side, the inscription on the plate is not visible Objava: Ivčević, Izdanja Hada, Sinj, u pripremi Lit.: Feugère 1985, T. 130. 1629; Lacabe 1995, T. 45. 331; Ivčević 2002a, T. VII, 59-67, T. VIII. 68-75 Publication: Ivčević, Izdanja HAD-a, Sinj, in preparation Lit.: Feugère 1985, T. 130. 1629; Lacabe 1995, T. 45. 331; Ivčević 2002a, T. VII, 5967, T. VIII. 68-75 S. I. S. I. 71. Aucissa fibula Gardun (Tilurium), 2003., MTK 1015 bronca dužina: 4,1 cm, visina: 1,7 cm zadnja četvrtina 1. st. pr. Kr. - treća četvrtina 1. st. 71. Aucissa fibula Gardun (Tilurium), 2003, MTK 1015 bronze length: 4.1 cm, height: 1.7 cm last quarter of the 1st cent. B.C. – third quarter of the 1st cent. A.D. Fibula Aucissa tipa s trakastim lukom, nedostaju zglobni tuljac i igla, luk je ukrašen središnjim neukrašenim rebrom, a rebra uz rubove luka su tanja i plića od središnjeg, na zaglavnoj pločici nema vidljivog ukrasa niti natpisa, prijelaz luka u nogu bio je označen vjerojatno s dvije poprečne linije od kojih je vidljiv dio jedne. Aucissa fibula with a strap bow, the socket and the pin are missing, the bow is decorated with an undecorated mid-rib, and the ribs along the sides of the bow are thinner and shallower than the central rib; the catch-plate bears no visible decoration or inscription; transition from bow to foot was probably marked with two transverse lines, one of which is still partly visible. Objava: Ivčević 2010 (u pripremi) Lit.: Marović 1959, fig. 15. 4; Feugère 1985, T. 133. 1647-1648; Lacabe 1995, Publication: Ivčević 2010 (in preparation) Lit.: Marović 1959, fig. 15. 4; Feugère 1985, T. 133. 1647-1648; Lacabe 1995, T. 24. 192; Ivčević 2002, T. III. 22, 24; Šeparović 2003, T. 1. 4; Ivčević 2007, 264-265, kat. br. 28, 29 T. 24. 192; Ivčević 2002, T. III. 22, 24; Šeparović 2003, T. 1. 4; Ivčević 2007, 264-265, kat. br. 28, 29 S. I. S. I. 72. Aucissa fibula Gardun (Tilurium), 2005, MTK 1016 bronze, iron length: 6.4 cm, height: 4.1 cm last quarter of the 1st cent. B.C. – third quarter of the 1st cent. A.D. Aucissa fibula with a strap bow, the pin and the part of the fastening mechanism are missing; the axis of the pin is made of iron, the socket is made by outward bending, the catch-plate is decorated with two longitudinal ribs decorated with a series of transverse lines, the central part of the catch-plate has a concave intentation on both sides, the bow is decorated with a central rib filled with vertical lines like those on the catch-plate; undecorated ribs run along the edges of the bow, the transition of the bow to the foot is marked with two incised lines, the foot has a slightly triangular cross-section in the part nearer to the bow. 72. Aucissa fibula Gardun (Tilurium), 2005., MTK 1016 bronca, željezo dužina: 6,4 cm, visina: 4,1 cm zadnja četvrtina 1. st. pr. Kr. - treća četvrtina 1. st. Fibula Aucissa tipa s trakastim lukom; nedostaje igla i dio mehanizma za kopčanje igle, osovina igle izrađena je od željeza, tuljac izrađen savijanjem prema van, zaglavna pločica ukrašena dvama uzdužnim rebrima koja su ukrašena nizom poprečnih linija, središnji dio zaglavne pločice konkavno je zasječen s obje strane, luk je ukrašen središnjim rebrom koje je poput onih na zaglavnoj pločici popunjeno okomitim linijama, na rubovima luka su neukrašena rebra, prijelaz luka u nogu označen dvjema urezanim linijama, noga na dijelu bližem luku ima blago trokutast presjek. Publication: Ivčević 2010 (in preparation) Lit.: Marić 1968, T. XIX. 32-34; Thill 1969, 155, fig. 10. 115; Koščević 1980, T. IV. 26; Rey-Vodoz 1986, 180, T. 10. 152-153; Riha 1994, T. 19, 2259, 2266, T. 20. 2281; Lacabe 1995, T. 31. 234-239; Fauduet 1999, T. X. 65, 67; Ivčević 2002, T. II. 17-20; Šeparović 2003, T. 1. 6; Ivčević 2003, 159, fig. 4, 6; Ivčević 2007, 249, kat. br. 4 Objava: Ivčević 2010 (u pripremi) Lit.: Marić 1968, T. XIX. 32-34; Thill 1969, 155, fig. 10. 115; Koščević 1980, T. IV. 26; Rey-Vodoz 1986, 180, T. 10. 152-153; Riha 1994, T. 19, 2259, 2266, T. 20. 2281; Lacabe 1995, T. 31. 234239; Fauduet 1999, T. X. 65, 67; Ivčević 2002, T. II. 17-20; Šeparović 2003, T. 1. 6; Ivčević 2003, 159, fig. 4, 6; Ivčević 2007, 249, kat. br. 4 S. I. 73. Aucissa fibula Gardun (Tilurium), 2005, MTK 1022 bronze, iron length: 5.3 cm, height: 3 cm last quarter of the 1st cent. B.C. – 1st cent. A.D. The bow of the fibula has a polygonal crosssection; incised longitudinal lines with a series of vertical lines between them run along the centre of the bow; the catch-plate is rectangular with semicircular indentations on the edge, decorated with a pair of two incised longitudinal lines with a series of vertical lines between them; the socket was made by outward bending, the axis of the pin is made of iron, the transition from the bow to the foot is marked by two vertical ribs, the foot ends with a decorative knob. · 88 89 · S. I. 73. Aucissa fibula Gardun (Tilurium), 2005., MTK 1022 bronca, željezo dužina: 5,3 cm, visina: 3 cm zadnja četvrtina 1. st. pr. Kr.-1. st. Luk fibule je poligonalnog presjeka, a sredinom luka su urezane uzdužne linije između kojih je niz okomitih linija, zaglavna pločica je četvrtasta i na rubovima polukružno zarezana, ukrašena s po dvije urezane uzdužne linije između kojih je niz okomitih linija, zglobni tuljac izrađen je savijanjem prema van, osovina igle izrađena je od željeza, prijelaz luka u nogu naglašen je dvama okomitim rebrima, noga završava kuglastim ukrasom. Objava: Ivčević 2010 (u pripremi) Lit.: Popescu 1945, 488, fig. 2. 9; Lerat 1956, T. VII. 131-134; Marović 1959, fig. 14. 3, fig. 22. 3, fig. 25. 2, fig. 38. 1; Koščević 1980, T. VI. 39; Feugère 1985, T. 130. 1629; Riha 1994, T. 20. 2294, T. 21. 2295-2298; Lacabe 1995, T. 45. 331; Mazur 1998, T. 10. 121-125; Ivčević 2002, T. VII. 59-67, T. VIII. 6875; Ivčević 2003, 160, fig. 10; Šeparović 2003, T. 1. 7 S. I. 74. Aucissa fibula Gardun (Tilurium), 2005., MTK 1027 bronca dužina: 4 cm, visina: 2,3 cm zadnja četvrtina 1. st. pr. Kr.-treća četvrtina 1. st. Luk fibule je polukružnog presjeka, noga završava kuglastim ukrasom, zaglavna pločica je četvrtasta, ukrašena motivom trokuta koji je ispunjen kosim linijama, a sa svake strane mu je po jedna koncentrična kružnica, zglobni tuljac je izrađen savijanjem prema unutra. Objava: Ivčević 2010 (u pripremi) Lit.: Popescu 1945, 488, fig. 2. 9; Lerat 1956, T. VII. 131-134; Marović 1959, fig. 14. 3, fig. 22. 3, fig. 25. 2, fig. 38. 1; Koščević 1980, T. VI. 39; Feugère 1985, T. 130. 1629; Riha 1994, T. 21. 2296, 2298, T. 22. 2314; Lacabe 1995, T. 45. 333; Mazur 1998, T. 10. 121-125; Ivčević 2003, 160, fig. 10.; Ivčević 2007, 260, kat. br. 22 S. I. 75. Pojasna kopča s okovom Gardun (Tilurium), MCK, B-897 bronca dužina: 3 cm, širina: 4,2 cm, debljina: 0,4 cm 4. st. Pojasna kopča sa sačuvanim okovom. Pređica ovalnog oblika s trnom polukružnog presjeka, povijen na vrhu. Trn je svinutom kukom pričvršćen na osovinu pređice. Na osovinu je pričvrščen okov kopče. Okov se spajao s remenom s dvije zakovice, od kojih je sačuvana jedna okrugla zakovica. Vanjski rubovi okova su oštećeni. Objava: neobjavljeno Lit.: Koščević 1991, 68, fig. 452.; Bishop &Coulston 2006, 219, T. 137, 5 A. L. Publication: Ivčević 2010 (in preparation) Lit.: Popescu 1945, 488, fig. 2. 9; Lerat 1956, T. VII. 131-134; Marović 1959, fig. 14. 3, fig. 22. 3, fig. 25. 2, fig. 38. 1; Koščević 1980, T. VI. 39; Feugère 1985, T. 130. 1629; Riha 1994, T. 20. 2294, T. 21. 2295-2298; Lacabe 1995, T. 45. 331; Mazur 1998, T. 10. 121-125; Ivčević 2002, T. VII. 59-67, T. VIII. 68-75; Ivčević 2003, 160, fig. 10; Šeparović 2003, T. 1. 7 S. I. 74. Aucissa fibula Gardun (Tilurium), 2005, MTK 1027 bronze length: 4 cm, height: 2.3 cm last quarter of the 1st cent. B.C. – third quarter of the 1st cent. A.D. The bow of the fibula has a semicircular crosssection; the foot ends with a decorative knob; the catch-plate is rectangular and decorated with the motif of a triangle hatched with slanting lines, with a concentric circle on either side; the socket was formed by bending it inwards. Publication: Ivčević 2010 (in preparation) Lit.: Popescu 1945, 488, fig. 2. 9; Lerat 1956, T. VII. 131-134; Marović 1959, fig. 14. 3, fig. 22. 3, fig. 25. 2, fig. 38. 1; Koščević 1980, T. VI. 39; Feugère 1985, T. 130. 1629; Riha 1994, T. 21. 2296, 2298, T. 22. 2314; Lacabe 1995, T. 45. 333; Mazur 1998, T. 10. 121-125; Ivčević 2003, 160, fig. 10.; Ivčević 2007, 260, kat. br. 22 76. Belt buckle with a fitting Gardun (Tilurium), MCK, B-898 bronze length: 3.8 cm, width: 5.3 cm, thickness: 0.5 cm 2nd half of the 3rd cent. – 4th cent. 76. Pojasna kopča s okovom Gardun (Tilurium), MCK, B-898 bronca dužina: 3,8 cm, širina: 5,3 cm, debljina: 0,5 cm druga pol. 3. – 4. st. Belt buckle with a preserved fitting. The buckle frame is oval and elongated, with a circular cross-section in the shape of letter D. The pin is attached to the axis of the buckle frame by a curved hook. Double rectangular buckle fitting is attached to the axis. The fitting is decorated with incised horizontal and vertical incisions, and with a series of punched circles with dots in the middle. The fitting was attached to the belt by three rivets, of which two rivets with holes have been preserved. Bordering grooves are visible on the outer edges of the fitting, which are damaged at places. Pojasna kopča sa sačuvanim okovom. Pređica kopče ovalnog je, izduženog, kružnog presjeka u obliku slova D. Trn je svinutom kukom pričvršćen na osovinu pređice. Na osovinu je pričvršćen dvostruki četvrtasti okov kopče. Okov je ukrašen urezanim vodoravnim i okomitim urezima te nizom punciranih krugova s točkicama u sredini. Okov se spajao s remenom s tri zakovice, od kojih su sačuvane dvije zakovice na rupicama. Na vanjskim rubovima okova, koji su mjestimično oštećeni, vidljive su obrubne brazdice. Publication: unpublished Lit.: Nedved 1981, 180, fig. 8. 322 (Podgrađe Asseria); Koščević 1991, 67, fig. 451; Radman-Livaja 2004, 97, T. 49. 344; Bishop &Coulston 2006, 218-219, fig. 137. 4 Objava: neobjavljeno Lit.: Nedved 1981, 180, fig. 8. 322 (Podgrađe Asseria); Koščević 1991, 67, fig. 451; Radman-Livaja 2004, 97, T. 49. 344; Bishop &Coulston 2006, 218219, fig. 137. 4 A. L. 77. Buckle frame Gardun (Tilurium), MCK, B-887 bronze length: 2.8 cm, width: 2 cm, thickness: 0.5 cm 5th-6th cent. S. I. D-shaped buckle frame, of oval shape and circular cross-section; the axis for the pin is thinned, the pin is missing. 75. Belt buckle with a fitting Gardun (Tilurium), MCK, B-897 bronze length: 3 cm, width: 4.2 cm, thickness: 0.4 cm 4th cent. Publication: unpublished Lit.: Višić-Ljubić 1994, 234, br. 23; Piteša 2009, 37-38, kat. br. 50, 52-53 A. L. A. L. 77. Pređica Gardun (Tilurium), MCK, B-887 bronca dužina: 2,8 cm, širina: 2 cm, debljina: 0,5 cm 5. -6. st. Pređica D-oblika, ovalnog je oblika i kružnog presjeka, osovina za trn stanjena, trn nedostaje. Objava: neobjavljeno Lit.: Višić-Ljubić 1994, 234, br. 23; Piteša 2009, 37-38, kat. br. 50, 52-53 A. L. Belt buckle with a preserved fitting. The buckle frame is oval and has a pin of a semicircular cross-section, bent at the tip. The pin is attached to the axis of the buckle frame by a curved hook. The buckle fitting is attached to the axis. The fitting was attached to the belt by two rivets, one of which—circular— has been preserved. The outer edges of the fitting are damaged. Publication: unpublished Lit.: Koščević 1991, 68, fig. 452.; Bishop &Coulston 2006, 219, T. 137, 5 A. L. · 90 91 · 78. Amforasti pojasni jezičac Gardun (Tilurium), 1925., AMS, H 4898 bronca visina: 4,8 cm, širina: 2,1 cm, debljina: 0,2 cm druga pol. 4. st - prva pol. 5. st. 78. Amphora-shaped belt strap end Gardun (Tilurium), 1925, AMS, H 4898 bronze height: 4.8 cm, width: 2.1 cm, thickness: 0.2 cm 2nd half of the 4th cent. – first half of the 5th cent. 80. Amphora-shaped belt strap end Gardun (Tilurium), 1892, AMS, H 3035 bronze height: 6 cm, width: 3.1 cm, thickness: 0.2 cm 2nd half of the 4th cent. – first half of the 5th cent. 80. Amforasti pojasni jezičac Gardun (Tilurium), 1892., AMS, H 3035 bronca visina: 6 cm, širina: 3,1 cm, debljina: 0,2 cm druga pol. 4. st - prva pol. 5. st. Na sredini i s obje strane u gornjem dijelu bubrežasti je proboj, a cijela površina prekrivena je utisnutim koncentričnim kružnicama; sačuvan je samo jedan mali dio ušice za vješanje ili zakovice. There is a kidney-shaped openwork design in the centre and on either side in upper part, and the entire surface is covered with impressed concentric circles; only a small part of the suspension loop or a rivet has remained. The front is decorated with incised wavelines and ends with a decorative knob; the loop is cast; the strap end consists of two pieces; the fitting has not been preserved Prednja strana ukrašena je urezanim valovitim linijama i završava kuglastim ukrasom; ušica je izvedena lijevanjem; jezičac je bio dvodijelan; okov nije sačuvan Objavljeno: Ivčević 2005, str. 166, T. 1. 10. Lit.: Behrens 1918, 28, fig. 8. 6 (Mainz); Henderson 1949, 129, T. XXXVI. 112113 (Richborough); Bullinger 1969, T. XII. 1-1a (Salona); T. XIII. 5-5a (Carnuntum); Burger 1969, fig. 116, grob 270, 6 (Ságvár); Sagadin 1979, 315, T. 10. 4 (Ptuj), T. 10, 6 (Čepna); Koščević 1991, 70, T. XXVII. 379 (Sisak); VišićLjubić 1994, 227, 231, kat. br. 7 (Salona); Buora 2002, 196, T. V. 53 (Aquileia); Rendić-Miočević et alii 2003, 3031, fig. 251 Publication: Ivčević 2005, p. 166, T. 1. 10. Lit.: Behrens 1918, 28, fig. 8. 6 (Mainz); Henderson 1949, 129, T. XXXVI. 112-113 (Richborough); Bullinger 1969, T. XII. 1-1a (Salona); T. XIII. 5-5a (Carnuntum); Burger 1969, fig. 116, grob 270, 6 (Ságvár); Sagadin 1979, 315, T. 10. 4 (Ptuj), T. 10, 6 (Čepna); Koščević 1991, 70, T. XXVII. 379 (Sisak); Višić-Ljubić 1994, 227, 231, kat. br. 7 (Salona); Buora 2002, 196, T. V. 53 (Aquileia); Rendić-Miočević et alii 2003, 30- 31, fig. 251 S. I. 79. Amphora-shaped belt strap end Gardun (Tilurium), 1898, AMS, H 3671 bronze height: 3.6 cm, width: 1.8 cm, thickness: 0.1 cm 2nd half of the 4th cent. – first half of the 5th cent. 79. Amforasti pojasni jezičac Gardun (Tilurium), 1898., AMS, H 3671 bronca; visina: 3,6 cm, širina: 1,8 cm, debljina: 0,1 cm druga pol. 4. st. - prva pol. 5. st. Prednja strana ukrašena je urezanim koncentričnim kružnicama i valovitim linijama; vrh jezičca je oštećen pa nije moguće ustvrditi je li se učvršćivao vješanjem ili zakovicama. Objavljeno: Ivčević 2005, 166, T. 1. 11 Lit.: Behrens 1914, 68, fig. 2. 6 (Mainz); Burger 1969, fig. 107, grob 175, 1 (Ságvár); Sagadin 1979, 315, T. 10. 4 (Ptuj), 6 (Čepna); Koščević 1991, 70, T. XXVII, 379 (Sisak); Višić-Ljubić 1994, 227, 231, kat. br. 5 (Salona); Buora 2002, 196, T. V, 51 (Aquileia); RendićMiočević et alii 2003, 30-31, fig. 251 Publication: Ivčević 2005, 166, T. 1. 12 Lit.: Sagadin 1979, 315, T. 10. 7 (Ptuj) S. I. 81. Three-part leaf-shaped pendant from a horse harness Gardun (Tilurium), 1887, AMS, H 2125 bronze height: 3.6 cm, width: 3,35 cm 1st cent. Three-part leaf-shaped pendant; the suspension loop was made by bending toward the back of the pendant, there is a groove on either side of the shoulder, the central part has a triangular ending, ending in the shape of a palmette on both sides; there are two openings on the upper part of the pendant, the surface is decorated with irregular incised lines, and the motif is not discernible. It belongs to type Bishop 1, variant 1s. They appear from the Claudian to the Flavian period, after which they mostly went out of use. They were hung on the straps by phalerae, and they are almost invariably decorated with incision, silvering and niello. There are many variants of their shape, the central part is generally leaf-shaped, and the basic decorative motifs are vegetable. S. I. The front is decorated with incised concentric circles and wavelines; the tip of the strap end is damaged, so it is impossible to ascertain whether it was attached by suspension or rivets. Publication: Ivčević 2005, 166, T. 1. 11 Lit.: Behrens 1914, 68, fig. 2. 6 (Mainz); Burger 1969, fig. 107, grob 175, 1 (Ságvár); Sagadin 1979, 315, T. 10. 4 (Ptuj), 6 (Čepna); Koščević 1991, 70, T. XXVII, 379 (Sisak); Višić-Ljubić 1994, 227, 231, kat. br. 5 (Salona); Buora 2002, 196, T. V, 51 (Aquileia); Rendić-Miočević et alii 2003, 30-31, fig. 251 Publication: Ivčević 2010 (in preparation) Lit.: Dixon &Southern 1992, 69, fig. 38: Vanden Berghe 1996, 89, T. 17. 4; Unz &Deschler – Erb 1997, T. 51, 1390. S. I. Objava: Ivčević 2005, 166, T. 1. 12 Lit.: Sagadin 1979, 315, T. 10. 7 (Ptuj) S. I. 81. Trodijelni listoliki privjesak konjske orme Gardun (Tilurium), 1887., AMS, H 2125 bronca visina: 3,6 cm, širina: 3,35 cm 1. st. Trodijelni listoliki privjesak, ušica za vješanje izrađena je savijanjem prema poleđini privjeska, na ramenima je sa svake strane po jedan utor, središnji dio završava trokutasto, na obje strane završava u obliku palmete, na gornjem dijelu privjeska su dva otvora, na površini su urezane linije ali su nepravilne i nije vidljiv motiv. Pripada tipu Bishop 1, varijanti 1s. Javljaju se od klaudijevskog do flavijevskog vremena, nakon čega uglavnom izlaze iz upotrebe. Na remenje su se vješali pomoću falere, a gotovo redovito su ukrašeni urezivanjem, posrebrenjem i nijelom. Postoje brojne varijante u obliku, uglavnom je središnji dio poput lista, a osnovni motivi ukrasa su biljni. Objava: Ivčević 2010 (u pripremi) Lit.: Dixon &Southern 1992, 69, fig. 38: Vanden Berghe 1996, 89, T. 17. 4; Unz &Deschler – Erb 1997, T. 51, 1390. S. I. S. I. S. I. · 92 93 · 82. Listoliki privjesak konjske orme Gardun (Tilurium), 1892., AMS, H 3128 bronca visina: 4,4 cm, širina: 1,2 cm 1. st. 82. Leaf-shaped pendant from a horse harness Gardun (Tilurium), 1892, AMS, H 3128 bronze height: 4.4 cm, width: 1.2 cm 1st cent. 84. Leaf-shaped pendant from a horse harness Gardun (Tilurium), MCK, B-866 bronze length: 3.1 cm, width: 2.4 cm 1st cent. Listoliki privjesak, rubovi izduženog privjeska su valoviti, ušica je izrađena savijanjem prema poleđini, na donjem kraju kuglasti ukras. Pripada tipu Bishop 4, premda se ne podudara u potpunosti s ponuđenim Bishopovim varijantama, kao ni ranije objavljeni privjesci tog tipa iz Garduna što ne čudi s obzirom na činjenicu da je raznolikost karakteristična za taj tip privjeska, te se unutar osnovnog tipa (izduženi oblik valovitih rubova s kuglastim ukrasom na dnu i kukicom za vješanje na vrhu) privjesci međusobno razlikuju po obliku i ukrasu. Datiraju se od klaudijevskog razdoblja do početka 2. st. Neki autori primjerke slične našima stavljaju u skupinu kopljastih. Leaf-shaped pendant, the elongated pendant has undulated edges, the loop is formed by bending toward the back, the lower end has a decorative knob. It belongs to type Bishop 4, even though it does not match entirely the variants offered by Bishop, same as the previously published pendants of that type from Gardun. This is not surprising considering that variety is a characteristic mark of this pendant type, and within the basic type (elongated form with undulating edges with a decorative knob at the end and a suspension hook at the top) the pendants are distinguished by form and decoration. They are dated from the Claudian period until the beginning of the 2nd cent. Some authors place pieces similar to ours into the group of spearshaped pendants. Openwork leaf-shaped pendant, the suspension loop broke off but the beginning of the loop is preserved, there are four circular openings forming a square at the beginning of each leaf. Edges are damaged but follow the segmented form of the leaf. The surface is corroded. Objava: Ivčević 2010 (u pripremi) Lit.: Nedved 1981, 156, fig. 2. 67; Deschler – Erb 1999, T. 26. 523; Radman – Livaja 2004a, 216, T. 67. 491; Ivčević 2005, 167, T. 2. 22; Unz &Deschler – Erb 1997, T. 56. 1533-1535; Šeparović &Uroda 2009, 47, fig. 74. S. I. A. L. 85. Pendant from a horse harness Gardun (Tilurium), AMS, AMS-70561 bronze height: 4.6 cm, height with button: 6.65 cm, width: 2.4 cm 2nd half of the 1st cent. – 2nd cent. Drop-shaped pendant ending with a decorative knob, the loop at the top was made by bending backwards, the circular head of the button with the loop, used to attach the pendant to the belt, is missing a small piece. S. I. 83. Leaf-shaped pendant from a horse harness Gardun (Tilurium), MCK, MCK-B-872 bronze height: 5.3 cm, width: 2.7 cm, thickness: 0.3 cm 1st cent. Privjesak u obliku lista s ušicom savijenom prema natrag. Ukrašen je urezanim linijama, a vidljivi su tragovi pokositrenja. Dno privjeska završava kuglastim ukrasom. Leaf-shaped pendant with a loop bent backwards. It is decorated with incised lines, with visible traces of tinning. The base of the pendant ends with a decorative knob. Objava: neobjavljen Lit.: Koščević 1991, 49, T. XIII, 202204; Unz &Deschler-Erb 1997, 41, T. 56, 1555, 1556 (Vindonissa); Šeparović 2003, 242, T. 5. 2.8 Publication: unpublished Lit.: Bishop 1988, 147, fig. 45. 4a, 4b; Koščević 1991, 52-53, 306-308; Unz &Deschler-Erb 1997, 42, T. 59. 1650; DeschlerErb 1999, 168, T. 28. 558-559. Publication: Ivčević 2010 (in preparation) Lit.: Nedved 1981, 156, fig. 2. 67; Deschler – Erb 1999, T. 26. 523; Radman – Livaja 2004a, 216, T. 67. 491; Ivčević 2005, 167, T. 2. 22; Unz &Deschler – Erb 1997, T. 56. 1533-1535; Šeparović &Uroda 2009, 47, fig. 74. 83. Listoliki privjesak konjske orme Gardun (Tilurium), MCK, MCK-B872 bronca visina: 5,3 cm, širina: 2,7, debljina: 0,3 cm 1. st. 84. Listoliki privjesak konjske orme Gardun (Tilurium), MCK, B-866 bronca dužina: 3,1 cm, širina: 2,4 cm 1. st. Publication: Ivčević 2010 (in preparation) Lit.: Behrens 1912, 88, fig. 4. 16; Unz 1974, 39, fig. 11. 131; fig. 12. 133; Nedved 1981, 157, fig. 2. 71; Deimel 1987, T. 83. 2; Koščević 1991, T. XIII. 204; Unz &Deschler – Erb 1997, T. 55. 1479; Voirol 2000, 55, T. 13. 113; Deschler – Erb 1999, T. 30. 589, 594; Feugère &Poux 2001, 83, fig. 5. 7; Šeparović &Uroda 2009, 45, fig. 64 S. I. Privjesak listolikog oblika izrađen tehnikom na proboj, s odlomljenom ušicom za vješanje, sačuvan početak ušice, na početku svakog listića nalaze se četiri kružna proboja raspoređena tako da tvore kvadrat. Rubovi su oštećeni, ali prate raščlanjenu formu lista. Površina je prekrivena korozijom. Objava: neobjavljen Lit.: Bishop 1988, 147, fig. 45. 4a, 4b; Koščević 1991, 52-53, 306-308; Unz &Deschler-Erb 1997, 42, T. 59. 1650; Deschler-Erb 1999, 168, T. 28. 558559. A. L. 85. Privjesak konjske orme Gardun (Tilurium), AMS, AMS-70561 bronca visina: 4,6 cm, visina s gumbom: 6,65 cm, širina: 2,4 cm druga pol. 1. st. - 2. st. Privjesak je u obliku suze, završava kuglastim ukrasom, na vrhu je ušica koja je izrađena savijanjem prema poleđini, glava gumba s ušicom, pomoću kojeg je privjesak bio učvršćen za remen, je kružnog oblika, nedostaje manji dio. Objava: Ivčević 2010 (u pripremi) Lit.: Behrens 1912, 88, fig. 4. 16; Unz 1974, 39, fig. 11. 131; fig. 12. 133; Nedved 1981, 157, fig. 2. 71; Deimel 1987, T. 83. 2; Koščević 1991, T. XIII. 204; Unz &Deschler – Erb 1997, T. 55. 1479; Voirol 2000, 55, T. 13. 113; Deschler – Erb 1999, T. 30. 589, 594; Feugère &Poux 2001, 83, fig. 5. 7; Šeparović &Uroda 2009, 45, fig. 64 S. I. Publication: unpublished Lit.: Koščević 1991, 49, T. XIII, 202-204; Unz &Deschler-Erb 1997, 41, T. 56, 1555, 1556 (Vindonissa); Šeparović 2003, 242, T. 5. 2. 8 A. L. A. L. · 94 95 · 86. Privjesak konjske orme Gardun (Tilurium), 1885., AMS, H 1596 bronca visina: 7,5 cm, širina: 3,35 cm druga pol. 1. st. - 2. st. Privjesak je u obliku suze, završava kružnim otvorom koji je služio za vješanje nekog ukrasa, ušica za vješanje, u obliku ptičje glave, je izrađena savijanjem prema naprijed, a prijelaz iz gornjeg u donji dio tijela snažnije naglašen nego je slučaj s privjescima tipa Bishop 5. Navedene razlike ukazuju na vezu s pticolikim privjescima. U Vindonissi postoji skupina privjesaka s ušicom u obliku ptičje glave kojima su tijela, premda u osnovi suzolika, međusobno variraju u obliku 86. Pendant from a horse harness Gardun (Tilurium), 1885, AMS, H 1596 bronze height: 7.5 cm, width: 3.35 cm 2nd half of the 1st cent. – 2nd cent. 88. Lunate pendant from a horse harness Gardun (Tilurium), 1897, AMS, H 3556 bronze height: 4.6 cm, width: 3.9 cm Augustan-Tiberian period Drop-shaped pendant ending with a round opening on which a decorative object was suspended; the suspension loop in the shape of a bird’s head was made by bending backwards, and the transition from the upper to the lower part is more strongly pronounced than is usual for Bishop 5 type pendants. The mentioned differences point to the connection with the bird-shaped pendants. Vindonissa yielded a group of pendants with a bird-shaped loop whose bodies—essentially drop-shaped—feature different shapes. Lunate pendant with down-facing arms ending with a decorative knob; the central palmette-shaped decoration is hinged to the phalera. Objava: Ivčević 2010 (u pripremi) Literatura: Unz &Deschler – Erb 1997, T. 54. 1531; Feugère &Poux 2001, 83, fig. 1. 8; Ivčević 2008, 218, T. I, 3 Publication: Ivčević 2010 (in preparation) Literatura: Unz & Deschler – Erb 1997, T. 54. 1531; Feugère & Poux 2001, 83, fig. 1. 8; Ivčević 2008, 218, T. I, 3 Publication: Ivčević 2010 (in preparation) Literature: Voirol 2000, 52, T. 10. 89; Unz &Deschler – Erb 1997, T. 48. 1319: Müller 2002, T. 51. 557; Fahr 2005, 129, fig. 9. 5 S. I. 89. Lunate pendant from a horse harness Gardun (Tilurium), 1897, AMS, H 3557 bronze length: 6.7 cm, height: 4.55 cm 1st cent. S. I. S. I. 87. Listoliki privjesak konjske orme Gardun (Tilurium), 1885., AMS, H 1612 bronca visina: 2,35 cm, širina: 1,7 cm druga pol. 1. st. Privjesak pripada jednoj varijanti listolikih privjesaka, ušica za vješanje izrađena je savijanjem prema poleđini, donji dio nedostaje, ukras urezanim linijama i bubrežastim probojima. Rijetko se nalaze na rimskim lokalitetima, a i međusobno pokazuju neke razlike. Nešto su bolje zastupljeni na području zapadne Galije, pa im se tamo smješta porijeklo. Datirani su u flavijevsko razdoblje, odnosno u drugu pol. 1. st. Slični su privjesci koji se mogu svrstati u tip Bishop 5 i kojima je oblik tijela u osnovi suzolik i sužava se prema donjem dijelu. S obzirom na to da gardunskom primjerku nedostaje donji dio, moramo ostaviti mogućnost da je pripadao tom tipu. Objava: Ivčević 2010 (u pripremi) Lit.: Unz 1974, fig. 11. 132; Oldenstein 1976, T. 30. 207; Unz &Deschler – Erb 1997, T. 56. 1555-1556; Deschler-Erb 1999, T. 28. 574; Poux &Robin 2000, 205, fig. 16. 5; Matešić 2005, 111, T. 13. 180; Koščević 2008, 261, fig. 50 Upward-facing lunate ornament, with a fist on one side and a phallus on the other; incised lines are on the front. 87. Leaf-shaped pendant from a horse harness Gardun (Tilurium), 1885, AMS, H 1612 bronze height: 2.35 cm, width: 1.7 cm 2nd half of the 1st cent. Publication: Ivčević 2010 (in preparation) Lit.: Unz 1972, 58, fig. 7. 71; Franken 1996, 109, fig. 207.; Deschler-Erb 1999, T. 27, 539-540; Unz &Deschler–Erb 1997,T. 58. 1616; Müller 2002, T. 46. 515 The pendant belongs to a variant of leafshaped pendants, the suspension loop is made by bending backwards, the lower part is missing, the decoration is executed with incised lines and kidney-shaped perforations. These pendants are rarely found on Roman sites, and the type features certain differences. They appear in somewhat larger number in western Gaul, which is why scholars trace their origin there. They are dated to the Flavian period, that is, the second half of the 1st cent. Similar pendants are attributable to Bishop’s type 5, with a basically drop-shaped body tapering towards the lower part. In view of the fact that the Gardun piece lacks the lower part we have to leave open the possibility that it belonged to that type. S. I. 90. Lunate pendant from a horse harness Gardun (Tilurium), 1914, AMS, H 4612 bronze length: 5.7 cm, height: 5.2 cm 1st cent. Upward-facing lunate ornament, on one side is a fist, the other arm is missing, the suspension loop is ring-shaped. Publication: Ivčević 2010 (in preparation) Lit.: Unz 1972, 58, fig. 7. 71; Franken 1996, 109, fig. 207.; Deschler-Erb 1999, T. 27, 539-540; Unz &Deschler–Erb 1997,T. 58. 1616; Müller 2002, T. 46. 515 Publication: Ivčević 2010 (in preparation) Lit.: Unz 1974, fig. 11. 132; Oldenstein 1976, T. 30. 207; Unz &Deschler – Erb 1997, T. 56. 1555-1556; Deschler-Erb 1999, T. 28. 574; Poux &Robin 2000, 205, fig. 16. 5; Matešić 2005, 111, T. 13. 180; Koščević 2008, 261, fig. 50 S. I. 88. Lunulasti privjesak konjske orme Gardun (Tilurium), 1897., AMS, H 3556 bronca visina: 4, 6 cm, širina: 3,9 cm augustovsko-tiberijsko doba Lunulasti privjesak, krakovi su mu okrenuti na dolje i završavaju kuglastim ukrasom, u sredini ukras u obliku palmete, zglobom povezan s falerom. Objava: Ivčević 2010 (u pripremi) Literatura: Voirol 2000, 52, T. 10. 89; Unz &Deschler – Erb 1997, T. 48. 1319: Müller 2002, T. 51. 557; Fahr 2005, 129, fig. 9. 5 S. I. 89. Lunulasti privjesak konjske orme Gardun (Tilurium), 1897., AMS, H 3557 bronca dužina: 6,7 cm, visina: 4, 55 cm 1. st. Lunula je okrenuta prema gore, s jedne strane je šaka , a s druge falus, s prednje strane urezane su linije. Objava: Ivčević 2010 (u pripremi) Lit.: Unz 1972, 58, fig. 7. 71; Franken 1996, 109, fig. 207.; Deschler-Erb 1999, T. 27, 539-540; Unz &Deschler– Erb 1997,T. 58. 1616; Müller 2002, T. 46. 515 S. I. 90. Lunulasti privjesak konjske orme Gardun (Tilurium), 1914., AMS, H 4612 bronca dužina: 5,7 cm, visina: 5,2 cm 1. st. Lunula je okrenuta prema gore, s jedne strane je šaka, a drugi krak nedostaje, ušica za vješanje je prstenasta. Objava: Ivčević 2010 (u pripremi) Lit.: Unz 1972, 58, fig. 7. 71; Franken 1996, 109, fig. 207.; Deschler-Erb 1999, T. 27, 539-540; Unz &Deschler– Erb 1997,T. 58. 1616; Müller 2002, T. 46. 515 S. I. S. I. S. I. · 96 97 · 91. Listoliko-srcoliki privjesak konjske orme Gardun (Tilurium), 1902., AMS, H 4013 bronca visina: 4,9 cm, širina: 2,3 cm, debljina: 0,1 cm, druga pol. 1. st.-početak 2. st. 91. Leaf-shaped and cordate pendant from a horse harness Gardun (Tilurium), 1902, AMS, H 4013 bronze height: 4.9 cm, width: 2.3 cm, thickness: 0.1 cm 2nd half of the 1st cent. – beginning of the 2nd cent. Listoliki privjesak, s donje strane mu je kuglasti završetak, ušica za vješanje nije sačuvana. Leaf-shaped pendant with a spherical ending on the lower side, the suspension loop is not preserved. Objavljeno: Ivčević 2005, 166, T. 1. 17. Lit.: Behrens 1912, 88, fig. 4. 16 (Mainz); Lawson 1978, 150, fig. 9. 8 (Rottweil); Nedved 1981, 156, fig. 2. 71 (Ivoševci); von Schnurbein 1983, fig. 8. 11 (Friedberg); Koščević 1991, 49, T. XIII. 204 (Sisak); Unz &Deschler-Erb 1997, 41, 44, T. 55. 1504, 1511-1512 (Vindonissa); Voirol 2000, 24, T. 13. 113 (Avenches); Istenič 2000, 173,172, T. 112. grob 539, 8, (Ptuj); Šeparović 2003, 224, T. 5. 2 (Gardun) Publication: Ivčević 2005, 166, T. 1. 17. Lit.: Behrens 1912, 88, fig. 4. 16 (Mainz); Lawson 1978, 150, fig. 9. 8 (Rottweil); Nedved 1981, 156, fig. 2. 71 (Ivoševci); von Schnurbein 1983, fig. 8. 11 (Friedberg); Koščević 1991, 49, T. XIII. 204 (Sisak); Unz &Deschler-Erb 1997, 41, 44, T. 55. 1504, 1511-1512 (Vindonissa); Voirol 2000, 24, T. 13. 113 (Avenches); Istenič 2000, 173,172, T. 112. grave 539, 8, (Ptuj); Šeparović 2003, 224, T. 5. 2 (Gardun) S. I. 92. Trodijelni listoliki privjesak konjske orme Gardun (Tilurium), 1914., AMS, H 4617 bronca visina: 7 cm, širina: 6,3 cm, debljina: 0,1 cm druga pol. 1. st. Na gornjem dijelu privjeska su dvije perforacije u obliku pelte, a takve tvore i postranični krakovi koji se uvijaju prema van i ponovno spajaju s privjeskom, srednji krak završava u obliku palmete, a postranični se sužavaju prema vrhu, prednja strana ukrašena je urezanim vegetabilnim motivima, a uz rub točkastim linijama, na nekoliko mjesta vidljivi ostaci posrebrenja, na vrhu privjeska je ušica, koja je služila za učvršćivanje privjeska na faleru. Objava: Ivčević 2005, 166, T. 1. 19 Lit.: Ritterling 1913, 178, T. XII. 37 (Hofheim); Petru 1972, T. XCV. 21 (Ljubljana); Boube-Piccot 1964, 159, fig. 1. 6 (Tarragona); Lawson 1978, 15, fig. 9. 7-8 (Newstead); Koščević 1991, 49, T. XV. 220 (Sisak); Mackensen 1991, 174, fig. 4. 4 (Magdalensberg); Dixon &Southern 1992, 69, fig. 38 (Rottweil); Unz &Deschler-Erb 1997, T. 51, 1384 (Vindonissa); Šeparović 2003, 243, T. 5. 2 (Gardun); Ivčević 2004, 237, 241, fig. 9. (Narona) S. I. 93. Listoliki privjesak konjske orme Gardun (Tilurium), AMS, H 6178 bronca visina: 3,7 cm, širina: 1,1 cm, debljina: 0,1 cm 1. st. 93. Leaf-shaped pendant from a horse harness Gardun (Tilurium), AMS, H 6178 bronze height: 3.7 cm, width: 1.1 cm, thickness: 0.1 cm 1st cent. Pendant with undulating edges, there are three circular openings along the edge on either side, a spherical ending at the base, the front is decorated with incised lines, the suspension loop created by bending the wire back on itself. Publication: Ivčević 2005, 166, T. 1. 20 Lit.: Behrens 1914, 68, fig. 2, 20 (Mainz); Unz 1972, 47, fig. 6. 63 (Vindonissa); Nedved 1981, 156, fig. 2. 67 (Ivoševci); Unz &Deschler-Erb 1997, 47, T. 55, 1524 (Vindonissa) S. I. 94. Leaf-shaped pendant from a horse harness Gardun (Tilurium), AMS, H 6179 bronze height: 4.3 cm, width: 0.9 cm, thickness: 0.15 cm 1st cent. S. I. 92. Three-part leaf-shaped pendant from a horse harness Gardun (Tilurium), 1914, AMS, H 4617 bronze height: 7 cm, width: 6.3 cm, thickness: 0.1 cm 2nd half of the 1st cent. Pendant with undulating edges, the front is decorated with incised lines and dots, the end is spherical, the loop formed by bending the wire upon itself. There are two peltate perforations on the upper part of the pendant, and the same design is formed by lateral arms that curl outwards and again connect with the pendant; the middle arm ends in the shape of a palmette, while the lateral ones taper towards the top; the front is decorated with incised vegetable motifs and with dotted lines along the edge; remains of silvering are visible at several places; a loop at the top of the pendant served for fixing the pendant to the phalera. Publication: Ivčević 2005, 166, T. 2. 22 Lit.: Unz &Deschler-Erb 1997, 47, T. 56. 1533 (Vindonissa) S. I. 95. Leaf-shaped pendant from a horse harness Gardun (Tilurium), 1889, AMS, H 2482 bronze height: 4.8 cm, width: 1.25 cm, thickness: 0.1 cm 1st cent. Publication: Ivčević 2005, 166, T. 1. 19 Lit.: Ritterling 1913, 178, T. XII. 37 (Hofheim); Petru 1972, T. XCV. 21 (Ljubljana); Boube-Piccot 1964, 159, fig. 1. 6 (Tarragona); Lawson 1978, 15, fig. 9. 7-8 (Newstead); Koščević 1991, 49, T. XV. 220 (Sisak); Mackensen 1991, 174, fig. 4. 4 (Magdalensberg); Dixon &Southern 1992, 69, fig. 38 (Rottweil); Unz &Deschler-Erb 1997, T. 51, 1384 (Vindonissa); Šeparović 2003, 243, T. 5. 2 (Gardun); Ivčević 2004, 237, 241, fig. 9. (Narona) Pendant with undulating edges decorated with concentric circles, the front is decorated with incised lines, the lower part of the pendant is flattened in the form of a rhomb, ending with a decorative knob, the loop consists of a bent wire. Publication: Ivčević 2005, 167, T. 2. 23. Lit.: Unz &Deschler-Erb 1997, str. 47, T. 56, 1537 (Vindonissa) S. I. · 98 99 · S. I. Rubovi privjeska su valoviti, sa svake strane uz rub su tri kružna otvora, na dnu kuglasti završetak, prednja strana ukrašena urezanim linijama, ušica za vješanje izvedena savijanjem žice. Objava: Ivčević 2005, 166, T. 1. 20 Lit.: Behrens 1914, 68, fig. 2, 20 (Mainz); Unz 1972, 47, fig. 6. 63 (Vindonissa); Nedved 1981, 156, fig. 2. 67 (Ivoševci); Unz &Deschler-Erb 1997, 47, T. 55, 1524 (Vindonissa) S. I. 94. Listoliki privjesak konjske orme Gardun (Tilurium), AMS, H 6179 bronca visina: 4,3 cm, širina: 0,9 cm, debljina: 0,15 cm 1. st. Rubovi privjeska su valoviti, prednja strana ukrašena urezanim linijama i točkama, kuglasti završetak, ušica izvedena savijanjem žice. Objava: Ivčević 2005, 166, T. 2. 22 Lit.: Unz &Deschler-Erb 1997, 47, T. 56. 1533 (Vindonissa) S. I. 95. Listoliki privjesak konjske orme Gardun (Tilurium), 1889., AMS, H 2482 bronca visina: 4,8 cm, širina: 1,25 cm, debljina: 0,1 cm 1. st. Rubovi su valoviti i ukrašeni koncentričnim kružnicama, prednja strana ukrašena urezanim linijama, u donjem dijelu privjesak je raskovan u obliku romba, završava kuglastim ukrasom, ušica izvedena savijanjem žice. Objava: Ivčević 2005, 167, T. 2. 23. Lit.: Unz &Deschler-Erb 1997, str. 47, T. 56, 1537 (Vindonissa) S. I. 96. Listoliki privjesak konjske orme Gardun (Tilurium), 2002., MTK 996 bronca visina: 3,9 cm, širina: 1,5 cm, debljina: 0,1 cm druga pol. 1. st - početak 2. st. Privjesak u obliku lista, sa svake strane uz rub su tri kružna otvora, na dnu bikonični završetak, prednja strana je ukrašena urezanim linijama, ušica za vješanje nedostaje. Objava: Ivčević 2010 (u pripremi) Lit.: Behrens 1914, 68, fig. 2. 20; Unz 1972, 47, fig. 6. 63; Unz 1974, T. 12. 142; Nedved 1981, 156, fig. 2. 67; Unz &Deschler-Erb 1997, T. 55. 1524; Ivčević 2004, 166, T. 1. 20, 167, T. 2. 21; Radman-Livaja 2004, 216, T. 67. 488 S. I. 97. Listoliko - srcoliki privjesak konjske orme Gardun (Tilurium), 2003., MTK 998 bronca visina: 3 cm, širina: 1,5 cm, debljina: 0,1 cm druga pol. 1. st.- prva četvrtina 2. st. Privjesak u obliku lista ukrašen s tri kružna otvora, na dnu bikonični završetak. Objava: Ivčević 2010 (u pripremi) Lit.: Bekić 1998, 241, T. 4. 7; Unz &Deschler-Erb 1997, T. 55. 1503, 1510; Istenič 2000, 372, T. 112. grob 539, 8; Koščević 1991, T. XIII. 204; Nedved 1981, 156, fig. 2, 71; Unz 1974, T. 12. 133; Behrens 1912, 88, fig. 4. 16 S. I. 96. Leaf-shaped pendant from a horse harness Gardun (Tilurium), 2002, MTK 996 bronze height: 3.9 cm, width: 1.5 cm, thickness: 0.1 cm 2nd half of the 1st cent., beginning of the 2nd cent. 98. Leaf-shaped and cordate pendant from a horse harness Gardun (Tilurium), 2006, MTK 1000 bronze height: 3.1 cm, width: 1.3 cm, thickness: 0.1 cm 2nd half of the 1st cent. – 1st quarter of the 2nd cent. Leaf-shaped pendant, there are three circular openings along the edge on either side, the end is biconical, the front is decorated with incised lines, the suspension loop is missing. Leaf-shaped pendant with two circular openings in the upper part and one opening in the lower part, the latter with a groove in the lower portion, the pendant ends with a knob. Publication: Ivčević 2010 (in preparation) Lit.: Behrens 1914, 68, fig. 2. 20; Unz 1972, 47, fig. 6. 63; Unz 1974, T. 12. 142; Nedved 1981, 156, fig. 2. 67; Unz &Deschler-Erb 1997, T. 55. 1524; Ivčević 2004, 166, T. 1. 20, 167, T. 2. 21; Radman-Livaja 2004, 216, T. 67. 488 Publication: Ivčević 2010 (in preparation) Lit.: Šeparović 2003, T. 5. 2; Müller 2002, T. 50. 552; Feugère, Poux 2002, str. 83, fig. 4. 15, 16; Unz, Deschler-Erb 1997, T. 55. 1504; Koščević 1991, T. XIII, 205; Oldenstein 1977, T. 29. 192; Unz 1974, T. 12. 143. S. I. S. I. 99. Pendant from a horse harness Gardun (Tilurium), 1999, MTK 53 bronze height: 5.2 cm, width: 3.1 cm, weight: 3.49 cm 1st cent. 97. Leaf-shaped and cordate pendant from a horse harness Gardun (Tilurium), 2003, MTK 998 bronze height: 3 cm, width: 1.5 cm, thickness: 0.1 cm 2nd half of the 1st cent. – 1st quarter of the 2nd cent. The loop of the pendant consists of a bent wire, ending in the shape of a bird’s head; the pendant tapers abruptly towards the biconical end. Leaf-shaped pendant decorated with three circular openings, with a biconical ending. Publication: Šeparović 2003, T. 5. 1. Lit.: Nedved 1981, 157, fig. 2. 70; Unz &Deschler-Erb 1997, T. 54. 1471, T. 55. 1529; Feugère&Poux 2001, 83, fig. 5. 8; Ivčević 2008, 218, T. 1. 3 Publication: Ivčević 2010 (in preparation) Lit.: Bekić 1998, 241, T. 4. 7; Unz &Deschler-Erb 1997, T. 55. 1503, 1510; Istenič 2000, 372, T. 112. grob 539, 8; Koščević 1991, T. XIII. 204; Nedved 1981, 156, fig. 2, 71; Unz 1974, T. 12. 133; Behrens 1912, 88, fig. 4. 16 S. I. Leaf-shaped pendant with a triple rib in the lower part, below which it widens in the shape of a palmette; a round-headed rivet is inserted into a circular background in the upper part. · 100 101 · Objava: Ivčević 2010 (u pripremi) Lit.: Šeparović 2003, T. 5. 2; Müller 2002, T. 50. 552; Feugère, Poux 2002, str. 83, fig. 4. 15, 16; Unz, Deschler-Erb 1997, T. 55. 1504; Koščević 1991, T. XIII, 205; Oldenstein 1977, T. 29. 192; Unz 1974, T. 12. 143. S. I. 99. Privjesak konjske orme Gardun (Tilurium), 1999., MTK 53 bronca visina: 5,2 cm, širina: 3,1 cm, težina: 3,49 cm 1. st. Ušica privjeska je izrađena savijanjem a završetak je ušice u obliku ptičje glave, u donjem dijelu se privjesak naglo sužava, a završetak mu je bikoničan. Objava: Šeparović 2003, T. 5. 1. Lit.: Nedved 1981, 157, fig. 2. 70; Unz &Deschler-Erb 1997, T. 54. 1471, T. 55. 1529; Feugère&Poux 2001, 83, fig. 5. 8; Ivčević 2008, 218, T. 1. 3 S. I. 100. Listoliki privjesak konjske orme Gardun (Tilurium), 2000., MTK 40 bronca visina: 6,5 cm, širina: 3,9 cm, težina: 19,34 g sredina 1. st. 100. Leaf-shaped pendant from a horse harness Gardun (Tilurium), 2000, MTK 40 bronze height: 6.5 cm, width: 3.9 cm, weight: 19.34 cm mid-1st cent. S. I. 98. Listoliko - srcoliki privjesak konjske orme Gardun (Tilurium), 2006. god., MTK 1000 bronca vis. 3,1 cm, šir. 1,3 cm, deblj. 0,1 cm druga pol. 1. st - prva četvrtina 2. st. Privjesak u obliku lista, na gornjem dijelu dva kružna otvora, a na donjem jedan kojemu je s donje strane utor, kuglasti završetak privjeska. Listoliki privjesak u donjem dijelu ima trostruko rebro ispod kojeg se širi u obliku palmete, u gornjem dijelu zakovica okrugle glave umetnuta u kružnu podlogu. Publication: Šeparović 2003, T. 5. 4 Lit.: Koščević 1991, 48, 49; ZabehlickyScheffenegger&Kandler 1979, T. 18.7, 8; Unz &Deschler-Erb 1997, T. 50. 1372 Objava: Šeparović 2003, T. 5. 4 Lit.: Koščević 1991, 48, 49; ZabehlickyScheffenegger&Kandler 1979, T. 18.7, 8; Unz &Deschler-Erb 1997, T. 50. 1372 S. I. S. I. 101. Okov konjske orme Gardun (Tilurium), 1902, AMS, H 4049 bronca dužina: 5,2 cm, širina: 1 cm, debljina s trnom: 1 cm 1. st. 101. Fitting from a horse harness Gardun (Tilurium), 1902, AMS, H 4049 bronze length: 5.2 cm, width: 1 cm, thickness with the pin: 1 cm 1st cent. Krajevi okova su zaobljeni, prema sredini se sužava, a potom širi, središnji dio ukrašen urezima i konkavnim udubljenjima, sa stražnje strane na svakom kraju po jedan trn za pričvršćivanje za remen. Fitting with rounded endings, becomes narrower towards the middle and then widens; the central part is decorated with incisions and concave depressions; on either end on the back there is a pin by which it was attached to the strap. Objava: Ivčević 2005, 166, T. 1. 16 Lit.: Ritterling 1913, 173, T. XIII. 20 (Hofheim); Unz &Deschler-Erb 1997, 47, T. 63. 1817 (Vindonissa); Voirol 2000, 26, T. 18. 78, 177 (Avenches) Publication: Ivčević 2005, 166, T. 1. 16 Lit.: Ritterling 1913, 173, T. XIII. 20 (Hofheim); Unz &Deschler-Erb 1997, 47, T. 63. 1817 (Vindonissa); Voirol 2000, 26, T. 18. 78, 177 (Avenches) S. I. S. I. 102. Okov konjske orme Gardun (Tilurium), AMS, inv. br. H 6175 bronca dužina: 4,9 cm, širina: 1,1 cm, debljina: 0,3 cm 1. st. 102. Fitting from a horse harness Gardun (Tilurium), AMS, inv. no. H 6175 bronze length: 4.9 cm, width: 1.1 cm, thickness: 0.3 cm 1st cent. Kružni probušeni krajevi okova koji se prema sredini širi, na sredini krug sa središnjim kružnim otvorom, okov je zakrivljen tako da je sredina izdignuta. Circular perforated ends of the fitting that widens towards the middle, in the centre is a circle with a central round opening, the fitting is curved so that the centre is raised. Objava: Ivčević 2005, 166, T. 1. 17 Lit.: Ritterling 1913, 173, T. XIII. 16, 17 (Hofheim); Behrens 1918, 28, fig. 8, 9 (Mainz); Unz &Deschler-Erb 1997, 47, T. 63. 1809, T. 64. 1820 (Vindonissa); Voirol 2000, 26, T. 18. 78, 178 (Avenches) Publication: Ivčević 2005, 166, T. 1. 17 Lit.: Ritterling 1913, 173, T. XIII. 16, 17 (Hofheim); Behrens 1918, 28, fig. 8, 9 (Mainz); Unz &Deschler-Erb 1997, 47, T. 63. 1809, T. 64. 1820 (Vindonissa); Voirol 2000, 26, T. 18. 78, 178 (Avenches) S. I. 103. Okov konjske orme Gardun (Tilurium), 2002., MTK 1001 bronca dužina: 5, 3 cm, širina: 0,9 cm, debljina: 0,1 cm 1. st. Dio okova u obliku četiri kružnice sa središnjim kružnim otvorom. Objava: Ivčević 2010 (u pripremi) Lit.: Unz &Deschler-Erb 1997, T. 64. 1822; Ritterling 1913, T. XIII. 16-17 104. Fitting from a horse harness Gardun (Tilurium), 2005, MTK 1002 bronze diameter of plaque: 3.5 cm, thickness of plaque: 0.1 cm, length of rivet: 2.5 cm, diameter of the head of the rivet: 1.1 cm 1st-4th cent. 104. Okov konjske orme Gardun (Tilurium), 2005., MTK 1002 bronca promjer pločice: 3,5 cm, debljina pločice: 0,1 cm, dužina zakovice: 2,5 cm, promjer glave zakovice: 1,1 cm 1-4. st. The fitting consists of a plaque with five circular openings, four of which are placed along the edge, while the fifth is in the centre; a rivet with a biconical head, decorated with incised lines, passes through the central opening; the edge of the plaque is decorated with a series of incisions. Okov se sastoji od pločice s pet kružnih otvora, od čega su četiri uz rub, a jedna je na sredini, kroz središnji otvor provučena je zakovica bikonične glave, ukrašena urezanim linijama, pločica je uz rub ukrašena nizom ureza. Publication: Ivčević 2010 (in preparation) Lit.: Šeparović 2003, T. 5. 8; Voirol 2000, 64, T. 22. 259, 260; Unz &Deschler-Erb 1997, T. 74. 2274, 2294, 2296-2297; Alicu et alii 1994, T. 32. 672; Koščević 1991, T. XXX. 409; Oldenstein 1977, T. 51. 599 Objava: Ivčević 2010 (u pripremi) Lit.: Šeparović 2003, T. 5. 8; Voirol 2000, 64, T. 22. 259, 260; Unz &Deschler-Erb 1997, T. 74. 2274, 2294, 22962297; Alicu et alii 1994, T. 32. 672; Koščević 1991, T. XXX. 409; Oldenstein 1977, T. 51. 599 S. I. S. I. 105. Fitting from a horse harness strap Gardun (Tilurium), 2005, MTK 1003 bronze diameter of plaque: 2.9 cm 1st-4th cent. 105. Okov remena konjske orme Gardun (Tilurium), 2005., MTK 1003 bronca promjer pločice: 2,9 cm 1-4. st. Round fitting with five circular openings, four along the edge and one in the middle, with a series of small incisions along the edge. Okrugli okov s pet kružnih otvora, od čega su četiri uz rub, a jedna je na sredini, uz rub pločice je niz sitnih ureza. Publication: Ivčević 2010 (in preparation) Lit.: Oldenstein 1977, T. 51. 599; Koščević 1991, T. XXX. 409; Alicu et alii 1994, T. 32. 672; Unz &Deschler-Erb 1997, T. 74. 2274, 2294, 2296-2297; Voirol 2000, 64, T. 22. 259, 260; Šeparović 2003, T. 5. 8 Objava: Ivčević 2010 (u pripremi) Lit.: Oldenstein 1977, T. 51. 599; Koščević 1991, T. XXX. 409; Alicu et alii 1994, T. 32. 672; Unz &Deschler-Erb 1997, T. 74. 2274, 2294, 2296-2297; Voirol 2000, 64, T. 22. 259, 260; Šeparović 2003, T. 5. 8 S. I. S. I. 106. Fitting from a horse harness Gardun (Tilurium), 2003, MTK 1004 bronze diameter of plaque: 3.2 cm, thickness of plaque: 0.1 cm 1st-4th cent. 106. Okov konjske orme Gardun (Tilurium), 2003. god., MTK 1004 bronca promjer pločice: 3,2 cm, debljina pločice: 0,1 cm 1-4. st. Okrugli okov s pet kružnih otvora, od čega su četiri uz rub, a jedna je na sredini, uz rub pločice niz sitnih ureza. Objava: Ivčević 2010 (u pripremi) Lit.: Oldenstein 1977, T. 51. 599; Koščević 1991, T. XXX. 409; Alicu et alii 1994, T. 32. 672; Unz &Deschler-Erb 1997, T. 74. 2274, 2294, 2296-2297; Voirol 2000, 64, T. 22. 259-260 S. I. 103. Fitting from a horse harness Gardun (Tilurium), 2002, MTK 1001 bronze length: 5.3 cm, width: 0.9 cm, thickness: 0.1 cm 1st cent. Part of a fitting in the shape of four circles with a central circular opening. Round fitting with five circular openings, four along the edge and one in the middle, with a series of small incisions along the edge. Publication: Ivčević 2010 (in preparation) Lit.: Oldenstein 1977, T. 51. 599; Koščević 1991, T. XXX. 409; Alicu et alii 1994, T. 32. 672; Unz &Deschler-Erb 1997, T. 74. 2274, 2294, 2296-2297; Voirol 2000, 64, T. 22. 259-260 Publication: Ivčević 2010 (in preparation) Lit.: Unz &Deschler-Erb 1997, T. 64. 1822; Ritterling 1913, T. XIII. 16-17 S. I. S. I. · 102 103 · S. I. S. I. 107. Okov za oglavnik Gardun (Tilurium), 2003., MTK 1006 bronca dužina: 5,6 cm, širina: 1,5 cm 2. st. 107. Fitting from a headstrap Gardun (Tilurium), 2003, MTK 1006 bronze length: 5.6 cm, width: 1.5 cm 2nd cent. 109. Fitting from a saddle strap Gardun (Tilurium), 1892, AMS, H 2958 bronze, tin length: 9 cm, height: 5 cm 1st cent. Okov listolikog oblika s donje strane ukrašen izvijenim viticama koje tvore bubrežasti ukras, sa stražnje strane trn, zglobni tuljac, pomoću kojeg je bila pričvršćena ušica za remen, je oštećen. Leaf-shaped pendant decorated in the lower part with curving tendrils forming a kidneyshaped ornament, with a pin on the back, the socket hinge by which the loop was attached to the strap is damaged. Objava: Ivčević 2010 (u pripremi) Lit.: Frere &Joseph 1974, fig. 27. 38; Oldenstein 1977, T. 66. 867; Unz &Deschler-Erb 1997, T. 64. 1839 Publication: Ivčević 2010 (in preparation) Lit.: Frere &Joseph 1974, fig. 27. 38; Oldenstein 1977, T. 66. 867; Unz &Deschler-Erb 1997, T. 64. 1839 S. I. S. I. Openwork fitting from a saddle strap, with four loops belonging to a hinge on one side and with a missing edge on the other side. Eight rivets, five of which are preserved, were lined along the hinge of the fitting. Such fittings were usually used as decorative items on the straps hanging from the saddle. The peculiarity of the Gardun piece is that it is bent on one side and has loops for a hinge. They formed part of the equipment of early imperial horsemen. Securely dated specimens belong to the period from Tiberius to Nero, with tentative evidence of use during the Flavians. 108. Kopča remena sedla Gardun (Tilurium), 2004., MTK 1007 bronca, željezo, kositar visina: 3,2 cm, širina: 2,5 cm 1. st. 108. Buckle from a saddle girth Gardun (Tilurium), 2004, MTK 1007 bronze, iron, tin height: 3.2 cm, width: 2.5 cm 1st cent. Četvrtasti okvir kopče pravokutnog presjeka, na bočnim krajevima kružno zadebljan i profiliran s gornje strane, s jedne strane vidljivi tragovi kositrenog premaza, ostaci prečke za iglu izrađeni su od željeza. Square frame of a buckle of a rectangular cross-section, with round swellings on lateral ends, profiled on the upper part; traces of tin coating are visible on one side; the remains of the pin bar are made of iron. Objava: Ivčević 2010 (u pripremi) Lit.: Ritterling 1913, T. XIV. 23; Werner 1970, 77, br. 1, T. 21. 18; Unz &Deschler-Erb 1997, T. 67. 1922-1923; Dolenz 1998, 338, T. 30. M 281, M 282; Harnecker 1998, T. 67. 726 Publication: Riegl 1901, T. XIV. 8 Lit.: Unz &Deschler-Erb 1997, T. 65. 1877, 1884; Deschler-Erb 1999, T. 39. 732 S. I. 110. Dolabra (Roman military axe) Gardun (Tilurium), 1926, AMS, H 4911 iron length: 47 cm, length of blade of axe: 13.4 cm, diameter of the shaft hole: 5 x 3.5 cm, weight: 1900 g 1st cent. Publication: Ivčević 2010 (in preparation) Lit.: Ritterling 1913, T. XIV. 23; Werner 1970, 77, br. 1, T. 21. 18; Unz &DeschlerErb 1997, T. 67. 1922-1923; Dolenz 1998, 338, T. 30. M 281, M 282; Harnecker 1998, T. 67. 726 The shaft hole is oval; a gently curved point is on one side and a flattened trapezoidal axe on the other. Dolabra (Roman military axe) was a part of military equipment, used for digging trenches, forest clearance, woodwork, construction works, but also as a weapon. Ancient writers mention it in military contexts. If we take into consideration the size and position of the point with regard to the axe, as well as the fact that it was found at Gardun, we can conclude that it was a military axe. The form of the shaft hole allows us to date it to the 1st cent. S. I. S. I. Publication: Ivčević 2005, 167, T. 2. 30 Lit.: Bishop &Coulston 2006, 118, fig. 68. 2, 5; Vanden Berghe 1996, 91, T. 18. 4; Hoffiller 1911, 174, fig. 17 (Sisak); Pietsch 1983, 16, 17, T. 3. 45 (Saalburg) S. I. 109. Okov remenja sedla Gardun (Tilurium), 1892., AMS, H 2958 bronca, kositar dužina: 9 cm, visina: 5 cm 1. st. Okov remenja sedla izrađen tehnikom na proboj, s jedne strane su četiri ušice šarke, a s druge strane nedostaje rub. Osam zakovica, od čega je sačuvano pet, nalazilo se u nizu uz zglob okova. Takvi su okovi obično služili kao ukras remenja koje je visilo sa sedla. Neobičnost je gardunskog primjerka što je s jedne strane savijen i ima ušice za zglob. Bili su dio opreme konjanika u ranocarsko doba. Sigurno datirani primjerci pripadaju vremenu od Tiberija do Nerona, a postoje naznake uporabe u flavijevsko doba. Objava: Riegl 1901, T. XIV. 8 Lit.: Unz &Deschler-Erb 1997, T. 65. 1877, 1884; Deschler-Erb 1999, T. 39. 732 S. I. 110. Dolabra (trnokop) Gardun (Tilurium), 1926., AMS, H 4911 željezo dužina: 47 cm, dužina sječiva sjekire: 13,4 cm, promjer otvora za nasad drške: 5 x 3,5 cm, težina 1900 g 1. st. Rupa za nasad drške je ovalna; s jedne je strane blago povijeni trn, a s druge raskovana sjekira u obliku trapeza. Trnokop (dolabra) bio je dio vojne opreme, a rabio se za kopanje rovova, krčenje šume, obradu drva, građevinske radove, ali i kao oružje. U vojnom kontekstu spominju ga antički pisci. Uzmemo li u obzir veličinu i položaj trna u odnosu na sjekiru te činjenicu da je pronađen u Gardunu, možemo zaključiti da je riječ o vojnom trnokopu. Prema otvoru za nasad možemo ga datirati u 1. st. Objava: Ivčević 2005, 167, T. 2. 30 Lit.: Bishop &Coulston 2006, 118, fig. 68. 2, 5; Vanden Berghe 1996, 91, T. 18. 4; Hoffiller 1911, 174, fig. 17 (Sisak); Pietsch 1983, 16, 17, T. 3. 45 (Saalburg) S. I. · 104 105 · 111. Kaserola (trulla) Gardun(Tilurium), MCK, B-919 bronca dimenzije: visina: 9,5 cm, promjer oboda: 16,1 cm, promjer dna: 9,4 cm, dužina ručke: 14,5 cm, širina ručke: 5,4 cm, debljina stijenke: 0,4 cm, težina: 858 g 2. st. Kaserola je sačuvana u cijelosti. Tijelo posude je zaobljeno, a obod je izvijen prema van. Ispod oboda je pojas ukrašen paralelnim dvostrukim žljebovima. Drška je diskoidna, pravokutnog presjeka s perforiranim kružnim završetkom. Dno posude je ravno s nekoliko koncentričnih kružnica. Objava: neobjavljeno Lit.: Radnóti 1938, T. XXI. 6; Eggers 1951, T. 12. 142; Breščak 1982, 43, T. 2. 18; Milošević 2009, 178, fig. 18; Jovanović 2010; kat. br. 3. A. L. 112. Reljef, tropej Gardun (Tilurium), 1886., AMS, D 129 mramor dužina: 136 cm, visina: 104 cm, debljina: 24 cm rano 1. st. Reljefna ploča sa završetkom natpisnog polja i prikazom tropeja, činila je desni ugao veće konstrukcije. Tropej je vjerojatno podignut u čast Tiberijeve pobjede nad pobunjenim Ilirima u ratu koji je trajao od 6. do 9. god. Nakon što je, 12. godine, zajedno s Germanikom proslavio trijumf u Rimu, Tiberije je vjerojatno svoju pobjedu ovjekovječio postavljanjem spomenika u Tiluriju - vojnom logoru VII legije. Na bočnoj strani prikazan je bukranij s girlandama, a taj se motiv vjerojatno ponavljao u nizu cijelom dužinom bočne strane spomenika. Na prednjoj strani nalazilo se uokvireno natpisno polje kojem se s bočne strane nalazi vegetabilni ukras i figuralni prikaz, a ispod polja je friz oružja. Na prikazu se nalazi tropej s oružjem i vezanim barbarima. Zanimljiv je prikaz dvojice barbara s detaljno izrađenom odjećom i obućom te koja se međusobno bitno razlikuje, pa se pretpostavlja da su prikazani predstavnici pokorenih plemena koja su sudjelovala u ustanku protiv Rima; Delmati i Panonci. Lit.: Cambi 2005, 25, fig. 21 (ranije objave navedene su na str. 25. bilj 52); Sanader, Tončinić 2009, fig. 1 S. I. 113. Fragment of a relief from a tropaion Gardun (Tilurium), MCK, MCK-AZ-381 limestone height: 57 cm, width: 60 cm, thickness: 28 cm 2nd decade of the 1st cent. 111. Casserole (trulla) Gardun (Tilurium), MCK, B-919 bronze dimensions: height: 9.5 cm, rim diameter: 16.1 cm, base diameter: 9.4 cm, length of handle: 14.5 cm, width of handle: 5.4 cm, wall thickness: 0.4 cm, weight: 858 g 2nd cent. Entirely preserved casserole with a rounded body and an everted rim. A strip decorated with parallel double grooves runs below the rim. The discoid handle has a rectangular cross-section and a perforated circular ending. The base of the vessel is flat with several concentric circles. Fragment of a tropaion, which together with a fragment kept in the Archaeological Museum in Split forms part of a larger whole. The left lower part of the inscription field framed with a double profilation is preserved. A part of a voluta ansa is on the outer side of the tabula, while a part of the friese with a depiction of weapons (shield) and a torso of a subjugated barbarian is preserved below. Based on the outline of the beaten-off part of the relief surface and the comparison with the depiction on the larger slab of the tropaion on the opposite side of the monument, one can discern the knees and legs of another— seated—barbarian. Publication: unpublished Lit.: Radnóti 1938, T. XXI. 6; Eggers 1951, T. 12. 142; Breščak 1982, 43, T. 2. 18; Milošević 2009, 178, fig. 18; Jovanović 2010; kat. br. 3. A. L. 112. Relief, tropaion Gardun (Tilurium), 1886, AMS, D 129 marble length: 136 cm, height: 104 cm, thickness: 24 cm early 1st cent. Relief slab with the end of the inscription field and a depiction of a tropaion, originally standing in the right corner of a larger structure. The tropaion was probably erected to honour Tiberius’ victory over the rebelled Illyrians in the war lasting between A.D. 6 and 9. After he celebrated—together with Germanicus—a triumph in Rome in A.D. 12, Tiberius most likely commemorated his victory by erecting a monument in Tilurium – the military camp of the VII legion. A bucranium with garlands is depicted on a lateral side, and this motif was probably repeated throughout the length of the lateral side of the monument. On the front was a framed inscription field flanked by a vegetable ornament and a figural depiction, with a friese of weapons running below. The scene depicts a tropaion with weapons and bound barbarians. Of particular interest is the scene featuring two barbarians in elaborately rendered clothes and footware, each showing a distinct style, suggesting that the scene portrays members of subjugated tribes participating in the insurrection against Rome: the Dalmatae and the Pannonians. Lit.: Cambi 2005, 25, fig. 21 (previous publications are listed on p. 25, note 52); Sanader, Tončinić 2009, fig. 1 S. I. · 106 107 · 113. Ulomak reljefa tropeja Gardun (Tilurium), MCK, MCK-AZ-381 vapnenac visina: 57 cm, širina: 60 cm, debljina: 28 cm drugo desetljeće 1. st. Ulomak tropeja koji s ulomkom što se čuva u Arheološkom muzeju u Splitu čini dio veće cjeline. Sačuvan je donji lijevi dio natpisnog polja uokviren dvostrukom profilacijom. S vanjske strane tabule nalazi se dio volute anse, a ispod je sačuvan dio friza s prikazom oružja (štit) i torzom jednog pokorenog barbara. Prema obrisu otučenog dijela površine reljefa, te usporedbom s prikazom na većoj ploči tropeja koji se nalazio na suprotnoj strani spomenika, uočavaju se koljena i noge još jednog barbara u sjedećem položaju. Publication: Abramić 1937, 7-19; Gabričević 1955; Picard 1957; Cambi 1984, 77-92, fig. 2. 4 Objava: Abramić 1937, 7-19; Gabričević 1955; Picard 1957; Cambi 1984, 7792, fig. 2. 4 A. L. A. L. 114. Nadgrobna stela vojnika Lucija Mumija Vojnić, MCK, MCK-B-1373 vapnenac visina:175 cm, širina: 60 cm, debljina: 20 cm sredina 1. st. 114. Funerary stele of the soldier Lucius Mummius Vojnić, MCK, MCK-B-1373 limestone height: 175 cm, width: 60 cm, thickness: 20 cm mid-1st cent. Nadgrobna stela pravokutnog oblika, sačuvana u cijeloj visini. Spomenik se kompozicijski može podijeliti u pet dijelova. Gornji dio stele čini profilirani trokutasti zabat u čijem središnjem dijelu je glava Atisa. Iznad zabata s lijeve i desne strane nalaze se dva grifona okrenuta prema stiliziranim palmetama. To je mitska životinja s lavljim tijelom i orlovskim krilima i kljunom. Ispod zabata je natpisno polje omeđeno s gornje i donje strane trostrukom profilacijom, a s bočnih strana flankirano tordiranim stupićima s kružno profiliranom bazom i korintskim kapitelima. Tekst natpisa je koncipiran u šest redaka u natpisno polje dimenzija 37x38 cm, a veličina slova iznosi oko 5 cm. Visina prvog slova L iznosi 16,5 cm. L longa se proteže u visini tri retka natpisa. Ispod prvog natpisnog polja nalazi se drugo natpisno polje, omeđeno jednostavnom jednostrukom profilacijom. Visina tog polja s profilacijom iznosi 24 cm, a širina 56,5 cm. Tekst je donesen u sedam redaka, visina slova iznosi oko 2 cm. Ispod drugog natpisnog polja nalazi se reljefno ukrašeno polje na kojem su uklesane dvije stilizirane narukvice i ogrlice. Na središnjem dijelu reljefa prikazano je devet okruglih vojničkih odlikovanja (phalerae) na mrežastoj podlozi. Na gornjem središnjem dijelu prikazana je vrpca za vješanje odlikovanja. Ispod polja s reljefom nalazi se završni dio natpisa koji sadrži podatke o dedikantu. Visina polja s natpisom je 21,5 cm, a širina je 59,5 cm. Natpis je isklesan u dva retka teksta, a visina slova je oko 5 cm. Donji lijevi ugao tog trećeg natpisnog polja je oštećen, ali od slova je oštećen samo donji dio zaobljene haste slova C. Stela zvršava masivnim kvadratičnim usadnikom, visine 11 cm. Slova su klesana pravilnom kapitalom, posebice u prvom i završnom dijelu. Njihova visina varira od 5 do 2 cm. Natpis je podijeljen na tri jasne cjeline; prva cjelina donosi podatke o pokojniku, u Rectangular funerary stele, preserved in its entire height. The composition of the monument can be divided into four segments. The upper part of the stele consists of a profiled triangular pediment with the head of Attis in the centre. On the left and right above the pediment stand two gryphons facing stylized palmettes. The gryphon is a mythical animal with the body of a lion and the wings and beak of an eagle. The inscription field below the pediment is bordered on the upper and lower sides with a triple profilation, and on the flanks with small twisted columns with a round base and Corinthian capitals. The text of the inscription is organized in six rows within the inscription field measuring 37x38 cm, with letters around 5 cm high. The height of the first letter L is 16.5 cm. The L longa stretches in the height of three rows of the inscription. There is a second inscription field below the first one, framed with a simple profilations. This field with the profilation is 24 cm high by 56.5 wide. The text is organized in seven rows and the letters are around 2 cm high. The field with a relief decoration beneath the second inscription field depicts two engraved stylized bracelets and necklaces. Nine circular military medals (phalerae) on a mesh background are shown in the centre of the relief. A ribbon on which the medal was suspended is depicted in the upper central part. The concluding part of the inscription with the details on the dedicant comes beneath the field with the relief. The field with the inscription is 21.5 cm high by 59.5 cm wide. The inscription is carved in two rows of text, with letters around 5 cm high. The lower left corner of this third inscription field is damaged, but the only damaged portion of the letters is the lower part of the rounded bar of the letter C. The stele ends with a massive square butt 11 cm high. The letters were carved in regular capitals, above all in the first and the concluding parts. Their height varies between 5 and 2 cm. The inscription is divided into three distinct wholes; the first one contains information about the deceased, the second features a poem dedicated to him, while the third one provides information about the dedicant, a friend of the deceased person. Text: L MVMMIVS L FILIVS FAB ANCYRA MILES LEG VII ANNORVM XXXVI HSE ARMA BIS OCTONIS FELICIA QUI TULIT ANNIS HIC SITVS EST FATO MVMIVS IPSE SUO SI SAPIVNT OBITI DATA MVNETA PERCIPIS AM ET RECIPIS NOSTRAE PIGNVS AMICITIAE HOC TIBI CVM TITVLO POSVIT CORNELIVS CHRESTVS EX DIXIT LACHRYMANS SIT TIBI TERA LEVIS L(ucius) Mummius L(uci) filius/ Fab(ia) (tribus) Ancyra (natus)/ miles leg(ionis) VII/ annorum XXXVI/ stipendiarum XVI/ h(ic) s(itus) e(st). Arma bis octonis felicia qui tulit annis/ hic situs est fato Mumius ipse suo./ Si sapiunt obiti data muneta percipis am(pla)/ et recipis nostrae pignus amicitiae./ Hoc tibi cum titulo posuit Cornelius Chrestus/ Et dixit lachrymans sit tibi tera levis./ M(arcus) Cornelius M(arci) libertus/ Chrestus posuit Translation: Lucius Mummius, son of Lucius from the Fabius Tribus, a native of Ancyra, a soldier of the VII legion, died at the age of XXXVI and after XVI years of military service. By the will of destiny here lies Mummius, who carried felicitous weapons two times eight years. When the deceased are aware of the gifts bestowed on them, you see them rich (splendid) and receive the vow (proof ) of our friendship. This and the inscription was erected for you by Marcus Cornelius Chrestus, who—in tears— said: ‘’May the earth rest lightly on you’’. The monument was erected by Marcus Cornelius Chrestus, a freedman of Marcus. Publication: Fadić 1995, p. 163-187, T. 1.-5; Fadić 1997, p. 77-119. A. L. · 108 109 · drugoj je cjelini pjesma posvećena pokojniku, dok treća cjelina donosi podatke o dedikantu, pokojnikovu prijatelju. Tekst: L MVMMIVS L FILIVS FAB ANCYRA MILES LEG VII ANNORVM XXXVI HSE ARMA BIS OCTONIS FELICIA QUI TULIT ANNIS HIC SITVS EST FATO MVMIVS IPSE SUO SI SAPIVNT OBITI DATA MVNETA PERCIPIS AM ET RECIPIS NOSTRAE PIGNVS AMICITIAE HOC TIBI CVM TITVLO POSVIT CORNELIVS CHRESTVS EX DIXIT LACHRYMANS SIT TIBI TERA LEVIS L(ucius) Mummius L(uci) filius/ Fab(ia) (tribus) Ancyra (natus)/ miles leg(ionis) VII/ annorum XXXVI/ stipendiarum XVI/ h(ic) s(itus) e(st). Arma bis octonis felicia qui tulit annis/ hic situs est fato Mumius ipse suo./ Si sapiunt obiti data muneta percipis am(pla)/ et recipis nostrae pignus amicitiae./ Hoc tibi cum titulo posuit Cornelius Chrestus/ Et dixit lachrymans sit tibi tera levis./ M(arcus) Cornelius M(arci) libertus/ Chrestus posuit Prijevod: Lucije Mumije, sin Lucija iz Tribusa Fabija, rodom iz Ancyre, vojnik VII. legije (umro s) XXXVI godina i XVI godina vojničke službe. Ovdje je sam po svojoj sudbini smješten Mumius koji je nosio sretno oružje dva puta po 8 godina. Ako su pokojnici svjesni datih im darova, onda ih vidiš bogate (sjajne) i primaš zavjet (dokaz) našeg prijateljstva. Ovo ti je s natpisom postavio Marcus Cornelius Chrestus i plačući rekao: „Neka ti je laka zemlja“. Spomenik podiže Marko Kornelije Krest, Markov oslobođenik. Objava: Fadić 1995, str. 163-187, T. 1.-5; Fadić 1997, str. 77-119. A. L. 115. Stela Gaja Julija Andromaha Dugopolje, 1981., AMS, A 5963 vapnenac visina: 204 cm, širina: 60 cm, debljina: 15 cm, visina slova 3 – 4,4 cm između 40. i 80. god. 115. Stele of Caius Iulius Andromachus Dugopolje, 1981, AMS, A 5963 limestone height: 204 cm, width: 60 cm, thickness: 15 cm, height of letters: 3-4.4 cm between A.D. 40 and 80 Stela je pronađena uzidana u kasnoantičku grobnicu kao lijeva, bočna strana. Na kutovima trokutnog zabata bili su akroteriji od kojih je sačuvan samo jedan, a u sredini zabata je prikazana ženska teatarska maska s kosom i pletenicama spuštenim niz lice. Ispod zabata je friz s vegetabilnim motivima i profilirani arhitrav položen na stupove s korintskim kapitelima. Između stupova je uokvireno i profilirano natpisno polje. Natpis glasi: C(aius) IVLIVS AN / DROMACHVS / MILES COH(ortis) II / CYRRESTAR(um) / ANN(orum) LXV STIPEND(iorum) / XXXXII / C(aius) IVLIVS APOLLA / SODALIS VO(tum) POSVIT U donjem dijelu stele je reducirani prikaz vrata, koji se sveo na dva kasetona u kojima nema elemenata vrata već je prikazano streljačko oružje; tobolac u jednom te luk i strijela u drugom polju. Tobolac je prikazan s poklopcem i vrpcama za učvršćivanje, dok su luk i strijele također detaljno prikazani. Stela je pripadala vojniku II kohorte Kiresta. Ta jedinica strijelaca boravila je u Dalmaciji u 1. st., sve do flavijevskog doba. Vjerojatno je jedno vrijeme bila smještena u vojnom logoru Tilurium. Po svojim karakteristikama stela pokazuje da je bila izrađena u radionici vojnog logora u Tiluriju. Stele takvih značajki javljaju se na svim lokalitetima na kojima su boravili pripadnici VII legije. Jedan od ikonografskih elemenata na vojničkim stelama koje su izrađene u toj radionici je prikaz vrata u donjem dijelu. Kod ove stele dolazi do redukcije vrata kako bi se moglo prikazati oružje karakteristično za jedinicu strijelaca kojoj je pripadao pokojnik. The stele was found built into a tomb from late antiquity as the left side. Only one of the acroteria that had decorated the corners of the triangular pediment is preserved. A female theatre mask with hair and braids framing the face is depicted in the centre of the pediment. A frieze with vegetable motifs and a profiled architrave borne by columns with Corinthain capitals extends beneath the pediment. Between the columns is a framed and profiled inscription field. The inscription reads: C(aius) IVLIVS AN / DROMACHVS / MILES COH(ortis) II / CYRRESTAR(um) / ANN(orum) LXV STIPEND(iorum) / XXXXII / C(aius) IVLIVS APOLLA / SODALIS VO(tum) POSVIT In the lower part is a reduced representation of the door, reduced to two casetons which do not show door elements but archery weapons; a quiver in one field and the bow and arrow in the other. The quiver is depicted with a lid and reinforcing straps, while the bow and arrow are likewise shown in detail. The stele belonged to a soldier of the II cohort of the Cyrrhestae. This unit of archers resided in Dalmatia in the 1st cent. until the Flavian period. During a certain period it was probably accommodated in the military camp of Tilurium. The features of the stele suggest that it was produced in the workshop of the military camp in Tilurium. Stele with such features appear at all the sites where the members of the VII legion were present. One of the iconographic elements on the military steles made in that workshop is the depiction of the door in the lower part. In the case of this stele, the door is reduced in order to make space for representing the weapons characteristic for the unit of archers to which the deceased belonged. Objava: Cambi 1994, 179, fig. 9. Publication: Cambi 1994, 179, fig. 9. S. I. 116. Stele of Burrius Trebocus Hrvace, 1878, Franciscan monastery in Sinj, RN 49 limestone height: 142 cm, width: 57.5 cm, thickness: 21 cm 2nd half of the 1st cent. The tombstone is rectangular, broken into three parts. The upper part is missing. The inscription field is preserved, framed with a pronounced stepped profilation. An inscription consisting of 7 rows is carved within the inscription field. The letters of the inscription are of rustic workmanship and unequal height varying between 3 and 4 cm. The inscription is worn out at places, and a fracture line cuts diagonally across the centre. Below the field, a round shield (parma) and a military bag (loculus) are rendered in low relief. One can notice shallowly incised and hardly readable letters on the surface of the shield. In the Roman army, this kind of round shield was worn by light troops (velites), auxiliaries and cavalry. One can see a military bag with a central horizontal reinforcement and two lateral rings in the lower part of the monument. BVRRIVS BETVLONI F(ilius) TREBOCVS MILES C(o)HO(rtis) AQVITANORVM ANNORVM LV 5 STIP(endiorum) XXIX H(ic) S(itus) E(st) HERES POSVIT Here lies Burrius Trebocus, son of Betulonus, a soldier in the Cohort of Aquitans, 55 years old, 29 years of service. Set up by the heir. This is the funerary monument of the soldier Burrius Trebocus, who died during service in the cohort of Aquitani, which arrived in Dalmatia during the reign of emperor Vespasian. The inscription does not feature the number of the unit. The name of the deceased is given in the binominal formula with a filiation. This nomen and cognomen have hitherto not been documented in the territory of Dalmatia. The name of his father—Betulo—points to a Celtic origin, and it has already been documented in an inscription in Dalmatia. Considering his age and years of service, it can be concluded that he enrolled in the army at the age of 26 and served many years as a simple soldier. Lit.: CIL III 9760; Glavinić 1878, 33, nr. 30; EPH IV, nr. 357; Patsch 1896, 11, 12; Mišura 1921, 30; Višić-Ljubić 2008, 123. S. I. E. V.-Lj. · 110 111 · 116. Nadgrobna stela vojnika Burija Hrvace, 1878. god, Arheološka zbirka Franjevačkog samostana u Sinju, inv. RN 49 vapnenac Dimenzije: vis. 142 cm, šir. 57,5 cm, deblj. 21 cm. druga pol. 1. st.. Nadgrobna stela je pravokutnog oblika, razlomljena u tri dijela. Gornji, završni dio spomenika nedostaje. Sačuvano je natpisno polje uokvireno istaknutom zaravnjenom letvicom stepenaste profilacije. Unutar natpisnog polja uklesan je natpis u sedam redaka. Slova su nepravilna, rustično klesana i nejednake visine, koja varira između 3 i 4 cm. Natpis je mjestimice izlizan i oštećen, a po sredini se poprečno pruža linija loma. Ispod natpisnog polja su kao znakovi vojničke službe u plitkom reljefu prikazani jedan ispod drugoga okrugli štit (parma) s ispupčenim umbom u sredini i vojnička torbica (loculus). Na površini štita se uočavaju plitko urezana, slabo vidljiva slova. Okrugli štit su u rimskoj vojsci nosile lakše naoružane jedinice (velites), pomoćne jedinice i konjica. Na samom dnu stele je prikaz vojničke torbice sa središnjim vodoravnim ojačanjem i dvjema karičicama na bočnim stranama. BVRRIVS BETVLONI F(ilius) TREBOCVS MILES C(o)HO(rtis) AQVITANORVM ANNORVM LV 5 STIP(endiorum) XXIX H(ic) S(itus) E(st) HERES POSVIT Ovdje počiva Burije Trebok, Betulonov sin, vojnik kohorte Akvitanaca, star 55 godina, sa 29 godina vojničke službe. Nasljednik postavi. Ovaj nadgrobni spomenik je podignut vojniku Buriju Treboku, koji je preminuo dok je služio u kohorti Akvitanaca, koja je u vrijeme cara Vespazijana došla u Dalmaciju. Na natpisu nije naznačen broj čete. Ime pokojnika Burius Trebocus iskazano je dvočlanom imenskom formulom s filijacijom. Taj nomen kao i cognomen dosad nisu potvrđeni na prostoru Dalmacije. Cognomen njegova oca, Betulo, upućuje na keltsko podrijetlo, a u Dalmaciji je zabilježen na jednom natpisu. S obzirom na starost i godine službe, može se zaključiti da je Burije Trebok u vojsku stupio sa 26 godina i kao običan vojnik dugi niz godina služio u kohorti Akvitanaca. Lit.: CIL III 9760; Glavinić 1878, 33, nr. 30; EPH IV, nr. 357; Patsch 1896, 11, 12; Mišura 1921, 30; Višić-Ljubić 2008, 123. E. V.-Lj. Željko Miletić Burnum – vojničko središte provincije Dalmacije Burnum – a Military Centre in the Province of Dalmatia P L isana povijesna vrela, epigrafički spomenici i podaci iz starih i recentnih arheoloških iskapanja ukazuju da je aglomeracija Burnum za vrijeme 1. st. sastavljena od raznolikih komponenti: rimskog legijskog logora s pripadajućim teritorijem, augzilijarnog kastela te municipija, koji se razvio iz kanaba i naselja liburnskih Burnista (Gradina kod Puljana). Takav policentrični model naselja i niz urbanističkih rješenja kakva su se u Burnumu razvila u prvim desetljećima 1. st. kasnije nalazimo na limesu, pa tako i u panonskim središtima legijskih logora, od kojih su najbolje istraženi Aquincum1 i Carnuntum2. Stoga već prvi rezultati sustavnih istraživanja u Burnumu3 nadilaze lokalne okvire i važni su za razumijevanje povijesti drugih rimskih provincija. iterary sources, epigraphic monuments and information from both older and more recent archaeological excavations suggest that the Burnum agglomeration during the 1st c. AD was composed of different components: a Roman legionary camp with accompanying area, an auxiliary castellum, and a municipium that had developed out of the canabae and the settlement of Liburnian tribe of Burnistae (Gradina near Puljani). This polycentric model of the settlement and a number of urban solutions developed in Burnum during the first decades of the 1st c. AD will be encountered later in the limes area, thus also in the structure of Pannonian legionary camps, of which Aquincum1 and Carnuntum2 have been most completely explored. Thus already the initial results of the systematic excavations in Burnum3 surpass any local value they might have had and are important for the understanding of the history of other Roman provinces. 1 Szilágyi 1956; Visy 1988, 80-90; Hajnóczy et alii 1995, 40-73; Póczy 1997; Zsidi 2004. 2 1 Szilágyi 1956; Visy 1988, 80-90; Hajnóczy et alii 1995, 40-73; Póczy 1997; Zsidi 2004 Stiglitz et alii 1977; Kandler et alii 2004. 3 Brojni podatci o kojima se raspravlja u ovoj radnji dobiveni su arheološkim istraživanjima koja su započela godine 2003. na inicijativu Joška Zaninovića, ravnatelja Gradskog muzeja u Drnišu i Željka Bulata, ravnatelja NP Krka unutar kojeg se nalazi lokalitet Burnum. Voditelj cjelokupnog znanstvenog projekta je Nenad Cambi, terenska istraživanja proveli su Joško Zaninović, Miroslav Glavičić i Željko Miletić, a u pojedinim istraživačkim kampanjama sudjelovali su Dražen Maršić, Mato Ilkić, Ivana Jadrić, Igor Borzić i Mate Radović te studenti diplomskog i doktorskog studija na Odsjeku za arheologiju Sveučilišta u Zadru. Suradnički tim na istraživanjima, koji se bavi nedestruktivnim metodama pretraživanja, izradom 3-D dokumentacije i restauracijskim radovima, je Laboratorio di rilievo delle strutture Archeologiche del Dipartimento di archeologia dell Università di Bologna, pod vodstvom Enrica Giorgia. Arhitektonsku dokumentaciju izradila je arhitektica Martina Baranić, konzervatorske i restauratorske radove izvode Frederik Levarda i tvrtka «Imota-portal». · 112 · 2 Stiglitz et alii 1977; Kandler et alii 2004 3 Numerous data analyzed in this paper were retrieved through archaeological excavations initiated in 2003 by Joško Zaninović, the director of the City museum in Drniš and Željko Bulat, the director of the NP Krka, encompassing the site. The head of the entire scientific project is Nenad Cambi, the excavations were conducted by Joško Zaninović, Miroslav Glavičić and Željko Miletić, while Dražen Maršić, Mato Ilkić, Ivana Jadrić, Igor Borzić and Mate Radović, as well as undergraduate and graduate students at the Department of archaeology at the Zadar University occasionally participated in excavation campaigns. Laboratorio di rilievo delle strutture Archaeologice del Dipartimento di archaeologia dell Università di Bologna, headed by Enrico Giorgio, cooperated in the excavations, conducting the un-invasive methods of survey, keeping the 3D documentation, and restoring the material. Architectural documentation was created by the architect Martina Baranić, while conservation and restoration works were done by Frederik Levarda and the “Imota-portal”. · 113 · Civitas peregrinorum Civitas peregrinorum redište liburnskih Burnista je oppidum na Gradini kod Puljana, na lijevoj obali Krke4. Teritorij im se pružao i na suprotnoj zapadnoj obali, gdje je graničio s varvarinskim teritorijem5. Matično liburnsko područje pruža se istočno od Krke, a razlog razvijanja središnjeg naselja ove zajednice na istočnoj obali izuzetno je povoljan smještaj na Gradini. Okružena dubokim kanjonom Krke ona ima formu poluotoka prirodno zaštićenog s tri strane, osim na uskoj «kopnenoj» strani, gdje je podignut obrambeni zid, od kojeg je danas ostao sačuvan nasip ponegdje visok i do šest metara. Oppidum je nadgledao prijelaze preko rijeke od Bobodola do Manojlovca. Na taj način kontrolirao je protok ljudi i roba na graničnom liburnsko-delmatskom prostoru, što mu je pospješilo gospodarsko uzdizanje iznad zajednica koje se nisu afirmirale u ranorimsko doba. Rijeka Krka većim dijelom je ujezerena, s golemim stalnim akumulacijama vode i velikim ribljim bogatstvom; dok su slapovi i brzaci bili izvanredno pogodni za podizanje mlinica, stupa i drugih agregata, što je bio znatan prinos gospodarskoj snazi Burnista. he centre of Liburnian tribe of Burnistae was an oppidum on the Gradina near Puljani, on the left bank of the Krka.4 Their territory extended over to the opposite, western shore, where it bordered the territory of the Varvarians.5 The core Liburnian area was east of the Krka, and the reason for the development of the central settlement of the community on the eastern bank is the exceptional position of the Gradina. Surrounded by the steep canyon of the Krka on three sides it has the form of a peninsula naturally protected on three sides, except for a narrow “land” side, where a protective wall was erected, of which today only a bank up to six meters high is preserved. The oppidum overlooked the river crossing from Bobodol to Manojlovac. In this way it controlled the passage of both people and goods on the border area between the Liburnians and the Delmatae, which allowed it to surpass economically the communities that had not risen to prominence in the early Roman period. The Krka is mostly composed of lakes, with enormous permanent water accumulations and a great wealth in fish, while the waterfalls and rapids were exceptionally suitable for mills, fulling mills, and other aggregates, significantly attributing to the economical power of the Burnistae. T S Uspostavom ljetnog logora krajem republikanskog doba, a zatim i stalnog rimskog vojnog logora Burnum, po svoj prilici u Augustovo doba, teritorijalni odnosi bitno su se izmijenili. Publije Kornelije Dolabela, namjesnik Gornjeg Ilirika (Dalmacije), započeo je sustavno premjeravanje teritorija zajednica i zemljišnih posjeda radi izrade katastra provincije6. Razgraničenje legijskog teritorija sa susjednim autohtonim zajednicama moralo je uslijediti u njegovo vrijeme, između 14. i 20. god. Unatoč notornoj lojalnosti Liburna prema rimskoj vlasti, nakon ustanovljenja stalnog tabora zajednica Burnista izgubila je posjede na desnoj obali. With the establishment of the summer camp during the end of the Republican age, followed by the permanent Roman legionary camp of Burnum, most probably founded in the Augustan period, the territorial relations were considerably changed. Publius Cornelius Dolabella, the governor of Upper Illyricum (Dalmatia), started a systematic survey of the communities’ territories and estates for the making of a cadastre of the province.6 The 4 4 Zaninović 1968, 119 ff. 5 Čače 1989, 78-79, 86. S. Čače emphasized the fact that the territory of the Burnistae extended only to the left (east) of the Krka. In this case, a problem would appear as to who was in control of the area west of Krka, all the way to the boundary of the Varvarians. If the legionary camp was placed on the territory that did not belong to the Burnistae, it would bear a name of some hypothetical community from the right bank. But the powerful community of the Burnistae controlled both banks of the river and the communications leading over the Krka. Zaninović 1968, 119 ff. 5 Čače 1989, 78-79, 86. S. Čače ističe mogućnost da se teritorij Burnista pruža isključivo lijevo (istočno) od Krke. U tom slučaju otvara se problem tko gospodari prostorom zapadno od Krke, sve do varvarinskih granica. Da je legijski logor nastao na prostoru koji nije pripadao Burnistima, nosio bi ime neke hipotetske zajednice na desnoj obali. Međutim, snažna zajednica Burnista kontrolirala je obje obale i komunikacije koje vode preko rijeke Krke. 6 Abramić & Colnago 1909, col 32, kat. br. 2 i 3; Betz 1938, 34-35, kat. br. 11; Rendić-Miočević 1968, 63 ff. ; Wilkes 1976, 258 ff. ; Babić 1996: 57 ff..; Čače 2003, 19-21. 6 · 114 · Abramić & Colnago 1909, col 32, cat. nr. 2 and 3; Betz · 113 · demarcation between the legionary territory and neighboring autochthon communities must have been made in his time, between AD 14 and 20. Although they were notorious for their loyalty to the Romans, after the establishment of the permanent camp, the community of the Burnistae lost its territories on the right shore. Territorium legionis V ojska preuzima nadgledanje nekoliko riječnih prijelaza u dubokom kanjonu rijeke Krke oko Burnuma, uključujući i onaj nizvodno, nad Roškim slapom, koji je ranije bio pod kontrolom susjedne Varvarije, gdje su nađeni natpisi veterana7. Spomenik vojnika XI. legije8 upućuje da je stalna straža postavljena i na prijelaz kod Skardone, riječno-morske luke važne za opskrbu vojske9. Nazočnost legijskih vojnika u ovom značajnom naselju autohtonog podrijetla možda je razlog relativno kasnom postizanju municipaliteta, tek u flavijevskom periodu10. Krajem 1. st. iz Burnuma je otišla legija IIII. Flavia Felix11, a u Trajanovo doba i jedno odjeljenje VIII. Legije Auguste. Preko luke Skardone sada su se uvozila dobra za susjedne municipije Varvariju, Rider i Magnum, ali je tekla i opskrba pomoćnih postrojbi u provinciji i vojske na panonskoj granici. Stanovništvo Panonije, a osobito pedesetak tisuća vojnika u četiri legijska i nekoliko desetina pomoćnih logora, ovisilo je o uvozu žitarica12, ulja i manufakturnih proizvoda, pa su jadranske luke Aquileia13, Tergeste, Senia14, Iader15 i Scardona ostvarivale veliki promet. Rekognosciranjem s kolegom M. Glavičićem prošle godine smo otkrili rimsku lučku obalu Skardone u dužini oko 1 milje. Dužnost nadgledanja lučkog pretovara povremeno su dobivale isturene posade vojnih postrojbi čiji su matični logori bili u drugim provincijama. Legio I Adiutrix ima matični Territorium legionis T he army took over the supervision of river crossings in the deep canyon of the Krka around Burnum, including the downstream crossing over the Roški slap, formerly under control of the neighboring Varvaria, where some veteran inscriptions were found.7 A monument of the soldier of the XIth legion8 suggests that a permanent guard was placed on the crossing at Scardona, a river/sea port important for supplying of the army with provisions.9 The presence of legionaries in this important settlement of autochthon origin was perhaps the reason for its rather late acquiring of the municipal status, only in the Flavian period.10 In the late 1st c. the IIIIth Flavia Felix legion had left Burnum,11 and it was followed in the reign of Trajan by a unit of the VIIIth legion Augusta. The goods for the neighboring municipia of Varvaria, Rider and Magnum were imported through the harbor of Scardona, together with the supplies for the auxiliary units in the province and the army on the Pannonian border. The inhabitants of Pannonia, especially fifty thousand soldiers serving in four legionary and few dozens of auxiliary camps, depended on the import of grain,12 oil and manufactured products, enabling the 7 CIL III, 9885, veteran XI. legije; 2818, veteran XI. legije; 2817, centurion, veteran legionis IIII Macedonicae; 2816, evocatus Augusti. 8 CIL III, 6413. 9 Cambi 2001, 146-147. 10 Alföldy 1965, 201; Vittinghoff 1977, 15, 27 ff.; Zaninović 1998, 127. 11 Zaninović 1968, 122; Betz 1938, 48. 12 Davies 1974, 318. 13 Panciera 1957, 46 ff.; Franzot 1999, 68-69. 1938, 34-35, cat. nr. 11; Rendić-Miočević 1968, 63 ff. ; Wilkes 1976, 258 ff. ; Babić 1996: 57 ff..; Čače 2003, 19-21 7 CIL III, 9885, a veteran of the XIth legion; 2818, a veteran of the XIth legion; 2817, a centurion, veteran of the legionis IIII Macedonicae; 2816, evocatus Augusti 14 Glavičić 1994, 67-69; CIL III, 13283. Na dva natpisa nađena na prijevoju Vratnik iznad Senja spominju se Tit Julije Saturnin i Gaj Antonije Rufo, konduktori iliričkog vektigala od 147. do 157. god. u vrijeme Antonina Pija, koji se zajedno s Kvintom Sabinom Veranom spominju na natpisima u Seniji, Atransu, kao i u 1. i 2. petovijskom mitreju kao procuratores vehiculorum i nadglednici financijskog ureda u Panoniji. 15 · 112 · 8 CIL III, 6413 9 Cambi 2001, 146-147 10 Alföldy 1965, 201; Vittinghoff 1977, 15, 27 ff.; Zaninović 1998, 127 Cambi, 2001, 144-145; CIL III, 2922=9987. · 117 · 11 Zaninović 1968, 122; Betz 1938, 48 12 Davies 1974, 318 logor u panonskom Brigetiju16, ali neka njena odjeljenja i beneficijariji17 borave u Dalmaciji u doba Marka Aurelija. Frumentarij te postrojbe spomenut na natpisu iz Burnuma18 mogao je dobiti zadaću povezivanja oficija namjesnika u Dalmaciji i Panoniji radi osiguravanja opskrbe granice na Dunavu preko luke u Skardoni. Adriatic harbors of Aquileia,13 Tergeste, Senia,14 Iader,15 and Scardona to generate a significant traffic of goods. During a survey I had conducted together with my colleague M. Glavičić in the last year we have discovered the Roman harbor waterfront c. 1 mile long. The duty of supervising the harbor transshipment was occasionally given to the outwork crews of military units whose parent camps were located in other provinces. The Legio I Adiutrix had a central camp in the Pannonian Brigetio,16 but some of its divisions and beneficiaries17 resided in Dalmatia during the reign of Marcus Aurelius. A frumentarius of the unit, documented on an inscription from Burnum,18 could have been given the duty to provide the link between the offices of the governors of Dalmatia and Pannonia, so as to secure the supplies for the Danube border through the harbor in Scardona. Južne granice legijskog teritorija dosezale su prostor oko Roškog slapa. Nadgrobni natpisi znak su da veterani tu imaju posjede, vjerojatno i postrojenja koja rade na vodeni pogon (mlinice, stupe). Isluženi vojnici ujedno su nadzirali prijelaz, koji je potpadao pod legijski teritorij. Terminacijski natpisi nađeni su istočno od Krke u Oklaju19 i u Razvođu20. Podignuti su u doba imperatora Klaudija, za namjesništva Lucija Voluzija Saturnina, da bi označili granice Burnista prema veteranskim posjedima u Mratovu, odnosno prema nekoj neimenovanoj autohtonoj općini na zapadnim padinama planine Promine. Sa sjeverne strane Promine, u Uzdolju, otkrivena su dva granična kamena na kojima se spominju prata legionis (legijske livade)21 što je izraz istog značenja kao i territorium legionis. Natpisi određuju krajnju istočnu granicu velikog legijskog teritorija, kakav je bio potreban i radi opskrbe vojske vodom, drvima, mesom, žitom i pasištima za stoku. M. Zaninović s pravom pretpostavlja da je legijski teritorij neprekinuta cjelina, jer bi njegova segmentiranost ugrozila nadgledanje riječnih prijelaza, mostova i brdskih prijevoja na Southern boundaries of the legionary camp extended to the area of the Roški slap. Sepulchral inscriptions suggest that the veterans had their estates in this area, probably also facilities powered by water (mills, fulling mills). The discharged soldiers in the same time supervised the crossing, belonging to the territory of the legions. Terminal inscriptions were found east of the Krka in Oklaj19 and Razvođe.20 They were erected during the reign of Claudius and the governorship of Lucius Volusius Saturninus to mark the boundaries of the Burnistae with the veteran holdings in Mratovo, and an unnamed autochthon community on the western slopes of the Promina Mountain. 13 16 Mócsy 1974, 99; Visy 1988, 55-57. 17 Betz 1938, 41. 18 CIL III, 2823. Panciera 1957, 46 ff.; Franzot 1999, 68-69 14 Glavičić 1994, 67-69; CIL III, 13283. Titus Julius Saturninus and Gaius Antonius Rufus are mentioned on two monuments discovered on the Vratnik pass above Senj, the conductors of the Illyrian vectigalia from 147 to 157, during the reign of Antoninus Pius, mentioned together with Quintus Sabinus Veranus on the inscriptions from Senia, Atranus, as well as on the 1st and 2nd Poetovian mithraeum as procuratores vehiculorum and supervisors of the financial office in Pannonia. 19 CIL III, 9833. [L(ucio)] Volus[io] / [Satu]rnino [leg(ato)] / [pro] pr(aetore) C(ai) C[aes(aris)] / [Aug(usti) G]erm[anici]. 20 Patsch 1897, 17, kat. br. 6; CIL III, 9832. Vib]ullius t[rib(unus)] / [le]g(ionis) VII et L(ucius) Sal[vi/us] M(arcus) Sueto ce[n/t]uriones leg(ionis) X[I] / [iu]dices dati ex / [c]imventione (sic!) a / [L(ucio) V]olusio Satur/[n]ino leg(ato) pro pr(aetore) / [C(ai)] Caesaris Aug(usti) / [Ger]manici inter …..tine[s] e[t….. M. Zaninović 1985, 63 ff. Međašni natpis nađen u Čenićima u Uzdolju čitamo: T(erminus) pra(ti) / leg(ionis) / XI C(laudiae) p(iae) f(idelis). Natpis je podignut nakon 42. g. Natpis s podnožja brda Vedropolje u Uzdolju, nađen je oko 2 km sjevernije. Čitamo: [. . . Termini? p]o[s(iti) inter p]ra/[t]a leg(ionis) et fines / roboreti Fla(vii) / Marc(iani) per Augustianum Bellicum proc(uratorem) / Aug(usti). Prema vitezovoj karijeri, natpis se datira u trajansko doba, na kraj 1. st. 21 15 Cambi, 2001, 144-145; CIL III, 2922=9987 16 Mócsy 1974, 99; Visy 1988, 55-57 17 Betz 1938, 41 18 CIL III, 2823 19 CIL III, 9833. [L(ucio)] Volus[io] / [Satu]rnino [leg(ato)] / [pro] pr(aetore) C(ai) C[aes(aris)] / [Aug(usti) G]erm[anici]. 20 Patsch 1897, 17, cat. nr. 6; CIL III, 9832. Vib]ullius t[rib(unus)] / [le]g(ionis) VII et L(ucius) Sal[vi/us] M(arcus) Sueto ce[n/t]uriones leg(ionis) X[I] / [iu]dices dati ex / [c]imventione (sic!) a / [L(ucio) V]olusio Satur/[n]ino leg(ato) pro pr(aetore) / [C(ai)] Caesaris Aug(usti) / [Ger]manici inter …..tine[s] e[t….. · 118 · komunikacijskim pravcima22. Stoga su na sjevernim i zapadnim granicama razmještena odjeljenja u Kapitulu kod Knina, Strmici i Pađanima / Mokropolju. Pod zapovjedništvom u Burnumu, iako izvan teritorija legije, neistraženi je augzilijarni logor u Kadinoj glavici kod rimske Promone. On the northern side of the Promina, in Uzdolje, two boundary stones were found mentioning the prata legionis (legionary meadows),21 with the same meaning as the territorium legionis. The inscriptions determine the extreme eastern boundary of the large legionary territory, such as needed for the supplying of water, wood, meat, grain and pasturages for the army. M. Zaninović rightfully supposes that the legionary territory was an uninterrupted complex, because its partitioning would endanger the surveillance of river crossings, bridges and mountain passes on communication lines.22 Thus units were stationed on its northern and western boundaries, in Kapitul near Knin, Strmica and Pađene/Mokropolje. An unexcavated auxiliary camp in Kadina glavica not far from the Roman Promona, although outside the legionary territory, was under the command of Burnum. Prilikom izbora mjesta za podizanje dva stacionarna logora u Dalmaciji vodilo se računa da tvrđave budu «otoci» na dohvat ili usred neprijateljskog područja, ali i da imaju sigurno zaleđe i mogućnost odstupanja. U slučaju legijskog logora Tilurij odstupnica je kolonija Salona23 kod Burnuma, to su lojalni Liburni. Raspored vojnih postrojbi i različitih utvrda na teritoriju Burnuma omogućavao je učinkovito nadgledanje ključnih komunikacijskih pravaca i brzo prodiranje u potencijalno neprijateljsko područje, među Delmate i dublje u kontinent preko Dinare. Mobilnost trupa povećana je kad su VII. i XI. legija sagradile ceste iz Salone i Burnuma u doba namjesnika Publija Kornelija Dolabele24. Postrojbe iz Burnuma dale su odjeljenja za isturene burgove, tvrđe (arces) i stražarske kule (turres)25. Te posade, zajedno s pomoćnim postrojbama u satelitskim kaštelima u Burnumu i Promoni osiguravale su cestu ad imum montem Ditionum Ulcirum26, kao i segment magistrale Akvileja – Dirahij27 i druge prometnice28. Najkasnije početkom 2. st. dio tih vojničkih dužnosti u Burnumu i Magnumu preuzeli su beneficijari iz I. legije Pomoćnice (Legio I Adiutrix) i V. Makedonske legije (Legio V Macedonica)29. 22 Zaninović 1985, 67 ff. 23 Zaninović 1985, 73-73; Sanader 2002a, 125-126. When considering the locations for two stationary camps in Dalmatia, it was taken into account that the fortifications would be like “islands” near on inside the enemy territory, but also that they had a secure background and a possibility for retreat. When considering the legionary camp of Tilurium, the retreat was the colony of Salona,23 but with Burnum the role was played by the loyal Liburnians. The distribution of military units and different fortifications on the territory of Burnum allowed an efficient surveillance of key communication lines and a fast inroad into a potential enemy territory, that of the Delmatae and deeper inland across the Dinara. The mobility of troops was increased when the VIIth and XIth legion had built the roads leading from Salona and Burnum during the governorship of Publius Cornelius Dolabella.24 The units from Burnum have provided troops for outwork strongholds, fortresses (arces) and sentinel towers 26 CIL III, 3201 + 3198b = 10159 + 10156b; Bojanovski 1974, 203 ff. 21 M. Zaninović 1985, 63 ff. On the boundary inscription found in Čenići in Uzdolje we read: T(erminus) pra(ti) / leg(ionis) / XI C(laudiae) p(iae) f(idelis). It was erected after AD 42. The inscription from the foot of the hill of Vedropolje in Uzdolje was found some 2 km more to the north. We read: [. . . Termini? p]o[s(iti) inter p]ra/[t]a leg(ionis) et fines / roboreti Fla(vii) / Marc(iani) per Augustianum Bellicum proc(uratorem) / Aug(usti). Judging by the knight’s career, the inscription belongs to the reign of Trajan in the late 1st c. 27 Miletić 2006, 129-130, sl. 4. 22 Zaninović 1985, 67 ff. 28 Zaninović 1974, 310-311. 23 Zaninović 1985, 73-73; Sanader 2002a, 125-126 24 Bojanovski 1974, 16-18. Uz kritički osvrt na prethodne restitucije teksta Bojanovski donosi dva natpisa o pet Dolabelinih cesta, uklesana na četiri ploče. 25 Koncentracija vojničkih natpisa na navedenim mjestima sigurna je potvrda postojanja tih objekata, koje će tek trebati ubicirati na terenu. 29 Wilkes 1969, 122-127, 142-144. Leg. I Adiutrix i leg. V Macedonica daju od kraja 1. do početka 3. st. ljudstvo za beneficijarije u Dalmaciji. 24 Bojanovski 1974, 16-18. Together with a critical survey of earlier textual restitutions, Bojanovski publishes two inscriptions documenting five of Dolabella’s roads, inscribed onto four tablets. · 119 · (turres).25 These crews, together with auxiliary units in satellite fortresses in Burnum and Promona secured the road ad imum montem Ditionum Ulcirum,26 as well as the section of the main road from Aquileia to Dyrrachium27 and other roads.28 At the beginning of the 2nd c. at the latest, some of these military duties in Burnum and Magnum were taken over by the beneficiaries of the Ist auxiliary legion (Legio I Adiutrix) and the Vth Macedonian legion (Legio V Macedonica).29 Castra legionis L egije u Burnumu bile su smještene najprije u privremenom ljetnom logoru (castra aestiva) čiji tragovi zasad nisu uočeni na terenu. U njemu je boravila Legio XX, nazvana kasnije Valeria Victrix, koja iz Hispanije stiže oko godine 20. pr. Kr.30 Njena nazočnost u provinciji Ilirik potvrđena je natpisom veterana Tita Fuficija iz Salone31, veterana iz Jadera32 i natpisom centuriona Salvija Frebrana Bakula iz Burnuma33. Centurion (hastatus prior) u trenutku podizanja spomenika očito je bio u aktivnoj službi34. Stela veterana Tita Fuficija nastala je u klaudijevsko doba, ali možemo spekulirati da je doživio duboku starost te da je od trenutka njegovog časnog otpusta iz legije moglo proći i tridesetak godina. Niz godina provedenih na bojnim poljima na iliričkom prostoru, tako u Panonskom ratu od 13. do 9. god. pr. Kr., kao i Panonsko-delmatskom ratu protiv dva Batona od 6. do 9. god.35 rezultirao je rijetkim spomenicima iz Ilirika. Spomenutim treba pridružiti žrtvenik iz Ivoševaca, s kampanskim Iovilae zavjetom36, kojeg je J. Medini pravilno protumačio i uvjerljivo povezao s pripadnicima XX legije37. Castra legionis T he legions were initially placed in Burnum in a temporary summer camp (castra aestiva), traces of which, at least for now, have not been noticed. The Legio XX, later called Valeria Victrix, was stationed in this camp, arriving from Hispania in c. 20 BC.30 Its presence in the Illyricum is verified by the inscriptions of the veteran Titus Fuficius from Salona,31 a veteran from Iader,32 and the inscription of the centurion Salvius Frebranus Bacculus from Burnum.33 The centurion (hastatus prior) was obviously active when the monument was erected.34 The stele of the veteran Titus Fulficius was made Nakon odlaska, najranije 10. god., XX. legiju zamijenjuje XI. Na prijelazu era zimski logor (castra hiberna) iliričkih postrojbi još uvijek je bila Aquileia u sjevernoj Italiji, gdje je nađeno nekoliko natpisa sa spomenom XX. legije38 istovremenih onima u 25 The concentration of military inscriptions in these places is a certain confirmation for the existence of these objects, yet to be located in the landscape. 26 CIL III, 3201 + 3198b = 10159 + 10156b; Bojanovski 1974, 203 ff. 31 CIL III, 2030; Cambi, 2005, 53, sl. 68. Nakon analize likovnih elemenata N. Cambi smatra da je stela nastala u klaudijevsko doba (četrdesetih godina 1. st), jer većina figura pokazuje tiberijanski klasicistički akademizam, dok se na Fuficijevom liku zapaža i blagi nemir klaudijevskih strujanja. CIL III, 2836. 36 CIL III, 9898. 37 Medini 1979, 137 ff. 38 CIL V, 948, 939. Zaninović 1974, 310-311 31 CIL III, 2030; Cambi, 2005, 53, fig. 68. After the analysis of figurative elements N. Cambi suggests that the stele was made in the Claudian period (in the 40s), because the majority of figures have the character of Tiberian classicist academism, while the portrait of Fuficius shows a slight tension characteristic for Claudian tendencies. 34 Ako je spomenik nastao prije 10. g., tj. prije odlaska legije, neobična je pojava kognomena, jer je on u provinciji Dalmaciji učestao tek sredinom 1. st. Wilkes 1969, 61-77. 28 30 Ritterling 1924-1925, col. 1769-1781; Manning 2000, 69 ff. 32 CIL III, 2911. Natpis iz Jadera potječe iz Zadra ili šireg zadarskog prostora (Sukošan ili Sv. Petar). 35 Miletić 2006, 129-130, fig. 4. 29 Wilkes 1969, 122-127, 142-144. Leg. I Adiutrix and leg. V Macedonica have provided troops for the beneficiaries in Dalmatia from the late 1st to the early 3rd c. 30 Ritterling 1924-1925, col. 1769-1781; Manning 2000, 69 ff. 33 27 32 CIL III, 2911. The inscription from Iader was discovered in Zadar or the surrounding area (Sukošan or Sv. Petar). 33 CIL III, 2836 34 If it was erected prior to AD 10, that is, prior to the removal of the legion, the appearance of the cognomen would be strange, because it became more frequent in the province of Dalmatia only in the mid-1st c. · 120 · · 113 · Burnumu 39. Tek nakon devastirajućeg Panonskodelmatskog rata s Batonima, u Burnumu je bilo moguće podići stalni kameni logor za novu postrojbu. in the Claudian period, but we can speculate that he lived to a very old age, so that as much as 30 years could have passed from the moment of his honorable discharge to the moment of the erection of the monument. A number of years spent on battle fields of the Illyricum, in the Pannonian War of 13-9 BC, as well as in the Pannonian-Dalmatian war against the two Batos from AD 6-935 has resulted with few monuments originating in Illyricum. We should also mention an altar from Ivoševci with a Campanian Iovilae vow,36 thoroughly analyzed and associated with the soldiers of the XXth legion by J. Medini.37 Možemo samo nagađati je li o tim građevinskim aktivnostima bilo riječi na natpisu iz Burnuma40, od kojeg su ostala sačuvana samo četiri slova CORN41. Postoji više prijedloga restitucije natpisa, koji su svi slabo iskoristivi zbog prevelike fragmentarnosti. Patsch42 ih restituira imenom Publija Kornelija Dolabele, namjesnika provincije od 14. do 20. god. Argument u prilog tezi je materijal – mramor – od kojeg je isklesana ploča debljine 6 cm, s uklesanim slovima visine oko 5 cm. Evidentno je riječ o spomeniku odlične kvalitete, koji je sudeći prema debljini bio uzidan u neku građevinu. Natpis je s lokaliteta Šupljaja, što znači da je bio postavljen u prostoru vojnog logora. Stoga je vjerojatno javnog karaktera i moguće je da se na njemu spominje upravo Dolabela. U tom slučaju natpis je postavljen da bi označio dovršenje neke veće gradnje. Bez obzira na to jesu li stalni logor izgradile pomoćne postrojbe (Ala I Hispanorum) same ili zajedno s legionarima, to se zbilo u godinama oko odlaska XX. legije i dolaska njene zamjene XI. legije, odnosno početkom Dolabelinog mandata43. U tom slučaju, dolazak legije, ujedno i krajnji datum dovršetka izgradnje kastruma, pada u vrijeme između 14. god. što je početak Dolabelinog mandata u provinciji i prve posjete princa Druza Julija Cezara godine 17. Tiberije ga šalje u Ilirik da bi se privikao vojničkom životu i stekao naklonost vojske 44. Gradnja kastruma u Burnumu trajala je 4 do 6 godina. After the removal of the XXth legion, in 10 BC at the latest, XIth legion replaced it in Burnum. About AD 1 the winter camp (castra hiberna) of the Illyrian troops was still in Aquileia in northern Italy, where several inscriptions mentioning the XXth legion had been found,38 contemporary with those from Burnum.39 Only after the devastating Pannonian-Dalmatian war with the Batos, it was possible to construct a permanent camp in stone for a new military unit. We can only guess whether these construction activities were referred to in the Burnum inscription,40 from which only four letters are preserved: CORN.41 There are various suggestions for the restitution of the inscription, none of them very useful, because it is simply too fragmented. Patsch42 reads here the name of Publius Cornelius Dolabella, the governor of the province from AD 14-20. Another argument for his thesis is the material – marble – from which the 6 cm table was made, with carved in letters some 5 cm high. It is obviously a monument of highest quality, probably embedded in some building, judging from its thickness. The inscription comes from the site of Šupljaja, which means it was placed within the area of the military camp. Thus it was probably of public character and it is possible that precisely Dolabella is mentioned on it. In this case, the inscription would commemorate the erection of some larger construction. No matter whether U prilog ovakvoj dataciji idu i istraživanja kastruma sedamdesetih godina 20. st. B. Ilakovac koji je temeljito istražio legijski akvedukt iz Plavnog polja smatra njegovu izgradnju jedinstvenom zamisli s gradnjom 39 Ritterling 1924-1925, col 1770. 40 CIL III, 14321. 35 Wilkes 1969, 61-77 41 CIL III, 1432118 . 36 CIL III, 9898 42 Patsch 1897, 179. 37 Medini 1979, 137 ff. 43 Patsch 1897a, col 1069. 38 CIL V, 948, 939 39 Ritterling 1924-1925, col 1770 40 CIL III, 14321 41 CIL III, 1432118 42 Patsch 1897, 179 44 Tacitus, Annales, 2. 44; Rendić-Miočević 1952, 41 i d. Nec multo post Drusus in Illyricum missus est ut suesceret militiae studiaque exercitus pararet; simul iuvenem urbano luxu lascivientem melius in castris haberi Tiberius seque tutiorem rebatur utroque filio legiones obtinente. · 112 · · 123 · logora. Sve skupa datira u doba Dolabele, najkasnije do 20. god., a kaže da sondiranja 1973./74. u logoru pokazuju da postoji bogat kulturni sloj iz Tiberijevog vremena45. the permanent camp was constructed solely by auxiliary units (Ala I Hispanorum) or together with legionaries, it was erected during the period when the XXthe legion was leaving and the XIth legion replaced it, that is, in the early years of the Dolabella’s mandate.43 In this case, the arrival of the latter, in the same time the last date for the finishing of the construction of the castrum, must have happened between AD 14 (the start of Dolabella’s mandate in the province) and the first visit of Drusus Julius Caesar in AD 17. Tiberius had sent him to Illyricum to adapt to the military life and win the sympathies of the army.44 The construction of the castle took 4 to 6 years. Logor je pačetvorina približnih dimenzija 330 m x 295 m, sa stranicama omjera 10 : 946. Ako je dio logora bio i veliki trokutasti prostor sa sjeverozapadne strane (u kojem su mogle biti žitnice kao u sličnom prostoru u Karnuntu) njegova površina bila bi još nekoliko hektara veća. Logor u Burnumu podijeljen je na dvije velike cjeline. Unutar većeg sjeverozapadnog dijela, takozvane retenture (retentura), bila je glavnina vojničkih spavaonica. U nešto manjem jugoistočnom dijelu pretenture (praetentura), na strani prema kanjonu Krke, osim zgrada zapovjedništva vjerojatno se nalazila i bolnica (valetudinarium) i spavaonice zaštitnih odjeljenja. U Burnumu principij je neočekivano blizu bedema iznad kanjona Krke, pa je površina preostalog prostora u pretenturi relativno mala. Zbog toga u dijelu pretenture između principija i bedema ima mjesta za spavaonice u širini jednog ili najviše dva pojasa (strige; scamna). Spavaonice su uočene analizom georadarskih i magnetometarskih pretraživanja47. Možda je broj zaštitnih odjeljenja legije smanjen zbog sigurnosti koju pruža smještaj iznad kanjona Krke. Kako je recentnim istraživanjima ustanovljeno postojanje kastela auksilijarnih postrojbi, sad je jasno da one nisu boravile u legijskom logoru. U tom slučaju u pretenturi je dostajao i manji broj spavaonica za potrebe legijskih zaštitnih odjeljenja oko stožernih zgrada. Nedevastirajuća istraživanja u principiju i pretenturi, kao i nova saznanja o amfiteatru omogućila su dopunjenu kronologiju građevinskih faza. The excavations of the castrum during the 1970s support this dating. B. Ilakovac, who has excavated the legionary aqueduct in Plavno polje, believes that its construction was contemporary with the erection of the camp. He dates the whole complex to the Dolabella’s period, in AD 20 at the latest, and he adds that the trenches in 1973-4 within the camp showed a rich cultural layer from the Tiberian period.45 The camp was quadrangular in shape, some 330 x 295 m, with sides following a 10:9 ratio.46 If a large triangle area to the north-west was also a part of the camp (where granaries could have been placed, like in a similar area in Carnuntum), its area would be larger for another few acres. The camp in Burnum was divided into two large complexes. Within the larger north-western section, the so-called rear division (retentura), hosted the majority of barracks. In a somewhat smaller south-eastern section of the front division (praetentura), on the side towards the canyon of the Krka, beside the command buildings, there was probably a hospital (valetudinarium) and the barracks of protective units. The principium was placed in Burnum unexpectedly close to the rampart above the canyon of the Krka, so that the remaining area of the praetentura was relatively small. Because of this there was only room for one or two lines of barracks (strige; scamna) in the part Završetak izgradnje prvog trajnog logora (castra legionis XI) pada između 14. i 17. godine. Iz tog perioda bio bi stariji, manji principij, dimenzija 46 m x 53 m48. Početkom 1. st. još se nije ustalio razmještaj glavnih građevinskih objekata u tlocrtima logora kakav je uobičajen na kasnijem trajansko-hadrijan- 43 Patsch 1897a, col 1069 46 Precizne mjere bit će određene tek kad se arheološki istraže bedemi. 44 Tacitus, Annales, 2. 44; Rendić-Miočević 1952, 41ff. Nec multo post Drusus in Illyricum missus est ut suesceret militiae studiaque exercitus pararet; simul iuvenem urbano luxu lascivientem melius in castris haberi Tiberius seque tutiorem rebatur utroque filio legiones obtinente. 47 45 45 Ilakovac 1982, 104. Campedelli 2007, 54-55, sl. 1. Ilakovac 1982, 104 46 The precise measures will only be determined with the excavation of the ramparts. 48 Reisch 1913, 123-124. Autor donosi ove mjere, ali na tlocrtu na slici 31 mjerilo je netočno nacrtano. · 124 · · 113 · skom podunavskom limesu. Smještaj burnumskog principija tako pokazuje odstupanja u odnosu na ustaljenu tlocrtnu dispoziciju niza logora na granicama trajansko-hadrijanskog Carstva. of praetentura between the principium and the ramparts. The barracks were recognized through the analysis of georadar and magnetometric surveys.47 Perhaps the number of protective units in the legion was lessened because of the security provided by the position above the canyon of the Krka. Since recent excavations have shown the existence of a fortress of auxiliary units, it is now clear that they were not stationed in the camp itself. In this case, a smaller number of barracks for legionary protective units around the command buildings sufficed within the praetentura. The un-invasive research within the principium and praetentura, as well as new insights on the amphitheatre, allowed us to create an updated chronology of construction phases. Stratigrafija sitnog arheološkog materijala ustanovljena tijekom sustavnih istraživanja započetih 2003. god. upućuje da je prvi čvrsti amfiteatar podignut u doba Klaudija49. Natpis namjesnika provincije Dalmacije Publija Anteja Rufa50 i još jedan sitni ulomak s njegovim imenom51, pokazuju da su godine 51. ili 52. dovršeni značajni građevinski poduhvati na objektima u taboru52. Izgrađen je veći principij, koji je negirao starije zdanje. On je približnih dimenzija 104 m x 73 m, što čini uobičajeni arhitektonski omjer √2 (=1,41) : 1. Tlocrt te građevine sastojao se od dva bočna dugačka krila s nizom prostorija te od stražnjeg užeg krila s prostorijama oko središnjeg vojničkog svetišta (aedes), odvojenog od dvorišta foruma - nizom arkada. Možemo reći da je taj takozvani pretorium, kako se dosad nazivao u literaturi, u stvari principium, tj. zapovijedni – stožerni - dio. Za usporedbu, on jako naliči principiju u Karnuntumu*. Obnova logora i izgradnja novog amfiteatra poduhvati su kojima je iskazana vladarska moć i nagrađena XI. legija (zajedno sa VII. u Tiluriju) za odanost caru koju je pokazala tijekom uzurpatorske pobune Lucija Aruncija Skribonijana, namjesnika provincije Dalmacije53. The finishing of the construction of the first permanent camp (castra legionis XI) is dated between AD 14 and 17. An earlier smaller principium, 46 x 53 m,48 belongs to that period. In the early 1st c. the arrangement of buildings in the camp ground plan characteristic for later Trajanic-Hadrianic Danube limes was not yet a custom feature. The location of the Burnum principium, therefore, shows a divergence from a normal ground plan of a number of camps located on the borders of the TrajanicHadrianic Empire. The stratigraphy of smaller archaeological material was determined during the systematic excavations that had begun in 2003; it suggests that the first permanent amphitheatre was erected in the reign of Claudius.49 The inscription of the governor of Dalmatia, Publius Anteius Rufus,50 and another smaller fragment with his name on it,51 show that in 51 or 52 some significant construction efforts pertaining to structures within the camp were finished.52 A larger principium was built, negating the earlier structure. Its dimensions were c. 104 x 73 m, which represents a common architectural ratio of √2 (=1,41) : 1. The ground plan of this building consisted of two lateral long wings with a line of rooms, and a narrower posterior wing with rooms around the central military sanctuary XI. legiju zamjenjuje IIII. Flavia Felix, koja je u Dalmaciju stigla oko 70. god. iz Mainza, nakon rekonstitucije IIII. Makedonske legije. U provinciji Dalmaciji nađeno je svega nekoliko natpisa sa spomenom te legije54. U Burnumu boravi sve do godine 86., do premještanja u Singidunum u Meziji. U literaturi se navodi da je od tog datuma provincija Dalmacija ostala bez legija. Zahvaljujući recentnim arheološkim istraživanjima došlo se do drugačijih spoznaja. 47 Campedelli 2007, 54-55, fig. 1. 49 Cambi et alii 2006, 26; Glavičić & Miletić 2009, 78. 50 CIL III, 14987; Patsch 1897a; Reisch 1913, 124-128. 48 Reisch 1913, 123-124. The author discusses these measures, but the ground plan on figure 31 has a wrong scale. 51 Abramić 1924, 222. 49 Cambi et alii 2006, 26; Glavičić & Miletić 2009, 78 52 Natpis se datira u 51./52. god. na temelju imperatorskih aklamacija. 50 CIL III, 14987; Patsch 1897a; Reisch 1913, 124-128 51 Abramić 1924, 222 53 Stiglitz et alii 1977, plan 2. 54 Bulić 1905, 3 ff. 52 The inscription is dated to AD 51/52 on the basis of imperial acclamations. · 126 · Epigrafička evidencija VIII. legije u provinciji Dalmaciji je skromna. Malobrojni natpisi otkriveni su na širokom prostoru od Labina do Sarajevskog polja. Datiraju se u literaturi u rasponu od ranog 1. st. sve do u 3. st., a odnose se i na aktivne vojnike i na veterane55. Tegule s pečatima VIII. legije u Dalmaciji su otkrivene u Aseriji, Burnumu, Tiluriju i Humcu56. Posljedica te nekoherentnosti je da se boravak cijele legije ili njenih odjeljenja u literaturi određuje nekad u početak 1. st., često u 69. god., a nekad i u drugu polovicu 2. st. (aedes), separated from the yard – the forum – with a line of arcs. We can say that this so-called pretorium, as known from earlier works, was actually a principium, that is, the command – headquarter – area. An analogy is found in the principium in Carnuntum. The renovation of the camp and the erection of a new amphitheatre are efforts showing the power of the imperator and gifts for the XIth legion (together with the VIIth, stationed in Tilurium), for the loyalty shown to the emperor during the usurpation of Lucius Aruncius Scribonianus, the governor of the province of Dalmatia.53 Zasad nema uporišta niti u arheološkim niti literarnim izvorima da legija boravi početkom 1. st. u Burnumu. Isto tako, kratkotrajan boravak 69. god., na putu u građanski rat u Italiji, nije vjerojatan. Po završetku civilnog rata, legija je 70. god. prebačena preko Alpa u ekspediciji Vespazijanovog zeta Kvinta Petillija Cerijala, da bi smirila Batavce, koji su se prethodne godine pobunili na ispražnjenoj rajnskoj granici57. Nakon građanskog rata, na rajnskom limesu ostala je gotovo do kraja postojanja u Strasbourgu (rimski Argentoratum). Premda stacionira u Germaniji njena odjeljenja nalazimo razbacana na širokom prostoru, za različite potrebe, u raznim ekspedicijama i u građevinskim poduhvatima58. Smatram da je tijekom tog dugotrajnog boravka u Germaniji, negdje iza 86. god., nakon odlaska IIII. legije iz Dalmacije, jedna veksilacija izdvojena i poslana u Dalmaciju. The XIth legion was replaced by the IIIIth Flavia Felix, arriving to Dalmatia in c. AD 70 from Mainz, after the reconstitution of the IIIIth Macedonian legion. Only a few inscriptions mentioning this legion were found on the territory of the province of Dalmatia.54 It was stationed in Burnum until AD 86, when it was transferred to Singidunum in Moesia. It is often stated that at this moment Dalmatia remained without legions. Thanks to the recent archaeological excavations, we now know better. Epigraphic evidence for the VIIIth legion on the territory of the province of Dalmatia is rather scarce. A small number of inscriptions were discovered on a wide territory from Labin to Sarajevo field. They are dated from the early 1st c. to the 3rd, and they refer to both active soldiers and veterans.55 The tegulae with the VIIIth legion seals in Dalmatia were discovered in Asseria, Burnum, Tilurium, and Humac.56 The consequence of this incoherence was that the legion – or its divisions – was believed to be stationed in this area sometimes in the early 1st c., most frequently in AD 69, and sometimes even as late as the second half of the 2nd c. Bojanovski je jedini natpis aktivnog vojnika VIII. legije iz Burnuma datirao u zadnju trećinu 1.st. na temelju pojave tria nomina, iskazivanja tribusa i drugih osobina te ga je povezao sa spomenutim tobožnjim boravkom legije godine 69. u Burnumu59. Wilkes smatra da je vojnik novačen kad je legija već stacionirala u Germaniji, a s obzirom na doživljeni broj godina služenja u vojsci niti teoretski ne bi mogao biti u Burnumu prije godine 78. Kako je tada u Burnumu IIII. legija, Wilkes smatra da vojnik nije At this moment, neither archaeological nor literary sources offer any support for the presence of the legion in Burnum in the early 1st c. Also, the short presence in 69, on the way to the ongoing civil war in Italy, is not very plausible. After the end of the civil war the legion was transferred over the Alps as a part of the campaign of Quintus Petilius Cerialis, Vespasian’s son in law, who ventured to pacify the Batavians, who had revolted the 55 Ritterling 1924-1925, col 1540-1541; Betz 1938, 46-48; Zaninović 1968, 122; Zaninović 2007, 271. 56 Betz 1938, 50-52, 71; Bojanovski 1990, 699-701. 57 Patsch 1900, 79-80, 95-97; Betz 1938, 51; Bojanovski 1990, 702-703; Tončinić 2003, 266; Dodig 2008, 145-146, 152-154. 53 Stiglitz et alii 1977, plan 2 54 Bulić 1905, 3 ff. 58 Tacitus, Historiae IV. 68; CIL XIII, 4625. 55 Ritterling 1924-1925, col 1540-1541; Betz 1938, 46-48; Zaninović 1968, 122; Zaninović 2007, 271 59 Saxer 1967, br. 39 i 40. 56 · 127 · Betz 1938, 50-52, 71; Bojanovski 1990, 699-701 bio u Burnumu ni prije 86. godine60. Međutim, zbog primjeraka crjepova s pečatom legije ipak dopušta da dolaze u obzir oba datuma boravka barem dijela legije u Burnumu. Usto, Wilkes ne isključuje mogućnost da jedno odjeljenje boravi i u drugoj polovici 2. st. u Dalmaciji, ovaj put radi vojničkih razloga, konkretno Kvadsko-markomanskog rata61. Za tu tvrdnju zasad nema dokaza, a Bojanovski razložno tumači natpise nekoliko veterana VIII. legije iz tog perioda kao rezultat dedukcije i romanizacije središnje i istočne Bosne, prostora na kojem dominira gentilno ime Aurelius62. preceding year on the then abandoned frontier on the Rhine.57 After the civil war, it remained almost to the end of its existence on the Rhine limes, in Strasbourg (Roman Argentoratum). Although stationed in Germania, its divisions were scattered on a large area, fulfilling different tasks, campaigning in various operations, and being engaged in construction works.58 I believe that a vexillatio of that legion was separated out and sent to Dalmatia during its long-term sojourn in Germania, after the year AD 86 and the departure of the IIIIth legion. Bojanovski has dated the only surviving inscription of an active soldier of the VIIIth legion of Burnum in the last third of the 1st c. on the basis of the appearance of tria nomina, the name of the tribus, and other characteristics, and associated it with the above mentioned supposed sojourn of the legion in AD 69 in Burnum.59 Wilkes believes that the soldier was recruited when the legion was already stationed in Germania, and, considering the number of years he had already served in the army, he could not have been present in Burnum – even theoretically – before the year AD 78. Since the IIIIth legion was then sojourning in Burnum, Wilkes believes that the soldier was not present in Burnum before 86.60 But, because of some tiles bearing the legion’s inscriptions, he nevertheless allows the possibility that both dates could be relevant for the presence of at least a part of the legion in Burnum. Also, Wilkes does not exclude the possibility that one division was stationed in Dalmatia during the second half of the 2nd c., this time for military reasons, more specifically, because of the Quadi-Marcomannic war.61 This statement could not be verified at this moment, and Bojanovski interprets the inscriptions of several veterans of the VIIIth legion from this period as a result of deduction and Romanization of the central and eastern Bosnia, the area dominated by the Aurelius gentilicium.62 Smatram da boravak veksilacije VIII. legije u Burnumu treba odrediti u period neposredno iza 86. god., pa do stjecanja municipalnog statusa u doba Hadrijana. Tome je dokaz i to što na svim ciglama iz Aserije, Bigesta, Humca, Burnuma legijska titula uvijek je Augusta, nikad s epitetom pia fidelis, koji stječe tek za Komoda63. Titula Augusta je i na kamenim natpisima provincije: iz Labina (miles), Burnuma (miles), Kurikta (veteranus), Gradca kod Sarajeva (veteranus) i iz Nedina (veteranus)64. Castellum alarum et cohortium U vidom u zračne snimke i rekognosciranjem terena tijekom recentnih arheoloških istraživanja u Burnumu prvi put su ustanovljeni ostatci auksilijarnog kastela, istočno od legijskog logora65. Karakter građevine potvrđen je postavljanjem dviju sondi. Na sjeveroisočnom dijelu otkriveni su nekoliko metara široki zaobljeni temelji ugla bedema. Druga sonda, približno na sredini zapadnog zida, pokazala je kontrafor s unutarnje strane bedema. Nalazi nekoliko pečata LEG VII CPF na crjepovima pokazuju da je kaštel sazidan najkasnije u doba Klaudija, a ima indicija da u obzir dolaze i raniji datumi. I believe that the presence of a vexillatio of the VIIIth legion in Burnum belongs to the period immediately after the AD 86, until the acquiring of the municipal status Epigrafička evidencija ukazuje da barem četiri pomoćne postrojbe u Burnumu borave tijekom 1. st.: · 112 · 60 Bojanovski 1990, 699, br. 1. 61 Wilkes 1969, 115-116. 62 Wilkes 1969, 116. 63 Bojanovski 1990, 701. 64 Bojanovski 1990, 701 65 Betz 1938, 50-52; Bojanovski 1990, 700. 57 Patsch 1900, 79-80, 95-97; Betz 1938, 51; Bojanovski 1990, 702-703; Tončinić 2003, 266; Dodig 2008, 145-146, 152-154 · 129 · 58 Tacitus, Historiae IV. 68; CIL XIII, 4625 59 Saxer 1967, nr. 39 i 40 60 Bojanovski 1990, 699, nr. 1. 61 Wilkes 1969, 115-116 62 Wilkes 1969, 116 during Hadrian’s reign. This is supported by the fact that the legion title is always Augusta, never with the pia fidelis epithet, acquired during the reign of Commodus, on all the tiles from Asseria, Bigeste, Humac, and Burnum.63 The Augusta title is present on the stone monuments of the province: from Labin (miles), Burnum (miles), Curictum (veteranus), Gradac near Sarajevo (veteranus), and Nedin (veteranus).64 Ala I Hispanorum, Cohors II Cyrrhestarum sagittaria, Cohors III Alpinorum i Cohors I Montanorum civium Romanorum66. Mali broj natpisa i općenito slabo poznata problematika pomoćnih postrojbi u prvoj polovici 1. st. razlog su što je teško preciznije odrediti točno vrijeme njihova boravka u provinciji, pa čak i slijed stacioniranja. U znanstvenoj literaturi još nije ustanovljeno koliko se točno krije postrojbi iza desetak različitih epiteta koji se vežu uz ime I. hispanske ale. Iz toga razloga njena geneza i itinerar tijekom 1. st. slabo su poznati. Ona je, vjerojatno, jedna od brojnih postrojbi (deset legija, sedamdesetak pomoćnih kohorti i četrnaest ala), koje prema Veleju Paterkulu (Historiae Romanae, II 113) sudjeluju u gušenju velikog panonsko-delmatskog ustanka dvaju Batona od 6. do 9. god. Moguće je da su pripadnici postrojbe, stoga, dobro poznavali prostor provincije, u vrijeme kada je ala stigla u Burnum, čini se već u Tiberijevo doba, neposredno iza rata67. Prilično je izvjesno da početkom Klaudijevog razdoblja, oko 42. god., odlazi u kastel na Bem-tériju u Budimpešti (Aquincum), gdje boravi do 69. god. Na panonskoj diplomi od 2. srpnja 61. god., koja potječe iz neposredne blizine Vukovara, spominju se dvije I. hispanske ale: I. Hispanorum et Aravacorum i I. Hispanorum Auriana68. One su označene kao dio vojske Ilirika pod čim se nedvojbeno misli na Illyricum Inferius, što je sinonim za provinciju Panoniju69. Znači, u to vrijeme I. hispanska ala nije više u Dalmaciji. Castellum alarum et cohortium T he analysis of the aerial photography and surveys conducted during the recent archaeological excavations in Burnum has enabled a detection of remains of an auxiliary fortification, east of the legionary camp.65 The character of the building was confirmed with two trenches. On the north-eastern part several meters wide rounded foundations of an edge of a tower were discovered. The second trench, placed approximately in the centre of the western wall, revealed a buttress on the inside of the fortification. Several tiles with seals LEG VII CPF show that the fortress was built during the reign of Claudius at the latest, and there are indications supporting earlier dates. Epigraphic evidence suggests that at least four auxiliary units were present in Burnum during the 1st c.: Ala I Hispanorum, Cohors II Cyrrhestarum sagittaria, Cohors III Alpinorum and Cohors I Montanorum civium Romanorum.66 The small number of inscriptions and – generally – the problem of auxiliary formations in the first half of the 1st c., not often discusses, are the reasons for the inability to determine more precisely the exact period in which they were sojourning in the province, even the sequence of their presence. Čini se, da alu zamjenjuje Cohors II Cyrrhestarum sagittaria70. U literaturi se obično navodi da je u Burnumu boravila već tijekom prva dva desetljeća 1. st., a provinciju je napustila sredinom 1. st.71. Analiza spomenika ukazuje na nešto kasniji boravak ove postrojbe u Burnumu i Dalmaciji. Glede tog proble66 Miletić 2007, 190. 67 Wilkes 1969, 470 Appendix VIII, 471 ff. Appendix IX. 68 Raknić 1965, 71 ff.; Spaul 1994, 145. 69 Dušanić 1998, 51 ff. 70 CIL III 1741; Rendić-Miočević 1964, 341. The exact number of units hiding behind a dozen different epithets attached to the name of the Ist Hispanic ala is still undetermined. Because of this, its genesis and 1st c. itinerary of the unit are not well known. It was most probably one of numerous divisions (10 legions, 70 auxiliary cohorts and 14 alae) that have, according to Velleius Paterculus (Historiae Romanae, II 113), taken part in the 71 CIL III, 14934; Kubitschek 1924, 217, kat. br. 12; Betz 1954-1957, 84-85, 217, kat. br. 12; Alföldy 1962, 268, 293 kat. br. 11. 1; Suić 1970, 105-106, kat. br. 7; Medini 1984, 121, bilj. 7; Cambi 1994, 158-162; 2005, 66-68; Spaul 2000, 431. · 130 · 63 Bojanovski 1990, 701 64 Bojanovski 1990, 701 65 Betz 1938, 50-52; Bojanovski 1990, 700 66 Wilkes 1969, 470 Appendix VIII, 471 ff. Appendix IX ma, osim dva natpisa iz Burnuma, osobito važne su portretna stela vojnika Marka Pithe iz Tilurija, kao i dvije vojničke stele iz Dugopolja72. Analize natpisa i tektonike spomenika, kao i fizionomijskih detalja na portretima na steli Marka Pithe evidentno ukazuju da pripadnici postrojbe borave u Dalmaciji sve do ranog vespazijanskog razdoblja73. Neki od spomenutih vojnika umrli su tijekom aktivne službe, s preko četrdeset godina vojničkog staža. Kako drugdje u rimskom svijetu nije otkriven spomenik ove kohorte kasniji od vespazijanskog razdoblja, evidentno je postrojba rasformirana u vrijeme tog cara i kasnije nije obnovljena, barem ne pod istim imenom. Izuzetno dugo služenje nekih pripadnika II. kohorte Kiresta, možda se može objasniti time što su cijeli vojnički rok boravili u provinciji Dalmaciji, sve do rasformiranja postrojbe. Dolazak kohorte u upražnjeni kastelum auksilija u Burnum, gdje je zamijenila I. alu Hispanaca, vjerojatno se zbio u vrijeme dolaska Klaudija na vlast i pobune namjesnika Dalmacije Lucija Aruncija Skribonijana 42. godine. Stele iz Dugopolja i Garduna snažna su indicija da kohorta nakon nekog vremena iz Burnuma prelazi u Tilurij, odnosno u utvrde koje su vezane uz taj kastrum. Snaga tilurijskog garnizona (legijskog logora i satelitskih utvrda) jako je umanjena odlaskom VII. legije oko 60. god. u Viminacij, pa se čini logičnim da je u to vrijeme došlo do premještanja II. kohorte Kiresta iz Burnuma u Tilurij, radi jačanja vojničke moći u zaleđu Salone. quenching of the great Pannonian-Dalmatian uprising of the two Batos (AD 6-9). It is possible that the soldiers of this unit were well acquainted with the territory of the province when the ala arrived at Burnum, already, it would seem, in the Tiberian period, immediately after the war.67 It is more or less clear that at the beginning of the Claudian period (c. AD 42) it departed to the castle on Bem-téri in Budapest (Aquincum), where it was stationed to AD 69. On a Pannonian diploma of July 2, AD 69, discovered near Vukovar, two Ist Hispanic alae are mentioned: I. Hispanorum et Aravacorum i I. Hispanorum Auriana.68 They were marked as a part of the army of Illyricum – surely with Illyricum Inferius in mind – which is a synonym for the province of Pannonia.69 Thus, in this period the Ist Hispanic ala was no longer in Dalmatia. It seems it was replaced by the Cohors II Cyrrhestarum sagittaria.70 It is often stated that it was already in Burnum during the first two decades of the 1st c., and departed from the province in the mid-1st c.71 The analysis of the monuments suggests a somewhat longer sojourn of this unit in Burnum and Dalmatia. With regards to this problem, beside the two Burnum inscriptions, a portrait stele of Marcus Pitho from Tilurium and two soldiers’ stele from Dugopolje are of a special importance.72 The analysis of the inscriptions and monuments’ tectonics, as well as physiognomic details on the portraits from the Marcus Pitho’s stele, undoubtedly suggests that the soldiers of this unit were present in Dalmatia until the early Vespasian period.73 Some of the mentioned soldiers have died during the active service, with more than twenty years of military service behind them. Since a monument of this cohort later than the Vespasian period was not Burnum tada postaje glavno vojničko središte cijele provincije jer u njoj još boravi XI. legija. Veliki je problem tko zamjenjuje kohortu Kiresta u Burnumu. U obzir dolaze Cohors III Alpinorum i Cohors I Montanorum civium Romanorum. Sigurnija datiranja jako otežava skroman broj spomenika Montanaca u Dalmaciji. Vjerojatnije je najprije tu boravila III. kohorta Alpinaca. Njena odjeljenja u Kapitulu kod 67 Raknić 1965, 71 ff.; Spaul 1994, 145 68 Dušanić 1998, 51 ff. 69 CIL III 1741; Rendić-Miočević 1964, 341 70 CIL III, 14934; Kubitschek 1924, 217, cat. nr. 12; Betz 1954-1957, 84-85, 217, cat. nr. 12; Alföldy 1962, 268, 293 cat. nr. 11. 1; Suić 1970, 105-106, cat. nr. 7; Medini 1984, 121, n. 7; Cambi 1994, 158-162; 2005, 66-68; Spaul 2000, 431 71 72 Alföldy 1962, 268 72 The stele of Gaius Julius Andromachus and Gaius Julius Theodorus were embedded as a common building material into a Late Antiquity tomb, and they are probably originally from an early imperial cemetery near to the yet undetermined fort between Dicmo and Dugopolje. Alföldy 1962, 268. 73 Stele Gaja Julija Andromaha i Gaja Julija Teodora uzidane su kao običan građevinski materijal u kasnoantičku grobnicu, a vjerojatno su podrijetlom iz groblja ranog carstva u blizini još neubiciranog burga na prostoru između Dicma i Dugopolja. 73 · 131 · Cambi 1994, 158-162, 166 ff.; 2005, 66-68, fig. 94. Knina74, Skardoni75 i Kadinoj glavici (Promoni)76 potvrđena su vojničkim natpisima i snažna su indicija da je zapovjedno središte postrojbe bilo u Burnumu77 odakle je prebačena u Humac kod Ljubuškog. Je li do tog premještanja došlo oko 69. god. kada XI. legija odlazi iz Burnuma u građanski rat? Zvuči logično, ali je stvar spekulacija. Na diplomi iz Salone78 datiranoj 13. VII. 93. u doba Domicijana među postrojbama iz provincije spominje se i III. kohorta Alpinaca79. Evidentno je nakon kraćeg zadržavanja u Burnumu kohorta duže boravila u Humcu, vjerojatno do kraja 1. st.80, pa je tamo pronađen i veći broj spomenika. discovered anywhere within the Roman world, it is clear that the unit was disbanded during that emperor’s reign and that it was not later re-established, at least not under the same name. An exceptionally long term of service of several of the soldiers from the IInd Cyrestus cohort is perhaps explainable with the fact that they had spent their entire term in the province of Dalmatia, until the unit was disbanded. The arrival of the cohort to an abandoned auxiliary castle in Burnum, where it had replaced the Ist Hispanic ala, probably took place during Claudius’ ascension to power and the rebellion of the governor Lucius Aruncius Scribonianus in AD 42. The stele from Dugopolje and Gardun are a strong indication for the cohort’s transfer from Burnum to Tilurium, that is, the fortresses associated with that castrum. The strength of the Tilurium garrison (legionary camp and satellite fortifications) was significantly diminished with the departure of the VIIth legion to Viminacium in c. AD 60, and it would seem logical that in the same time the IInd Cyrestus cohort was transferred from Burnum to Tilurium, for the strengthening of the military power in the hinterland of Salona. Kohortu Alpinaca u Burnumu zamjenjuje Cohors I Montanorum civium Romanorum 81, u isto vrijeme kad XI. legiju zamjenjuje IIII Flavia felix, koja je u Dalmaciju stigla oko 70. god. iz Mainza, nakon konstitucije od IIII. Makedonske legije. Pouzdan podatak je da se Montanci javljaju u Magdalensbergu u Noriku u prvoj pol. 1. st.82 Međutim, izostanak epiteta civium Romanorum na nekim spomenicima stvara dvojbu krije li se pod imenom te prve kohorte jedna ili dvije postrojbe83. Na jednom od spomenika iz Burnuma84, bez obzira na to što se na natpisu ne donosi epitet civium Romanorum, vojnik rodom iz Breše (Brixia) iskazuje tribus. To ga nedvojbeno legitimira kao rimskog građana, a kohortu kao građansku, dobrovoljačku, što neki autori nisu prepo74 Patsch 1897, 198, kat. br. 39; Spaul 2000, 266-268. 75 CIL III, 9886; Spaul 2000, 266-268. 76 CIL III, 2759; Spaul 2000, 266-268. Burnum had now become the main military centre of the entire province, because the XIth legion was still stationed there. It is an unanswered question who precisely replaced the Cyrestus cohort in Burnum. The Cohors III Alpinorum and Cohors I Montanorum civium Rom remain plausible suggestions. A more precise chronology is complicated by the small number of Montanians in Dalmatia. It is more probable that the IIIrd Alpine cohort was at first present here. Its divisions in Kapitul near Knin,74 Scardona,75 and Kadina glavica (Promona)76 are evidenced by the presence of military inscriptions and are a strong indication that the commanding centre of the unit was in Burnum,77 from where it was transferred to Humac near Ljubuški. Was the transfer carried out in c. AD 69, when the XIth 77 Alföldy 1962, 263 ff. Alföldy donosi kao mjesto nalaza ovog natpisa Burnum (Ivoševci), a točno mjesto njegova nalaska je Kapitul u Kninu. Smatra da je postrojba kraće vrijeme boravila u Burnumu već u prvoj pol. 1. st., što je sigurno prerano. Više ulomaka spomenika iz Burnuma nosi pokraćenu riječ COHORS bez sačuvanog imena postrojbe, pa nije isključeno da se odnose možda i na ovu kohortu. Krajem 1. st. postrojba boravi u kastelu u Humcu kod Ljubuškog. 78 CIL XVI, 38. 79 Sergejevski 1924, 117. 80 Alföldy 1962, 263. Brunšmid 1911, 35. 83 Lőrinz 2001, 39-40. 84 Suić 1970, 106-107, br. 8. Patsch 1897, 198, cat. nr. 39; Spaul 2000, 266-268 75 CIL III, 9886; Spaul 2000, 266-268 76 CIL III, 2759; Spaul 2000, 266-268 77 Alföldy 1962, 263 ff. stated as a place of discovery of this inscription Burnum (Ivoševci), but the precise place of its discovery is Kapitul near Knin. He believes that the division sojourned for a short period of time in Burnum in the first half of the 1st c., which is surely too early. Several fragments of monuments from Burnum have an abbreviated word COHORS without the (preserved) name of the unit, so it is not excluded that they refer to this cohort. In the late 1st c. the unit was stationed in Humac near Ljubuški. 81 CIL III, 15003; Alföldy 1962, 270 i 294, natpis br. 17. 2; Suić 1970, 106-107, br. 8; Spaul 2000, 294-295. 82 74 · 132 · · 113 · znali85. Vrlo je vrijedna opservacija da jedan vojnik, koji je služio u XI. legiji u Burnumu dolazi iz istog grada (Brixia) i iz istog tribusa, što je posljedica masovnog davanja građanstva nakon Cezarove smrti Transpadancima, koji su svi upisani u tribus Fabia86. Rimski građani na službi u I. kohorti Montanaca su i vojnici Tiberius Iulius Buccio s natpisa iz Sankt Georgena am Langsee87 i Tiberius Iulius Capatius s natpisa iz Sankt Veita an der Glan88. Ipak, ni na tim noričkim natpisima nema epiteta civium Romanorum, jer očito nije prikazan cijeli naziv kohorte. Drugi natpis iz Burnuma89 fragmentarno je sačuvan. Nakon kraćeg zadržavanja u Dalmaciji, kohorta je premještena u Panoniju. Nije sasvim sigurno da je njeno sijelo od oko 80. god. Cannabiaca, današnji Klosterneuburg90. Nešto kasnije stacionira u kastelu u Albertfalvi u Budimpešti, u vremenu oko 92. – 101. god. Zatim se spominje na diplomi Marka Herenija Polimite iz provincije Dacije, datiranoj 14. listopada 109. godine91. Prema tome, Cohors I Montanorum civium Romanorum zamijenila je u Burnumu III. kohortu Alpinaca kad ova ide u Humac oko 70. godine. Drugdje u Dalmaciji njeni spomenici nisu nađeni. Oko 86. god. iz Burnuma odlazi legija IIII Flavia felix, a s njom vjerojatno i Montanci. Do odlaska u Budimpeštu Cohors I Montanorum civium Romanorum u kastelu u Burnumu boravila je najmanje desetak, a najviše oko šesnaest godina. legion departed from Burnum in order to engage into the civil war? This sounds logical, but it is still only a speculation. On a diploma from Salona78 of July 13, AD 93, thus from the reign of Domitian, among the units from the province the IIIrd Alpine cohort is also mentioned.79 It is evident that the cohort was stationed in Humac for a longer period after only a short sojourn in Burnum, probably until the end of the 1st c.,80 resulting in a larger number of monuments discovered at this site. The Alpine cohort was replaced in Burnum by the Cohors I Montanorum civium Romanorum,81 in the same time when the XIth legion was replaced by the IIII Flavia felix, arriving to Dalmatia in c. AD 70 from Mainz, after being constituted out of the IIIIth Macedonian legion. A reliable information places the Montanians in the Norican Magdalensberg in the first half of the 1st c.82 But the omission of the civium Romanorum epithet on some of the monuments creates an uncertainty whether one or two units are to be understood by this name.83 On a monument from Burnum,84 despite the omission of the civium Romanorum epithet, a soldier from Brescia (Brixia) had stated his tribus. This undoubtedly defines him as a Roman citizen, and the cohort as a civil, volunteer, one, which was not recognized by some authors.85 The fact that a soldier serving in the XIth legion at Burnum came from the same city (Brixia) and was enlisted in the same tribus, a consequence of massive bequest of citizenship after Caesar’s death to the Transpadanians, all enlisted in the Fabia tribus,86 is a very important observation. Tiberius Iulius Boccio from the Sankt Georgen am Langsee inscription87 and Tiberius Iulius Capatius from the Sankt Veit and der Glan inscription88 were both Roman citizens serving in the Ist cohort of the Montanians. But there is no civium Romanorum epithet on these Norican inscrip- Slijed pomoćnih postrojbi tijekom 1. st. u Burnumu bio bi ovakav: Ala I Hispanorum neposredno nakon ustanka 6.- 9. g. do oko 42. g. (ide u Akvinkum u Panoniji), Cohors II Cyrrhestarum sagittaria od oko 42. do oko 60. g. (ostaje u provinciji u Tiluriju i satelitskim utvrdama, gdje je rasformirana oko 80. g), 78 CIL XVI, 38 79 Sergejevski 1924, 117 80 Alföldy 1962, 263 85 Ilkić 2009b, 152. 86 Suić 1970, 108 i 123. 81 CIL III, 15003; Alföldy 1962, 270 and 294, inscription nr. 17. 2; Suić 1970, 106-107, nr. 8; Spaul 2000, 294-295 87 CIL III, 11509. 82 Brunšmid 1911, 35 88 CIL III, 4846. 83 Cohors III Alpinorum od oko 60. do oko 70. g. (ostaje u provinciji u Humcu kod Ljubuškog, gdje je sigurno do 93. g.), Cohors I Montanorum civium Romanorum od oko 70. do oko 86. g. (ide u Albertfalvu/Budimpeštu u Panoniji). Postojanje auksilijarnog tabora rješava problem smještaja pomoćnih četa u Burnumu tijekom 1. st. U nevelikom kastrumu za njih mjesta nema uz legiju. Kastel isto tako razjašnjava gdje su mogle biti smještene pomoćne postrojbe u 2. i 3. st. u vrijeme kad je Burnum postao municipij, a kastrum izgubio vojničku namjenu, što je očito iz civilnih sadržaja koji se uvode u taj objekt92. Nije isključeno da su ga koristili i beneficijariji, premda je vjerojatnije da je njihova statio smještena u potpuno zasebnu zgradu. O tome još nemamo nikakvih arheoloških potvrda. Nakon odlaska legija, kastel pomoćnih postrojbi postaje središnji vojni objekt i zapovjedno mjesto. Dio legijskog teritorija smanjen je na korist gradskog agera Burnuma. Ala I Hispanorum immediately after the AD 6-9 rebellion – c. AD 42 (departing for Aquincum, Pannonia), Cohors II Cyrrhestarum sagittaria from c. 42 – c. 60 (remaining within the province, in Tilurium and satellite fortresses, where it was disbanded in c. AD 80), C Cohors III Alpinorum from c. 60 – c. 70 (remained in the province in Humac near Ljubuški, certainly until AD 93), anabae – vicus militaris nevojnička je sastavnica Burnuma, koja zajedno s peregrinskom zajednicom prethodi municipiju. Čine ih cives Romani consistentes ad legionem, oni koji su ad castra. Samo manjem dijelu epigrafičkih spomenika iz Burnuma mjesto nalaza precizno je određeno. Unatoč tome, možemo biti sigurni da su osobe koje potječu iz sloja potomaka oslobođenika italskih trgovačkih obitelji (Aelonii, Anii, Caerellii, Calii, Cloelii, Folnii, Helvii, Paetronii, Papirii i Saenii) stanovale upravo na prostoru kanaba94. Na terenu se najbolje zamjećuju ostaci tog naselja na prostoru nekoliko stotina metara južno od logora, ali nema nikakve sumnje da su građevinski ostaci okruživali logor i sa zapadne i sa sjeverne strane. Taj urbanizi93 Cohors I Montanorum civium Romanorum from c. 70 – c, 86 (departing for Albertfalva/Budapest, Pannonia). The existence of an auxiliary camp solves the problem of the accommodation of the auxiliary units in Burnum during the 1st c. In a rather small castrum there was no place for both them and the legion. The castrum also explains where the units could have been stationed during the next two centuries, when Burnum became a municipium and the castrum lost its military character, which is obvious because of civil facilities introduced into the structure.92 89 CIL III, 15003 Lőrinz 2001, 39-40 90 CIL XVI, 26 91 Garbsch & Gudea 1990-1991, 61 ff.; Roxan 1996, cat. 148 CIL III, 15003. 84 Suić 1970, 106-107, nr. 8. 90 CIL XVI, 26. 85 Ilkić 2009b, 152 86 Suić 1970, 108 and 123 92 Medini 1989, 255 ff. Medini je dao osobito važnu potvrdu prenamjene bivšeg tabora za civilne potrebe, kroz analizu metroačkih sadržaja uvedenih u kastrum. 87 CIL III, 11509 93 Zaninović 1985, 66-67. 88 CIL III, 4846. 94 Glavičić 2002, 58-59. · 134 · The sequence of auxiliary units during the 1st c. in Burnum would be like this: Canabae 89 91 Garbsch & Gudea 1990-1991, 61 ff.; Roxan 1996, cat. 148. tions, since obviously the full title of the cohort was not stated. Another inscription from Burnum89 is only fragmentary. After a short sojourn in Dalmatia, the cohort was transferred to Pannonia. It is not completely certain whether its centre was from c. AD 80 Cannabiaca, modern Klosterneuburg.90 Later we find it stationed in Albertfalva in Budapest, from c. 92-101. It is next mentioned in a diploma of Marcus Herennius Polimitus from Dacia, issued on October 14, AD 109.91 Thus, the Cohors I Montanorum civium Romanorum has replaced in Burnum the IIIrd Alpine cohort when it left for Humac in c. AD 70. The legion IIII Flavia felix departed from Burnum in c. 86, and with it, probably, also the Montanians. Before leaving for Budapest the Cohors I Montanorum civium Romanorum was stationed in the Burnum castle for at least ten, and at most 16 years. 92 Medini 1989, 255 ff. Medini emphasized the analysis of the facilities related to the Metroac cult introduced into the castrum for the confirmation of the modification of a former military camp for civilian requirements. · 135 · rani prostor danas se u krajoliku iskazuje kao krške livade i oranice ispresijecane velikim mocirama, dok prostor koji u rimsko doba nije bio obuhvaćen arhitekturom danas čine erodirane krševite zaravni, litice i škrape. Pojedinačni objekti sasvim su udaljeni od tog građevinskog prstena. Tako su uz granicu s varvarinskim teritorijem, u današnjim Smrdeljima, otkrivene peći za pečenje krovnog crijepa, s pečatima vojnih postrojbi: XI. legije CPF, IIII. Flavije Feliks i VIII. Auguste95. Legijskim teritorijem, a u završnom dijelu i kanabama, prolazio je akvedukt s izvorištem u Plavnom polju96. Oko 2 km zapadno od logora otkrivena su četiri žrtvenika posvećena Jupiteru, na mjestu nalaza već spomenute are s posvetom Iovillae. Takva koncentracija votivnih spomenika snažno upućuje da je već na prijelazu era tu podignut hram Jupiteru97. To bi moglo biti središnje svetište Burnuma. Jedina sakralna arhitektura koja je istražena u Burnumu, ali ne u kanabama, već na prostoru bivšeg legijskog tabora koji je pripao municipiju, metroačke su edikule podignute u doba Antonina Pija98. Vjerojatno je nekom hramu pripadao i reljef s likom Junone uklesan na krupni kameni blok, ulomak arhitektonskog elementa, krajem 2. ili početkom 3. st99. Votivni natpisi koji nose posvete Iunoni, Minervae100, Neptuno101, Maioribus102, Genio loci103, Herculi104, Libero105, Deabus Coelestis106, Mithrae107, Silvano (CIL 3, 14984) dio su inventara sakralnih prostora. Ako etničku i socijalnu sliku stanovnika Burnuma, kao i repertoar posveta božanstvima, usporedimo s 95 Patsch 1900, 95-87. 96 Ilakovac 1982, 1984. 97 Patsch 1897, 190. 98 Reisch 1913, 119-120; Medini 1989, 255 ff. 99 Patsch, 1897, 183, kat. br. 13; Cambi 2007, 30-31. 100 It is not excluded that it could have been used by the beneficiaries, although it is more probable that their statio was transferred into a separated building. We have no archaeological support for this fact. After the departure of the legions, the auxiliary castrum became the central military structure and the command place. A part of the legionary territory was reduced and given over to the city ager of Burnum. Canabae T he canabae – vicus militaris93 were a civilian section of Burnum. It was a predecessor, together with the peregrine community, of the municipium. They were formed out of cives Romani consistentes ad legionem, those that were living ad castra. The precise place of origin is determined for only a small number of epigraphic monuments from Burnum. Nevertheless, we can be sure that the persons belonging to the class of the descendants of the freedmen of Italic merchant families (Aelonii, Anii, Caerellii, Calii, Cloelii, Folnii, Helvii, Paetronii, Papirii and Saenii) resided precisely in the area of the canabae.94 On the site the remains of this settlement are best visible in the area removed from the camp several hundred meters to the south, but there is no doubt that the structures encircled the camp also from the west and north. This urbanized area is today reflected in karst meadows and fields interspersed with large dry-masonry walls, while the area unsettled during the Roman period is today formed of eroded karst plateaus, cliffs and limestone pavements. Individual structures are removed from this urbanized area. Thus kilns for firing roof tiles, with seals of military units (XIth legion CPF, IIIIthe Flavia Felix, and VIIIth Augustae),95 were discovered in modern Smrdelji, along the border with the Varvarian territory. An aqueduct had passed through legionary territory, in its final part also through the canabae, with a source in the Plavno field.96 Four altars consecrated to Jupiter were discovered c. 2 km to the west of the camp, where the already mentioned altar with the Iovillae dedication was found. This concentration of votive monuments suggests Suić 1970, 112, kat. br. 12. 101 CIL III, 2827. Natpis je pronađen na prijelazu Bobodol zajedno s natpisom CIL III, 2826, koji je možda posvećen Marsu. 102 CIL III, 14983. 103 Suić 1970, 112, kat. br. 11. 104 CIL III, 14980. puno bolje poznatom situacijom u naseljima srodnog tipa, Akvinku108 i Karnuntu, nedaleko kojeg je brdo Pfaffenberg bilo sakralni areal - mons sacer Carnuntinus109, možemo sa sigurnošću predvidjeti postojanje cijelog niza svetišta i u Burnumu, od kojih neka i u kanabama. Kroz cijelo 1. st. za ovo vojničko središte karakterističan je oficijelni kult, osobito onaj kapitolijske Trijade. Tek s odlaskom vojske u 2. st. afirmira se mitraizam i metroački kult. Sredinom 1. st. u doba cara Klaudija izgrađen je amfiteatar, renoviran i dopunjen u doba Vespazijana110. To je građevina za uprizorenje zapanjujućih spektakala od prvoklasne važnosti u procesu romanizacije širokog prostora oko Burnuma. Amfiteatar je činio sportsko-rekreativnu cjelinu s građevinom udaljenom desetak metara na jug. Danas je ona prekrivena masivnim recentnim seoskim suhozidovima u kojima je velika količina nabacanih tegula – krovnog crijepa, zatim komadi mekanog kamena oblikovanog piljenjem i sitni ulomci keramičkih posuda. Ispod nabacanog kamenja, na istočnoj strani građevine, uočen je zid napravljen od pravilnih klesanaca vezanih žbukom. Indicije da je riječ o nekom rimskom objektu, za kojeg smo, zbog dimenzija, najprije pomišljali da se radi o još jednom kastelu, a sad se čini izglednijim da je riječ o vježbalištu (campus), osnažena su sondažnim iskapanjem. Na istočnom zidu otkrivena su vrata s tri prolaza, koja su nekad bila lučno zasvođena, ukupnog raspona gotovo 11 metara. Kako je zid relativno uzak (oko dvije i pol rimske stope) isključena je mogućnost da je riječ o bedemu auksilijarnog kaštela. To je potvrđeno i sondama na sjevernom i zapadnom zidu. In the mid-1st c., during the reign of the emperor Claudius, an amphitheatre was built, renovated and advanced during Vespasian’s reign.110 This is a structure intended for 108 Zaninović 1985, 66-67 94 Glavičić 2002, 58-59 109 Stiglitz et alii 1977, 701 ff.; Humer et alii 1998, 23-24; Kandler et alii 2004, 53 ff. 106 CIL III, 14981. 95 Patsch 1900, 95-87 110 107 Suić 1965, 95-96, sl. 4. 96 Ilakovac 1982, 1984 Patsch 1897, 190 98 Reisch 1913, 119-120; Medini 1989, 255 ff. 99 Patsch, 1897, 183, cat. nr. 13; Cambi 2007, 30-31 Suić 1970, 112, cat. nr. 12 101 CIL III, 2827. The inscription was found in the Bobodol crossing together with the inscription CIL III, 2826, perhaps dedicated to Mars. 102 CIL III, 14983 103 Suić 1970, 112, cat. nr. 11 104 CIL III, 14980 105 Bersa, 1902, 143. An altar dedicated to Liber was discovered in a wall of a house in the Đevrske village, on the south-eastern border area of the Burnum territory. Szilágyi 1956, 107 ff. 93 97 100 Premda na prostoru kanaba dosad nisu poduzimana iskapanja drugih objekata, možemo pretpostaviti da su u njima sagrađene kuće u kojima su boravili trgovci, gostioničari, obrtnici, žene i djeca vojnika; tu su trebala biti i konačišta, gostionice, razne manufakture i radionice, poput klesarskih, koje su razvile snažnu produkciju nadgrobnih i drugih spomenika. 105 Bersa, 1902, 143. Ara posvećena Liberu nađena je u zidu kuće u selu Đevrske, na rubnom jugoistočnom dijelu burnumskog teritorija. · 136 · the existence of a Jupiter temple erected in c. AD 1.97 This could well be the central sanctuary of Burnum. The only architecture of sacral character excavated in Burnum – not in the canabae, but rather in the area of the former legionary camp now belonging to the municipium – were the Metroac aediculae erected during the reign of Antoninus Pius.98 It is probable that a relief of Juno carved onto a massive stone block, a fragment of an architectural element (late 2nd or early 3rd c.), also belonged to some temple.99 Votive inscriptions with dedications to Iunona, Minervae100, Neptuno101, Maioribus102, Genio loci103, Herculi104, Libero105, Deabus Coelestis106, Mithrae107, Silvano (CIL 3, 14984), are a part of the inventory of sacral areas. If we compare the ethnic and social structure of Burnum, as well as the repertoire of dedications, with much better known situations in the similar type of settlements, Aquincum108 and Carnuntum – the Pfaffenberg hill and its sacred area were not far from the latter, mons sacer Carnuntinus109 - we expect to find a number of sanctuaries, some of them within the area of the canabae. During the entire 1st c., an official cult was characteristic for this military centre, especially that of the Capitoline Triad. Only with the departure of the army in the 2nd c. Mithraic and Metroac cults became present in Burnum. 106 CIL III, 14981 107 Suić 1965, 95-96, fig. 4. 108 Szilágyi 1956, 107 ff. 109 Stiglitz et alii 1977, 701 ff.; Humer et alii 1998, 23-24; Kandler et alii 2004, 53 ff. Cambi et alii 2006; Glavičić & Miletić 2009. 110 · 137 · Cambi et alii 2006; Glavičić & Miletić 2009 Konačno, prostor kanaba bio je ispresijecan nekropolama. Rekognosciranjem terena uočene su brojne baze nadgrobnih spomenika in situ. Njihov položaj ucrtan je u karte zajedno s mjestima nalaza grobova i sepulkralnih spomenika poznatim iz arhivskih podataka, da bi se odredila rasprostranjenost nekropola duž cesta prema Skardoni, Aseriji / Sidroni i duž ceste ad imum montem Ditionum Ulcirum. amazing spectacles that were of the utmost importance for Romanization of the wider area of Burnum. The amphitheatre composed a sports and recreational complex, together with a structure some ten meters to the south. It is today covered with massive recent village dry-masonry walls with large quantities of tegulae – roof tiles, pieces of soft stone shaped through sawing and small fragments of ceramic vessels. Below the stone blocks, on the eastern side of the structure, a wall of regular-shape carved blocks connected with plaster was noticed. It was probably a Roman structure – we have initially believed, because of its dimensions, that it was another fortress, but now we believe it was a training ground (campus) – which was supported through trench excavations. A door with three openings was discovered in the eastern wall, once arched, with a total width of almost 11 meters. Since the wall was relatively thin (c. two and a half Roman feet), this could not have been a rampart of an auxiliary castrum. This was confirmed by trenches on the northern and western walls. Municipium Burnistarum P linije Burnistae ističe kao jednu od važnijih peregrinskih zajednica, ne navodeći da je dobila bilo kakve privilegije111. Tek početkom 2. st., nagrađeni su za neupitnu lojalnost i dugogodišnje služenje rimskoj vojsci. Burnum postaje municipij najkasnije 118. god., što je potvrđeno počasnim natpisom caru Hadrijanu112 i natpisima sa spomenom gradskih dužnosnika113. Iz tog doba je i ključni kamen s monumentalnim poprsjem Herakla, nekad zaglavljen u gradskim ili nekim drugim vratima. Službeni karakter skulpture upućuje da je božanstvo vjerojatno postalo zaštitnik novog grada114. Vjerojatno je peregrinska zajednica postigla gradski status zajedno s kanabama, koje su isto tako živjele u simbiozi s vojskom. Although no other structures in the area of the canabae were excavated, we can suppose that there were residences for merchants, innkeepers, craftsmen, wives and children of the soldiers; there were probably also lodgings, inns, various manufactures and workshops, such as stonemason’s, developing a large production of sepulchral and other monuments. U vrijeme dok u kastrumu borave legije, još nije moglo doći do pretvaranja principija u civilni forum s adjacencijama, jer je takva prenamjena mogla nastupiti tek podizanjem naselja na municipalni rang. Tada je cijeli kastrum postao dio civilnog naselja, a vojničko središte preselilo se u auksilijarni kastel. To je evidentno iz civilnih sadržaja u principiju kastruma i građevinskih aktivnosti nakon odlaska legija115. Najistaknutiji novi objekt, kojeg su talijanski kolege 111 Finally, the area of the canabae was interspersed with necropoles. During a survey numerous in situ sepulchral bases were noticed. Their position was documented on maps together with locations of graves and sepulchral monuments known from archive data, so as to determine the distribution of the necropoles along the roads to Scardona, Asseria/Sidrona, and along the road ad imum montem Ditionum Ulcirum. Plinius, Naturalis historia III, 139. 112 Suić 1952, 210-211. Ispravljeno čitanje natpisa u ILJug, 19, br. 845 pokazalo je da se izrijekom spominje municipium Burnistarum. 113 Zaninović 1968, 124 ff. CIL III, 9890 (=2828), natpis na bazi počasnog spomenika Hadrijanu odlukom vijeća dekuriona iz 118. g.; Natpis CIL III, 9891 (=2830), Gneju. Minuciju Faustinu Sexkstu Juliju Severu dižu dekurioni; CIL III, 14321, spomen dekuriona. · 112 · 114 Cambi 2005, 85, sl. 122. 115 Reisch 1913, 119 ff. · 139 · Municipium Burnistarum P liny names the Burnistae as one of important peregrine communities, without stating any of its privileges.111 They were rewarded for their unquestioned loyalty and long-term service in the Roman army only in the early 2nd c. Burnum became a municipium in AD 118 at the latest, which is confirmed with an honorary inscription for the emperor Hadrian112 and inscriptions mentioning city officials.113 The key stone with a monumental bust of Hercules also dates from this period, once wedged into a city or some other doors. The public character of the sculpture suggests that the deity probably became the protector of the new city.114 The peregrine community probably achieved the municipal status together with the canabae, also living in a symbiosis with the army. While the legions were still sojourning in the castrum, the transformation of the principium into a civil forum with adjacent facilities was not possible, since the transformation was only possible with the elevation of the settlement to a municipal level. Then the entire castrum became a part of the civil settlement, while the military centre was moved to the auxiliary castrum. This is evident from civil facilities within the principium of the castrum and building activities after the departure of the legion.115 The most prominent new structure, reconstructed in 3D by our Italian colleagues, was a basilica placed transversally in relation to the main axis of the principium. It transformed the existing arches of the principium into the entrances on a long lateral wall on the side of the forum. The construction of the basilica had started after the departure of the legions, during the reign of Trajan, and it was finished in the time when the municipium was created. Perhaps the beam from which a fragment with Trajan’s name is 111 rekonstruirali u 3-D tehnici, bila je bazilika položena transverzalno u odnosu na dužu os principija. Pritom je postojeće arkade principija ona uklopila kao ulaze na dugačkom bočnom zidu prema forumu. Izgradnja bazilike započela je nakon odlaska legija, u trajanskom razdoblju, a završena je u vrijeme nastanka municipija. Možda je upravo na toj građevini bila postavljena greda, od koje je preostao ulomak s imenom cara Trajana116. Na prostoru kapitolija uvodi se carski kult o čemu svjedoči natpis s posvetom Hadrijanu117. Da kult careva tu traje kroz 2. st. ukazuje reljef Kapitolijske vučice. Taj državni simbol postavljen je u zabat jedne od Kibelinih edikula dodanih na zapadnom i istočnom pročelju kapitolija u vrijeme obnove metroačkog kulta, koju je proveo Antonin Pij118. Glavni skulpturalni ukras edikula bio je monumentalni friz s likovima Kibele, Atisa i Adonisa u prizorima iz metroačkog ciklusa. preserved belonged precisely to this building.116 The imperial cult was introduced on the area of the Capitolium, which is testified by an inscription dedicated to Hadrian.117 A relief of the Capitoline she-wolf suggests that the imperial cult continued to be practiced during the 2nd c. This symbol of the state was placed on the pediment of one of Cybela’s aediculae attached to the western and eastern façade of the Capitolium during the reinstallation of the Metroac cult conducted by Antoninus Pius.118 The main sculptural ornament of the aediculae was a monumental frieze with depictions of Cybele, Attis, and Adonis in scenes taken out of Metroac cycle. 116 CIL III, 14988; Patsch 1900, 77, fig. 44. The beam is 44 cm high, the letters are 18,7 cm high. 116 CIL III, 14988; Patsch 1900, 77, sl. 44. Greda je visoka 44 cm, slova su visine 18,7 cm. 117 CIL III, 2828=9890. 118 Reisch 1913, 119-120; Medini 1989, 255 ff. Plinius, Naturalis historia III, 139 112 Suić 1952, 210-211. Corrected reading in ILJug, 19, nr. 845, showed that a municipium Burnistarum was explicitly mentioned. 113 Zaninović 1968, 124 ff. CIL III, 9890 (=2828), an inscription on a base of an honorary monument erected for Hadrian on the basis of the decree of the council of the decurios in AD 118; CIL III, 9891 (=2830), erected for Gneius Minucius Faustinus Sextus Julius Severus by the decurios; CIL III, 14321,mentioning the decurios. · 140 · 114 Cambi 2005, 85, fig. 122. 115 Reisch 1913, 119 ff. · 141 · 117 CIL III, 2828=9890 118 Reisch 1913, 119-120; Medini 1989, 255 ff. Katalog Nalaza The Catalogue of Finds Burnum vojničko središte provincije Dalmacije Burnum a Military Centre in the Province of Dalmatia 1. Kaciga Ivoševci kod Kistanja (Burnum), MHAS 7092 bronca visina: 18 cm, širina: 43 cm, promjer kalote: 20,5 cm. druga pol. 1. st. Brončana kaciga tipa Weisenau. Dobro je sačuvana i restaurirana. Datirana je u flavijevsko razdoblje jer su tada prvi put zabilježene male ručke na vratobranu. U zadnju trećinu 1. stoljeća pomiče je široki vratobran i činjenica da stražnji dio kalote nije jako spušten u odnosu na prednji. Na stražnjem dijelu kalote dobro se vide ostatci držača perjanice, a na vratobranu dva natpisa: > CL VITALIS AVLI FUSCI - izveden punciranjem i MESTRI SVLIAE koji je nemarno urezan. Prvi natpis govori o pripadnosti vlasnika kacige (Aula Fuska) centuriji Klaudija Vitala. Drugi natpis ukazuje na činjenicu da je kaciga promijenila vlasnika – pripala je vojniku imena Sulia podrijetlom iz Hispanije. Objava: Radman-Livaja 2001b, 54-55; Šeparović&Uroda 2009, 34-35 (kat.33) Lit.: Hoffiller 1910-1911, 178, sl.20; Waurick 1988, 333-338, fig. 3,3; Bishop-Coulston 2006, 100-106, fig.59 N. U. 2. Kaciga Ivoševci kod Kistanja (Burnum), MHAS 7093 bronca visina :18 cm, širina :38 cm druga pol. 1. st. Brončana kaciga tipa Weisenau. Kalota kacige slabo je očuvana ali je vratobranu sačuvan gotovo u cijelosti. Kaciga je restaurirana prilikom čega su se otkrila tri puncirana natpisa na vratobranu. > VIRI MARTIALIS / CATVRONI · TAPILI te > VAL · F · / CVCVBI · / RVFI. Treći je natpis nečitak, i ne može se dešifrirati. Ova je kaciga istog tipa kao i prethodna, a njen je prvi vlasnik Katuron također podrijetlom iz Hispanije. Iz natpisa se vidi da je pripadao centuriji Virija Martiala. Objava: Šeparović&Uroda 2009, 36,37 (kat.34) Lit.: Hoffiller 1910-1911, 178, sl.20; Waurick 1988, 333-338, fig. 3,3; Radman-Livaja 2001b,54-55; Bishop-Coulston 2006, 100-106, fig.59 N. U. 1. Helmet Ivoševci near Kistanje (Burnum), MHAS 7092 Bronze Height: 18 cm, width: 43 cm, diameter of the calotte: 20,5 cm Second half of the 1st c. Bronze helmet of the Weisenau type. It is well-preserved and restaurated. It belongs to the Flavian period, because the earliest appearance of the small handles on the neck guard is documented in this period. The wide neck guard and the fact that the posterior part of the calotte is not much lowered in relation to the anterior places it into the last third of the 1st c. The remains of a crest support are clearly visible on the posterior part of the calotte, and two inscriptions are visible on the neck guard: > CL VITALIS AVLI FUSCI (hallmarked) and MESTRI SVLIAE negligently carved in. The first inscription documents the affiliation of the helmet owner (Aulus Fuscus) to the centuria of Claudius Vitalus. The second points to the fact that the helmet had changed its owner – it became the ownership of a soldier from Hispania, Sulia. Published in: Radman 2001b, 54-55; Šeparović&Uroda 2009, 34-35 (kat.33) Bibliography: Hoffiller 1910-1911, 178, sl.20; Waurick 1988, 333-338, fig. 3,3; Bishop-Coulston 2006, 100-106, fig.59 N. U. 2. Helmet Ivoševci near Kistanje (Burnum), MHAS 7093 Bronze Height: 18 cm, width: 38 cm Second half of the 1st c. Bronze helmet of the Weisenau type. The calotte is poorly preserved but the neck guard is almost complete. During the restauration three hallmarked inscriptions on the neck guard were discovered. > VIRI MARTIALIS / CATVRONI · TAPILI and > VAL · F · / CVCVBI · / RVFI. The third is illegible, and it cannot be deciphered. It is of the same tape as the preceding helmet, and its original owner, Caturon, was also from Hispania. The inscription makes clear that he was affiliated with the centuria of Virius Martial. Published in: Šeparović&Uroda 2009, 36,37 (kat.34) Bibliography: Hoffiller 1910-1911, 178, sl.20; Waurick 1988, 333-338, fig. 3,3; Radman-Livaja 2001b,54-55; Bishop-Coulston 2006, 100-106, fig.59 3. Cheek piece Ivoševci near Kistanje (Burnum), MHAS 7094 Bronze Height: 15,5 cm, width: 10 cm 1st c. Cheek piece of the Weisenau type. It was restaurated, and it probably belonged to one of the above helmets. Published in: Šeparović&Uroda 2009, 35 (kat.35) Bibliography: Unz& Deschler- Erb 1996, 27, T 27, 569; Bishop&Coulson 2006, , 100-106, fig.60 3. Paragnatida Ivoševci kod Kistanja (Burnum), MHAS 7094 bronca visina:15.5 cm, širina: 10 cm 1. st. Paragnatida kacige tipa Weisenau. Restaurirana je, a vjerojatno je pripadala jednoj od ranije navedenih kaciga. Objava: Šeparović&Uroda 2009, 35 (kat. 35) Lit.: Unz& Deschler- Erb 1996, 27, T 27, 569; Bishop&Coulson 2006, , 100-106, fig.60 N. U. N. U. 4. Crest support Ivoševci near Kistanje (Burnum), 2008, IDN 1395, PN 314/2008. Bronze Size: 5,6 cm First half of the 1st c. Bronze crest support. Unpublished. Bibliography: Bishop&Coulston 1993, 95, fig. 58.4.; Unz&Deschler-Erb 1997, T. 29, 602, 604-607 4. Nosač krijeste kacige Ivoševci kod Kistanja (Burnum), 2008., IDN 1395, PN 314/2008. bronca dimenzije: 5,6 cm prva pol. 1. st. Brončani nosač krijeste kacige Neobjavljeno. Lit.: Bishop&Coulston 1993, 95, fig. 58.4.; Unz&Deschler-Erb 1997, T. 29, 602, 604-607 M.G, Ž.M., J.Z. M.G, Ž.M., J.Z. 5. A buckle of a segmental armor Ivoševci near Kistanje (Burnum), MHAS 7095 Bronze 3,3 x 1,9 cm 1st c. Fragmented hinged buckle, part of a segmental armor (lorica segmentata), Type I after Thomas. Published in: Šeparović&Uroda 2009, 38 (kat.36) Bibliography: Koščević 1991, 90, sl.629 a-d; Deschler-Erb 1999, 140, T 13, 172; Thomas 2003, Fig. 1, 58; Radman-Livaja 2004a, 81-84 5. Kopča obručastog oklopa Ivoševci kod Kistanja (Burnum), MHAS 7095 bronca dimenzije: 3,3 x 1,9 cm 1. st. Fragmentirana kopča na šarnir, dio obručastog oklopa (lorica segmentata), Thomasov tip I. Objava: Šeparović&Uroda 2009, 38 (kat.36); Lit.: Koščević 1991, 90, sl.629 a-d; Deschler-Erb 1999, 140, T 13, 172; Thomas 2003, Fig. 1, 58; Radman-Livaja 2004a, 81-84 N. U. 6. A buckle of a segmental armor Ivoševci near Kistanje (Burnum), MHAS 6979 Bronze 3,1 x 1,9 cm. 1st c. Fragmented hinged buckle, part of a segmental armor (lorica segmentata), Type I after Thomas. Published in: Šeparović&Uroda 2009, 38 (kat.37) Bibliography: Koščević 1991, 90, sl. 629 a-d; Deschler-Erb 1999, 140, T 13:172; Thomas 2003, fig 1., 67; Radman-Livaja 2004a, 81-84 N. U. N. U. · 144 145 · N. U. 6. Kopča obručastog oklopa Ivoševci kod Kistanja (Burnum), MHAS 6979 bronca dimenzije: 3,1 x 1,9 cm. 1. st. Fragmentirana kopča na šarnir, dio obručastog oklopa (lorica segmentata), Thomasov tip I. Objava: Šeparović&Uroda 2009, 38 (kat.37); Lit.: Koščević 1991, 90, sl. 629 a-d; Deschler-Erb 1999, 140, T 13:172; Thomas 2003, fig 1., 67; Radman-Livaja 2004a, 81-84 N. U. 7. Šarnir ramenih ploča Ivoševci kod Kistanja (Burnum), MHAS 6980 bronca dimenzije: 4,2 x 2,9 cm. 1. st. Šarnir ramenih ploča obručastog oklopa (lorica segmentata) , Thomasov tip IX. Objava: Šeparović&Uroda 2009, 38 (kat.38) Lit.: Koščević 1991, 90, sl. 629 a-d; Feugère 2002, 101-104, fig.130; Thomas 2003, Fig.55, 60; Radman-Livaja 2004a, 81-84 7. Sub-lobate hinge Ivoševci near Kistanje (Burnum), MHAS 6980 Bronze 4,2 x 2,9 cm. 1st c. Sub-lobate hinge of a segmental armor’s (lorica segmentata) plate, Type IX after Thomas. Published in: Šeparović&Uroda 2009, 38 (kat.38) Bibliography: Koščević 1991, 90, sl. 629 a-d; Feugère 2002, 101-104, fig.130; Thomas 2003, Fig.55, 60; Radman-Livaja 2004a, 81-84 N. U. N. U. 8. Šarnir ramenih ploča Ivoševci kod Kistanja (Burnum), MHAS 6981 bronca dimenzije: 4,8 x 3 cm. 1. st. Šarnir ramenih ploča obručastog oklopa (lorica segmentata) , Thomasov tip VI. Objava: Šeparović&Uroda 2009, 38 (kat.39) Lit.: Koščević 1991, sl. 629 a-d; Feugère 2002, 101-104, fig.130; Thomas 2003, fig.51, 6; Radman-Livaja 2004a, 81-84 8. Sub-lobate hinge Ivoševci near Kistanje (Burnum), MHAS 6981 Bronze 4,8 x 3 cm. 1st c. Sub-lobate hinge of a segmental armor’s (lorica segmentata) plate, Type VI after Thomas. Published in: Šeparović&Uroda 2009, 38 (kat.39) Bibliography: Koščević 1991, sl. 629 a-d; Feugère 2002, 101-104, fig.130; Thomas 2003, fig.51, 6; Radman-Livaja 2004a, 8184 N. U. 9. Šarnir ramenih ploča Ivoševci kod Kistanja (Burnum), MHAS 7096 bronca dimenzije: 3,1 x 3,3 cm. 1. st. Šarnir ramenih ploča obručastog oklopa (lorica segmentata) , Thomasov tip IV. Objava: Šeparović&Uroda 2009, 38 (kat.40) Lit.: Feugère 2002, 101-104, fig.130; Thomas 2003, fig. 48,2; Radman-Livaja 2004a, 81-84 N. U. N. U. 9. Sub-lobate hinge Ivoševci near Kistanje (Burnum), MHAS 7096 Bronze 3,1 x 3,3 cm. 1st c. Sub-lobate hinge of a segmental armor’s (lorica segmentata) plate, Type IV after Thomas. Published in: Šeparović&Uroda 2009, 38 (kat.40) Bibliography: Feugère 2002, 101-104, fig.130; Thomas 2003, fig. 48,2; RadmanLivaja 2004a, 81-84 N. U. · 146 147 · 10. Fragment of a scale armor Ivoševci near Kistanje (Burnum), MHAS 6982 Bronze 5,7 x 2,7 cm. 2nd c. Fragments of a so-called scale armor (lorica squamata); six perforated plaques joined together with a wire. The plaques are elongated: they end almost flat at one end, but are curved on the other. The upper endings of scales have somewhat bigger perforations that were used for fastening the inner coating. Published in: Šeparović&Uroda 2009, 38 (kat.41) Bibliography: Deschler-Ebb 1999, 147, T 15,272; Radman-Livaja 2004a, 79-81 10. Fragment ljuskastog oklopa Ivoševci kod Kistanja (Burnum), MHAS 6982 bronca dimenzije: 5,7 x 2,7 cm. 2. st. Djelovi tzv. ljuskastog oklopa (lorica squamata) ; šest perforiranih pločica međusobno spojenih žicom. Pločice su izduženog oblika: na jednom kraju završavaju gotovo ravno, dok su na drugom kraju zaobljene. Gornji kraj ljuski ima nešto veće perforacije koje su služile za povezivanje s podstavom. Objava: Šeparović&Uroda 2009, 38 (kat.41) Lit.: Deschler-Ebb 1999, 147, T 15,272; Radman-Livaja 2004a, 79-81 N. U. N. U. 11. Fastener of a mail armor (lorica hamata) Ivoševci near Kistanje (Burnum), 2006, IDN 1305 Bronze Size: 6 x 5 cm First half of the 1st c. An S-loop with one tip ending in an animal head and other in a panel with a fastening hole. Unpublished. Bibliography: Bishop&Coulston 1993, 45, T. 16. 3; Unz&Deschler-Erb 1997, T. 35, 861-862, 870, 874; Deschler-Erb 1999, T. 15. 270 11. Spojna kopča karičastog oklopa (lorica hamata) Ivoševci kod Kistanja (Burnum), 2006., IDN 1305 bronca dimenzije: 6 x 5 cm prva pol. 1. st. S kopča s jednim završetkom u obliku životinjske glave te drugim pločastim s rupicom za pričvršćivanje. Neobjavljeno. Lit.: Bishop&Coulston 1993, 45, T. 16. 3; Unz&Deschler-Erb 1997, T. 35, 861862, 870, 874; Deschler-Erb 1999, T. 15. 270 M.G, Ž.M., J.Z. M.G, Ž.M., J.Z. 12. A fragment of a shield fitting (scutum) Ivoševci near Kistanje (Burnum), 2006, IDN 1014 Bronze Size: 11 x 10,5 cm First half of the 1st c. A bronze fragment of a shield fitting made of twisted sheets with internal angle shield supports. Unpublished. Bibliography: Bishop&Coulston 1993, 83, fig. 46. 1-2; Unz&Deschler-Erb 1997, T. 25. 549, 554, 548 12. Ulomak okova štita (scutum) Ivoševci kod Kistanja (Burnum), 2007., IDN 1014 bronca dimenzije: 11 x 10,5 cm prva pol. 1. st. Brončani ulomak okova štita izrađen od prelomljenog lima s kutnim unutrašnjim ojačanjima za štit. Neobjavljeno. Lit.: Bishop&Coulston 1993, 83, fig. 46. 1-2; Unz&Deschler-Erb 1997, T. 25. 549, 554, 548 M.G, Ž.M., J.Z. M.G, Ž.M., J.Z. 13. Vojnički bodež (pugio) Ivoševci kod Kistanja (Burnum), MHAS 6945 željezo dužina: sječivo 26,3 cm, drška 8,2 cm (nije sačuvana u cjelosti), najveća širina sječiva 6,5 cm 1. st. Vojnički dvosjekli bodež (pugio), dobro sačuvan i restauriran. Drška je ravna, trokutastog presjeka s ispupčenjima na gornjoj polovici. Pri vrhu sačuvanog dijela drške nalazi se rupa za zakovicu Završetak drške nije sačuvan. Sječivo je najšire ispod drške, prema sredini se sužava, a oko sredine se opet širi te prelazi u relativno izduženi vrh. Sječivo bodeža ima naglašeno središnje rebro izvedeno pomoću kanelura. Objava: Šeparović&Uroda 2009, 39 (kat.42) Lit.: Feugère 2002, 126-128, fig. 171, e,f; Radman-Livaja 2004a, 47-55; Milošević 2009, 177, sl. 17a 13. Military dagger (pugio) Ivoševci near Kistanje (Burnum), MHAS 6945 Iron Length: blade 26,3 cm, handle 8,2 cm (not preserved in its entirety), maximum blade width 6,5 cm 1st c. Military double-edged dagger (pugio), wellpreserved, restaurated. The handle is straight, of triangular cross section with bulges on the upper half. A rivet perforation is placed at the tip of the preserved part of the handle. The end of the handle is lost. The blade is the widest right below the handle, narrowing towards the middle but again widening afterwards and transforming into a relatively elongated tip. The blade has an emphasized central rib produced with cannelures. Published in: Šeparović&Uroda 2009, 39 (kat.42) Bibliography: Feugère 2002, 126-128, fig. 171, e,f; Radman-Livaja 2004a, 47-55; Milošević 2009, 177, sl. 17a N. U. N. U. 14. Okrajak korica mača Ivoševci kod Kistanja (Burnum), 2009., IDN 1634; PN 135/2009. bronca dimenzije: 1,7 x 1,9 cm prva pol. 1. st. Brončani okrajak korica mača. Neobjavljeno Lit.: Bishop&Coulston 1993, 73, fig. 38.2.; Unz&Deschler-Erb1997, T. 8. 136-140; Deschler-Erb 1999, T. 10. 127-128 14. Scabbard chape Ivoševci near Kistanje (Burnum), 2009, IDN 1634; PN 135/2009 Bronze Size: 1,7 x 1,9 cm First half of the 1st c. A bronze scabbard chape. Unpublished Bibliography: Bishop&Coulston 1993, 73, fig. 38.2.; Unz&Deschler-Erb1997, T. 8. 136-140; Deschler-Erb 1999, T. 10. 127-128 M.G, Ž.M., J.Z. M.G, Ž.M., J.Z. 15. Okov korica mača Ivoševci kod Kistanja (Burnum), 2006., IDN 1299 bronca dimenzije: 7,6 x 3 cm prva pol. 1. st. Ulomak okova korica mača s mrežastim uzorkom. Neobjavljeno Lit.: Bishop&Coulston 1993, 73, fig. 37.1; Unz&Deschler-Erb1997, T. 4. 48 15. Scabbard fitting. Ivoševci near Kistanje (Burnum), 2006, IDN 1299 Bronze Size: 7,6 x 3 cm First half of the 1st c. A fragment of scabbard fitting with reticular ornament. Unpublished Bibliography: Bishop&Coulston 1993, 73, fig. 37.1; Unz&Deschler-Erb1997, T. 4. 48 M.G, Ž.M., J.Z. M.G, Ž.M., J.Z. 16. Fragment of a scabbard fitting for suspending strap rings Ivoševci near Kistanje (Burnum), 2006, IDN 1309 Bronze Size: 7,8 x 1,7 cm First half of the 1st c. A bronze scabbard fitting for suspending strap rings. Unpublished Bibliography: Radman-Livaja 2004a, 160, T. 11. 39-42; Bishop&Coulston 1993, 97, fig. 59. 9; Unz&Deschler-Erb 1997, T. 6. 78, 81, T. 7. 92-109; Deschler-Erb 1999, T. 9. 112 M.G, Ž.M., J.Z. 17. Bolt head Ivoševci near Kistanje (Burnum), MHAS 6952 Iron 9,1 x 1,7 cm. 1st c. BC A socketed bolt with pyramidal tip. The head is quadrangular in cross section and somewhat elongated, while the socket is circular in cross section. Published in: Šeparović&Uroda 2009, 40 (kat.45) Lit.: Deschler-Ebb 1999, 134, T. 7, 86; Radman Livaja 2004a, 59-62; Bishop-Coulston 2006, 58-61,fig. 29.b N. U. 18. Bolt head Ivoševci near Kistanje (Burnum), 2007, IDN 1511; PN 37/2007 Iron Size: 6,9 cm First half of the 1st c. A tip of a bolt for a smaller ballistic machine (scorpio). Unpublished Bibliography: Bishop&Coulston 1993, 1993, 57, fig. 27, 3a, 3c; Deschler-Erb 1999, T. 2, 23-24; Unz&Deschler-Erb 1997, T. 23, 461, 466, 469, 475-476 M.G, Ž.M., J.Z. 16. Okov korica mača držač alki za remenje Ivoševci kod Kistanja (Burnum), 2006., IDN 1309 bronca dimenzije: 7,8 x 1,7 cm prva pol. 1. st. Brončani držač alki za remenje na koricama mača. Neobjavljeno Lit.: Radman-Livaja 2004a, 160, T. 11. 39-42; Bishop&Coulston 1993, 97, fig. 59. 9; Unz&Deschler-Erb 1997, T. 6. 78, 81, T. 7. 92-109; Deschler-Erb 1999, T. 9. 112 M.G, Ž.M., J.Z. 17. Balistički projektil Ivoševci kod Kistanja (Burnum), MHAS 6952 željezo dimenzije: 9,1 x 1,7 cm 1. st. pr. Kr. Balistički projektil s nasadom na tuljac i piramidalnim vrhom.Glava je pravokutnog presjeka i nešto izduženija, a tuljac kružnog. Objava: Šeparović&Uroda 2009, 40 (kat.45) Lit.: Deschler-Ebb 1999, 134, T. 7, 86; Radman Livaja 2004a, 59-62; BishopCoulston 2006, 58-61,fig. 29.b N. U. 18. Vrh balističkog projektila Ivoševci kod Kistanja (Burnum), 2007., IDN 1511; PN 37/2007. željezo dimenzije: 6,9 cm prva pol. 1. st. Vrh željeznog projektila za manji balistički stroj (scorpio). Neobjavljeno Lit: Bishop&Coulston 1993, 1993, 57, fig. 27, 3a, 3c; Deschler-Erb 1999, T. 2, 23-24; Unz&Deschler-Erb 1997, T. 23, 461, 466, 469, 475-476 M.G, Ž.M., J.Z. · 148 149 · 19. Trobridna strijela Ivoševci kod Kistanja (Burnum), MHAS 6985 željezo dimenzije: 2,8 x 1,2 cm 1. st. Trobridna strijela s nasadom na trn, naizgled Zanierov tip 2. U rimskom se kontekstu pojavljuju od 2. st. pr. Kr. pa sve do kasne antike. Objava: Šeparović&Uroda 2009, 41 (kat.48) Lit.: Zanier 1988, 5-27; Radman Livaja 2001a, 124, T. I, 1; Radman Livaja 2004a, 55-58 N. U. 20. Trobridna strijela Nepoznato nalazište (Burnum ?), MHAS 6987 željezo dimenzije: 2,6 x 0,9 cm 1. st. Trobridna strijela s nasadom na trn koje se može definirati kao Zanierov tip 2. Objava: Šeparović&Uroda 2009, 41 (kat.50) Lit.: Zanier 1988, 5-27; Radman Livaja 2001a, 124, T I, 1; Radman Livaja 2004a, 55-58 N. U. 21. Petica koplja Ivoševci kod Kistanja (Burnum), 2006., IDN 1337 kovano željezo dimenzije: 20 x 3 cm prva pol. 1. st. Stožasti tuljac za nasađivanje koplja s ušicama za učvršćivanje. Neobjavljeno Lit.: Bishop&Coulston 1993, 68, fig. 35, 24; Unz&Deschler-Erb 1997, T. 18, 301-302; Deschler-Erb 1999, T. 7, 78-79; Radman-Livaja 2004a, 157, T. 8, 30 19. Trilobate arrowhead Ivoševci near Kistanje (Burnum), MHAS 6985 Iron 2,8 x 1,2 cm. 1st c. Trilobate tanged arrowhead, perhaps Type 2 of Zanier. They appear in a Roman context from the 2nd c. BC to the Late Antiquity. Published in: Šeparović&Uroda 2009, 41 (kat.48) Bibliography: Zanier 1988, 5-27; Radman Livaja 2001a, 124, T. I, 1; Radman Livaja 2004a, 55-58 N. U. 20. Trilobate arrowhead Unknown site (Burnum ?), MHAS 6987 Iron 2,6 x 0,9 cm. unknown 1st c. Trilobate tanged arrowhead, Type 2 of Zanier. Published in: Šeparović&Uroda 2009, 41 (kat.50) Bibliography: Zanier 1988, 5-27; Radman Livaja 2001a, 124, T I, 1; Radman Livaja 2004a, 55-58 22. Spear head Ivoševci near Kistanje (Burnum), 2009, IDN 1693 Forged iron Size: 20,7 x 3,7 cm First half of the 1st c. Socketed spear head. Unpublished Bibliography: Bishop&Coulston 1993, 68, fig. 35, 10; Unz&Deschler-Erb 1997, T. 16, 253, T 17, 266, 274 22. Vrh koplja Ivoševci kod Kistanja (Burnum), 2009., IDN 1693 kovano željezo dimenzije: 20,7 x 3,7 cm prva pol. 1. st. Vrh koplja s tuljcem za nasad. Neobjavljeno Lit.: Bishop&Coulston 1993, 68, fig. 35, 10; Unz&Deschler-Erb 1997, T. 16, 253, T 17, 266, 274 M.G, Ž.M., J.Z. M.G, Ž.M., J.Z. 23. Spear head Ivoševci near Kistanje (Burnum), 2006, IDN 1697 Forged iron Size: 30 x 3,9 cm First half of the 1st c. Socketed spear head with a preserved socket. Unpublished Bibliography: Radman-Livaja 2004, 151, T. 2, 8; Unz&Deschler-Erb1997, T. 17, 262263, 273; Deschler-Erb 1999, T. 6, 68 23. Vrh koplja Ivoševci kod Kistanja (Burnum), 2006., IDN 1697 kovano željezo dimenzije: 30 x 3,9 cm prva pol. 1. st. Vrh koplja sa sačuvanim tuljcem za nasad. Neobjavljeno Lit.: Radman-Livaja 2004, 151, T. 2, 8; Unz&Deschler-Erb1997, T. 17, 262263, 273; Deschler-Erb 1999, T. 6, 68 M.G, Ž.M., J.Z. 24. Buckle loop Ivoševci near Kistanje (Burnum), MHAS 6977 Bronze 4,6 x 3,8 cm. 1st c. A buckle loop, part of a military strap (cingulum militare). It is of a mild horseshoe shape with one volute within the frame (the other is lost) and two quadrangular appendages between the volutes and the centre of the frame. The loop itself is decorated with two rows of incised triangles with a line of circles between them. The ornament is produced with niello, often used on bronze or brass objects that were silvered or tinned. These buckles were characteristic for the Claudian age. Published in: Šeparović&Uroda 2009, 43 (kat.55) Bibliography: Grew & Griffiths 1991, 56, fig. 6, 18; Višić 2006, 165, sl. 4a N. U. 21. Spear butt Ivoševci near Kistanje (Burnum), 2006, IDN 1337 Forged iron Size: 20 x 3 cm First half of the 1st c. Cone socket with fastening loops. Unpublished Bibliography: Bishop&Coulston 1993, 68, fig. 35, 24; Unz&Deschler-Erb 1997, T. 18, 301-302; Deschler-Erb 1999, T. 7, 78-79; Radman-Livaja 2004a, 157, T. 8, 30 M.G, Ž.M., J.Z. M.G, Ž.M., J.Z. N. U. M.G, Ž.M., J.Z. 24. Pređica pojasne kopče Ivoševci kod Kistanja (Burnum), MHAS 6977 bronca dimenzije: 4,6 x 3,8 cm 1. st. Pređica pojasne kopče koja je bila dio vojničkog opasača (cingulum militare) Blago je potkovastog oblika s jednom volutom unutar okvira (druga nije sačuvana) te dvama pravokutnim izdancima koji se nalaze između voluta i središta okvira. Sama pređica ukrašena je s dva reda urezanih trokuta između kojih se nalazi red kružića. Ukras je načinjen nielo tehnikom koja se najčešće primjenjivala na predmetima od bronce ili mjedi koji su bili posrebreni ili pokositreni. Ovakve kopče uobičajene su za Klaudijevsko doba. Objava: Šeparović&Uroda 2009, 43 (kat.55) Lit.: Grew & Griffiths 1991, 56, fig. 6, 18; Višić 2006, 165, sl. 4a N. U. · 150 151 · 25. Pločica pojasa (cingulum) Ivoševci kod Kistanja (Burnum), 2007., IDN 1376, PN 313/2007. pokositrena bronca s tauširanim srebrom dimenzije: 5 x 3,4 cm prva pol. 1. st. Pokositrena brončana pločica pojasa s tauširanim srebrnim ukrasom. Neobjavljeno Lit.: Bishop&Coulston 1993, 97, fig. 59, 2; Deschler-Erb 1999, T. 19, 354355; Unz&Deschler-Erb 1997, T. 40, 1013-1023 M.G, Ž.M., J.Z. 26. Pločica pojasa (cingulum) Ivoševci kod Kistanja (Burnum), 2004., IDN 1099 pokositrena bronca s tauširanim olovom dimenzije: 5,5 x 3,5 cm prva pol. 1. st. Brončana pločica pojasa s geometrijskim ukrasom. Neobjavljeno Lit.: Bishop&Coulston 1993, 97, fig. 59, 2; Deschler-Erb 1999, T. 19. 354355; Unz&Deschler-Erb 1997, T. 40, 1013-1023 M.G, Ž.M., J.Z. 27. Kvadratična pločica pojasa (cingulum) Ivoševci kod Kistanja (Burnum), 2006., IDN 1292 pokositrena bronca dimenzije: 4,5 x 2,8 cm prva pol. 1. st. Brončana pločica pojasa s dekoracijom uokolo središnjeg dijela. Neobjavljeno Lit.: Radman-Livaja 2004, 175, T. 36, 208; Bishop&Coulston 1993, 97, fig. 59, 9; Unz&Deschler-Erb 1997, T. 38, 942 25. Belt fitting Ivoševci near Kistanje (Burnum), 2007, IDN 1376, PN 313/2007 Tinned bronze with damascened silver Size: 5 x 3,4 cm First half of the 1st c. Tinned bronze strap plaque with damascened silver ornament. Unpublished Bibliography: Bishop&Coulston 1993, 97, fig. 59, 2; Deschler-Erb 1999, T. 19, 354355; Unz&Deschler-Erb 1997, T. 40, 10131023 28. Belt plate with a fragmentary hinged dagger frog Ivoševci near Kistanje (Burnum), 2006, IDN 1077 Tinned bronze Size: 8 x 2,4 cm First half of the 1st c. Quadrangular plaque with a fastening system for a scabbard strap. Unpublished Bibliography: Bishop&Coulston 1993, 78, fig. 42, 96, fig. 59 (21); Unz&DeschlerErb1997, T. 45. 1215 M.G, Ž.M., J.Z. M.G, Ž.M., J.Z. 26. Belt fitting Ivoševci near Kistanje (Burnum), 2004, IDN 1099 Tinned bronze with damascened lead Size: 5,5 x 3,5 cm First half of the 1st c. A bronze strap plaque with geometric ornament. Unpublished Bibliography: Bishop&Coulston 1993, 97, fig. 59, 2; Deschler-Erb 1999, T. 19. 354355; Unz&Deschler-Erb 1997, T. 40, 10131023 29. Apron strap pendant Ivoševci near Kistanje (Burnum), MHAS 6993 Bronze 6,7 x 1,9 cm. 1st c. An apron strap pendant for a military belt. It is composed of two parts: the upper served for the fastening on a belt, and the lower is attached to it by a small hook and is crescentshaped. Published in: Šeparović&Uroda 2009, 45 (kat.63). Bibliography: Koščević 1991, 43-44; Bishop 1992, 84-85, fig.4, 5 M.G, Ž.M., J.Z. N. U. 27. Quadrangular belt fitting Ivoševci near Kistanje (Burnum), 2006, IDN 1292 Tinned bronze Size: 4,5 x 2,8 cm First half of the 1st c. A bronze strap plaque ornamented around the central part Unpublished Bibliography: Radman-Livaja 2004, 175, T. 36, 208; Bishop&Coulston 1993, 97, fig. 59, 9; Unz&Deschler-Erb 1997, T. 38, 942 M.G, Ž.M., J.Z. M.G, Ž.M., J.Z. · 152 153 · 28. Pojasna kopča s okovom Ivoševci kod Kistanja (Burnum), 2006., IDN 1077 pokositrena bronca dimenzije: 8 x 2,4 cm prva pol. 1. st. Pravokutna pločica sa sistemom za kopčanje remena za korice bodeža. Neobjavljeno Lit.: Bishop&Coulston 1993, 78, fig. 42, 96, fig. 59 (21); Unz&DeschlerErb1997, T. 45. 1215 M.G, Ž.M., J.Z. 29. Privjesak pojasnih ukrasnih traka Ivoševci kod Kistanja (Burnum), MHAS 6993 bronca dimenzije: 6,7 x 1,9 cm 1. st. Privjesak ukrasnih traka na vojničkom opasaču. Sastavljen je od dva dijela: gornji je služio za pričvršćivanje na ramenje, a donji je dio na njega spojen kukicom i lunulastog je oblika. Objava: Šeparović&Uroda 2009, 45 (kat.63) Lit.: Koščević 1991, 43-44; Bishop 1992, 84-85, fig.4, 5 N. U. 30. Apron strap pendant Ivoševci near Kistanje (Burnum), 2004, IDN 1041 Bronze Size: 5,8 cm First half of the 1st c. A bronze apron strap pendant for a military belt of a deltoid shape. Unpublished. Bibliography: Bishop&Coulston 1993, 98-99; Deschler-Erb 1999, T. 26, 519-520; Unz&Deschler-Erb 1997, T. 52, 1418-1419 30. Privjesak pojasnih ukrasnih traka Ivoševci kod Kistanja (Burnum), 2004., IDN 1041 bronca dimenzije: 5,8 cm prva pol. 1. st. Brončani privjesak ukrasnih traka vojničkog opasača deltoidnog oblika. Neobjavljeno. Lit.: Bishop&Coulston 1993, 98-99; Deschler-Erb 1999, T. 26, 519-520; Unz&Deschler-Erb 1997, T. 52, 14181419 M.G, Ž.M., J.Z. M.G, Ž.M., J.Z. 31. Privjesak Ivoševci kod Kistanja (Burnum), MHAS 6997 bronca dimenzije: 3,6 x 2,8 cm 1. st. Privjesak sastavljen od dva dijela. Veći je lunulastog oblika, a u njegovoj sredini je ovješen mali privjesak. Krajevi manjeg i većeg privjeska završavaju dugmetastim nastavcima. Vjerojatno je pripadao vojničkoj pregačici ili pak konjskoj ormi. Objava: Šeparović&Uroda 2009, 46 (kat.67) Lit.: Koščević 1991, 43-44; Ožanić, Radman-Livaja, Rendić-Miočević 2003, 108, kat. 240; Radman-Livaja 2004a, T. 39, 249 N. U. 32. Privjesak Nepoznato nalazište (Burnum ?), MHAS 7005 bronca dimenzije: 3,9 x 3,3 cm 1. st. Privjesak u obliku falusa s oblom petljom za vješanje Objava: Šeparović&Uroda 2009, 48 (kat.75) Lit.: Koščević 1991, 45; Deschler Erb 1999, 167, Taf.25, 544, 546 N. U. 33. Privjesak Nepoznato nalazište (Burnum ?), MHAS 7006 bronca dimenzije: 4 x 2,7 cm 1. st. Privjesak u obliku stiliziranog falusa s izdancima na bočnim krakovima. Objava: Šeparović&Uroda 2009, 48 (kat.76) 31. Pendant Ivoševci near Kistanje (Burnum), MHAS 6997 Bronze 3,6 x 2,8 cm. 1st c. A two-part pendant. The larger is crescentshaped, with a small pendant fastened in the centre. The tips of both pendants end in a knob-shaped appendages. It was probably a part of a military apron or a horse gear. Published in: Šeparović&Uroda 2009, 46 (kat.67). Bibliography: Koščević 1991, 43-44; Ožanić, Radman-Livaja, Rendić-Miočević 2003, 108, kat. 240; Radman-Livaja 2004a, T. 39, 249 N. U. 32. Pendant Unknown site (Burnum ?), MHAS 7005 Bronze 3,9 x 3,3 cm. 1st c. A phallic-shaped pendant with a round suspension loop. Published in: Šeparović&Uroda 2009, 48 (kat.75). Bibliography: Koščević 1991, 45; Deschler Erb 1999, 167, Taf.25, 544, 546 34. Pendant Očestovo near Knin, MHAS 7008 Bronze 3 x 1,6 cm. 2nd-3rd c. A phallic-shaped pendant with a round suspension hook. Published in: Šeparović 1999, 19; Šeparović&Uroda 2009, 48 (kat.78) Bibliography: Koščević 1991, str.45, 89; Bekić 1998, T. 5, 3; Ožanić, Radman-Livaja, Rendić-Miočević 2003, 93, kat.182. 34. Privjesak Očestovo kod Knina, MHAS 7008 bronca dimenzije: 3 x 1,6 cm 2.-3. st. Privjesak u obliku falusa s oblom kukom za vješanje. Objava: Šeparović 1999, 19; Šeparović&Uroda 2009, 48 (kat.78) Lit.: Koščević 1991, str.45, 89; Bekić 1998, T. 5, 3; Ožanić, Radman-Livaja, Rendić-Miočević 2003, 93, kat.182 N. U. N. U. 35. Pendant Unknown site (Burnum ?), MHAS 7009 Bronze 2 x 2,8 cm 2nd-3rd c. A phallic-shaped pendant with a round suspension hook. Published in: Šeparović 1999, 20; Šeparović&Uroda 2009, 49 (kat.79) 35. Privjesak Nepoznato nalazište (Burnum?), MHAS 7009 bronca dimenzije: 2 x 2,8 cm 2.-3. st. Privjesak u obliku falusa s okruglom kukom za vješanje. Objava: Šeparović 1999, 20; Šeparović&Uroda 2009, 49 (kat.79) N. U. 36. Pendant Unknown site (Burnum ?), MHAS 7010 Bronze 1,7 x 3,3 cm. 2nd-3rd c. A phallic-shaped pendant with a semicircular suspension hook. Published in: Šeparović 1999, 20 ;Šeparović&Uroda 2009, 49 (kat.80). Bibliography: Ožanić, Radman-Livaja, Rendić-Miočević 2003, 93, kat.183 N. U. 33. Pendant Unknown site (Burnum ?), MHAS 7006 Bronze 4 x 2,7 cm. 1st c. A pendant in the shape of a stylized phallus with projections on lateral arms. Published in: Šeparović&Uroda 2009, 48 (kat.76) N. U. N. U. 36. Privjesak Nepoznato nalazište (Burnum ?), MHAS 7010 bronca dimenzije: 1,7 x 3,3 cm 2.-3. st. Privjesak u obliku falusa s polukružnom kukom za vješanje. Objava: Šeparović 1999, 20 ;Šeparović&Uroda 2009, 49 (kat.80) Lit.: Ožanić, Radman-Livaja, RendićMiočević 2003, 93, kat.183 N. U. N. U. N. U. · 154 155 · 37. Privjesak Ivoševci kod Kistanja (Burnum), MHAS 7011 bronca dimenzije: 4 ,2 x 1,8 cm 2.-3. st. Privjesak u obliku falusa razrađenih anatomskih pojedinosti s ušicom za vješanje. Objava: Šeparović 1999, 20; Šeparović&Uroda 2009, 49 (kat.81) N. U. 38. Privjesak Nepoznato nalazište (Burnum?), MHAS 7012 bronca dimenzije: 1,7 x 3,1 cm 2.-3. st. Privjesak u obliku falusa s ušicom za vješanje. Objava: Šeparović 1999, 21 ; Šeparović&Uroda 2009, 49 (kat.82) N. U. 39. Privjesak Nepoznato nalazište (Burnum?), MHAS 7013 bronca dimenzije: 2 x 3,3 cm 2.-3. st. Privjesak u obliku stiliziranog falusa s velikom okruglom ušicom. Objava: Šeparović 1999, 21 ; Šeparović&Uroda 2009, 50 (kat.83) N. U. 40. Privjesak Nepoznato nalazište (Burnum?), MHAS 7014 bronca dimenzije: 1,6 x 2,2 cm 2.-3. st. Privjesak u obliku stiliziranog falusa s ušicom za vješanje. Objava: Šeparović 1999, 21; Šeparović&Uroda 2009, 50 (kat.84) 37. Pendant Ivoševci near Knin (Burnum), MHAS 7011 Bronze 4 ,2 x 1,8 cm. 2nd-3rd c. A phallic-shaped anatomically detailed pendant with a suspension loop. Published in: Šeparović 1999, 20; Šeparović&Uroda 2009, 49 (kat.81) 41. Pendant Unknown site (Burnum ?), MHAS 7015 Bronze 1,1 x 3,1 cm. 2nd-3rd c. A phallic-shaped pendant, loop broken away. Published in: Šeparović 1999, 22 ; Šeparović&Uroda 2009, 50 (kat.85) N. U. 38. Pendant Unknown site (Burnum?), MHAS 7012 Bronze 1,7 x 3,1 cm. 2nd-3rd c. A phallic-shaped pendant with a suspension loop. Published in: Šeparović 1999, 21 ; Šeparović&Uroda 2009, 49 (kat.82) N. U. 42. Pendant Ivoševci near Knin (Burnum), MHAS 7016 Bronze 0,9 x 3,4 cm. 2nd-3rd c. A phallic-shaped pendant, loop broken away. Published in: Šeparović 1999, 22 ; Šeparović&Uroda 2009, 50 (kat.86) N. U. N. U. 39. Pendant Unknown site (Burnum?), MHAS 7013 Bronze 2 x 3,3 cm. 2nd-3rd c. A stylized phallic-shaped pendant with a large suspension loop. Published in: Šeparović 1999, 21 ; Šeparović&Uroda 2009, 50 (kat.83) 43. Pendant Bribir (Varvaria), MHAS 7017 Bronze 3,5 x 1,8 cm. 2nd-3rd c. A phallic-shaped pendant, loop broken away. Published in: Šeparović&Uroda 2009, 51 (kat.87) N. U. N. U. 40. Pendant Unknown site (Burnum?), MHAS 7014 Bronze 1,6 x 2,2 cm. 2nd-3rd c. A stylized phallic-shaped pendant with a suspension loop. Published in: Šeparović 1999, 21; Šeparović&Uroda 2009, 50 (kat.84) 44. Alesia-type fibula Ivoševci near Knin (Burnum), MHAS 7018 Bronze 3,4 x 1,6 cm. 1st c. A fibula of the Alesia type. The bow is bifurcated with a thin line in the middle. Both halves of the bow are decorated with a line of three engraved circlets. Published in: Šeparović&Uroda 2009, 51 (kat.88) N. U. N. U. N. U. 41. Privjesak Nepoznato nalazište (Burnum ?), MHAS 7015 bronca dimenzije: 1,1 x 3,1 cm 2.-3. st. Privjesak u obliku falusa odlomljene ušice. Objava: Šeparović 1999, 22 ; Šeparović&Uroda 2009, 50 (kat.85) N. U. 42. Privjesak Ivoševci kod Kistanja (Burnum), MHAS 7016 bronca dimenzije: 0,9 x 3,4 cm 2.-3. st. Privjesak u obliku falusa odlomljene ušice. Objava: Šeparović 1999, 22 ; Šeparović&Uroda 2009, 50 (kat.86) N. U. 43. Privjesak Bribir (Varvaria), MHAS 7017 bronca dimenzije: 3,5 x 1,8 cm 2.-3. st. Privjesak u obliku falusa odlomljene ušice. Objava: Šeparović&Uroda 2009, 51 (kat.87) N. U. 44. Fibula tipa Alesia Ivoševci kod Kistanja (Burnum), MHAS 7018 bronca dimenzije: 3,4 x 1,6 cm 1. st. Fibula tipa Alesia. Luk fibule razdijeljen je tankom crtom po sredini. Obje polovice luka ukrašene su nizom od tri ugravirana kružića. Objava: Šeparović&Uroda 2009, 51 (kat.88) N. U. · 156 157 · 45. Fibula tipa Aucissa Ivoševci kod Kistanja (Burnum), MHAS 7019 bronca dimenzije: 6,5 x 2,8 cm 1. st. Aucissa fibula. Luk je izrađen od šest traka međusobno povezanih okomitim trakama kružnog presjeka. Zaglavna je pločica ukrašena nizom horizontalnih žljebova. Nedostaje igla. Nožica završava profiliranim dugmetom. Objava: Šeparović&Uroda 2009, 51 (kat.89). Lit.: Koščević 1980, T 2., 10; Ivčević 2007, 274-275, kat. 45 N. U. 46. Fibula tipa Aucissa Bender, MHAS 7020 bronca dimenzije: 5,5 x 2,8 cm 1. st. Aucissa fibula s natpisom (D)VRNACUS. Luk fibule polukružnog je presjeka, a pločica s natpisom je pravokutnog oblika. Nožica završava profiliranim dugmetom. Ove se fibule mogu datirati u 1. stoljeće poslije Krista, a javljaju se i tijekom 2. stoljeća. Objava: Marović 1961, 112-113; Šeparović 1998, 180; Marović 2006, 87; Šeparović&Uroda 2009, 51 (kat.90) Lit.: Ivčević 2007, 247-248, kat.2 N. U. 47. Fibula tipa Aucissa Bribir (Varvaria) MHAS 7021 bronca dimenzije: 5,8 x 2,8 cm 1. st. Aucissa fibula s natpisom ATRIXTOS. Luk je razdijeljen plastičnim rebrom po sredini koje je ukrašeno nizom ureza. Zaglavna pločica je pravokutnog oblika s rupama na krajevima. Nožica završava profiliranim dugmetom. Objava: Šeparović 1998, 178; Šeparović&Uroda 2009, 52 (kat.91). Lit.: Feugère 1985, Pl.123, 1562, 1565; Ivčević 2004, 236, sl. 4 48. Aucissa-type fibula Unknown site (Burnum?), MHAS 7022 Bronze 5,2 x 3 cm. 1st c. An Aucissa fibula with illegible inscription in two rows. The bow of the fibula is semicircular in cross section and is decorated with vertical lines at the beginning and in the middle. The head plaque is quadrangular and the leg ends in a moulded knob. Published in: Šeparović 1998, 182; Šeparović&Uroda 2009, 52 (kat.92). Bibliography: Ivčević 2007, 262, kat. 24 45. Aucissa-type fibula Ivoševci near Knin (Burnum), MHAS 7019 Bronze 6,5 x 2,8 cm. 1st c. An Aucissa fibula. The bow is made of six bands joined together with vertical straps circular in cross section. The head plaque is decorated with a line of horizontal grooves. The needle is missing. The leg ends in a moulded knob. Published in: Šeparović&Uroda 2009, 51 (kat.89). Bibliography: Koščević 1980, T 2., 10; Ivčević 2007, 274-275, kat. 45 N. U. N. U. 49. Aucissa-type fibula Unknown site (Burnum?), MHAS 7023 Bronze 5,5 x 3,3 cm. 1st c. An Aucissa fibula with an inscription DVRNACVS. The fastening mechanism is not functioning. The bow is semicircular in cross section and heavily bent. The leg ends in a moulded knob. The fibula was in a bad shape prior to conservation. Published in: Šeparović&Uroda 2009, 53 (kat.93). Bibliography: Marović 2006, 87-88; Ivčević 2007, 261, kat.23 46. Aucissa-type fibula Bender, MHAS 7020 Bronze 5,5 x 2,8 cm. 1st c. An Aucissa fibula with an inscription (D) VRNACUS. The bow is semicircular in cross section, the plaque with the inscription is quadrangular. The leg ends in a moulded knob. These fibulae could be dated into the 1st c. AD, but they also appear in the 2nd. Published in: Marović 1961, 112-113; Šeparović 1998, 180; Marović 2006, 87; Šeparović&Uroda 2009, 51 (kat.90) Bibliography: Ivčević 2007, 247-248, kat.2 N. U. N. U. 50. Aucissa-type fibula The surroundings of Knin (?), MHAS 7024 Bronze 4,3 x 3 cm 1st c. An Aucissa fibula with an inscription REVETV on the plaque. The bow is semicircular in cross section and the head plaque quadrangular with rounded upper ends. The needle and the front part of the fibula are both missing. It is clear that the stamps were added after the fibula was produced. Published in: Marović 2006, 89; Šeparović&Uroda 2009, 53 (kat.94). Bibliography: Ivčević 2007, 257, kat.17 47. Aucissa-type fibula Bribir (Varvaria) MHAS 7021 Bronze 5,8 x 2,8 cm. 1st c. An Aucissa fibula with an inscription ATRIXTOS. The bow is bifurcated with a plastic rib along the middle, decorated with a line of incisions. The head plaque is quadrangular with perforations at the ends. The leg ends in a moulded knob. Published in: Šeparović&Uroda 2009, 52 (kat.91). Bibliography: Feugère 1985, Pl.123, 1562, 1565; Ivčević 2004, 236, sl. 4 N. U. N. U. N. U. 48. Fibula tipa Aucissa nepoznato nalazište (Burnum?), MHAS 7022 bronca dimenzije: 5,2 x 3 cm 1. st. Aucissa fibula s nečitkim natpisom u dva reda. Luk fibule polukružnog je presjeka a ukrašen je okomitim linijama na početku i na sredini. Zaglavna pločica je četvrtasta, a na kraju nožice nalazi se profilirano dugme. Objava: Šeparović 1998, 182; Šeparović&Uroda 2009, 52 (kat.92) Lit.: Ivčević 2007, 262, kat. 24 N. U. 49. Fibula tipa Aucissa nepoznato nalazište (Burnum?), MHAS 7023 bronca dimenzije: 5,5 x 3,3 cm 1. st. Aucissa fibula s natpisom DVRNACVS. Mehanizam za zakapčanje nije u funkciji. Luk fibule polukružnog je presjeka i dosta je savijen. Na kraju nožice nalazi se dugme. Sama je fibula bila loše sačuvana prije konzervacije. Objava: Šeparović 1998, 181; Šeparović&Uroda 2009, 53 (kat.93). Lit.: Marović 2006, 87-88; Ivčević 2007, 261, kat. 23 N. U. 50. Fibula tipa Aucissa Okolica Knina (?), MHAS 7024 bronca dimenzije: 4,3 x 3 cm 1. st. Aucissa fibula s natpisom REVETV na pločici. Luk je polukružnog presjeka, a zaglavna pločica pravokutna sa zaobljenim gornjim krajevima. Nije sačuvana igla niti prednji dio fibule.Kod fibula s ovim pečatom osobito se dobro vidi da su pečati dodavana nakon što je fibula bila izrađena. Objava: Marović 2006, 89; Šeparović&Uroda 2009, 53 (kat.94). Lit.: Ivčević 2007, 257, kat.17 N. U. · 158 159 · 51. Fibula tipa Aucissa Ivoševci kod Kistanja (Burnum), MHAS 7025 bronca dimenzije: 1,7 x 1,4 cm 1. st. Zaglavna pločica Aucissa fibule s natpisom DVRNACVS. Natpis je čitak. Ostatak fibule nije sačuvan. Ove se fibule mogu datirati u 1. st., a javljaju se i tijekom 2. st. Objava: Šeparović 1998, 181; Šeparović&Uroda 2009, 52 (kat.95). Lit.: Ivčević 2007, 259, kat. 20, kat. 21 51. Aucissa-type fibula Ivoševci near Kistanje (Burnum), MHAS 7025 Bronze 1,7 x 1,4 cm. 1st c. A head plaque of an Aucissa fibula with an inscription DVRNACVS. The inscription is illegible. The rest of the fibula is missing. The fibulae could be dated to the 1st c. AD, but they also appear in the 2nd c. Published in: Šeparović 1998, 181; Šeparović&Uroda 2009, 52 (kat.95). Bibliography: Ivčević 2007, 259, kat. 20, kat. 21 54. Aucissa-type fibula Bribir (Varvaria), MHAS 7028 Bronze 5 x 3 cm. 1st c. An Aucissa fibula with an inscription CARTILIVS on the head plaque. The bow is semicircular in cross section, and the head plaque is quadrangular. A moulded knob is on the end of the leg. The fibulae bearing this inscription are of a higher quality that other Aucissa fibulae. Published in: Šeparović 1998, 179; Šeparović&Uroda 2009, 54 (kat.98). Bibliography: Ivčević 2007, 257-258, kat. 18 N. U. N. U. 52. Fibula tipa Aucissa nepoznato nalazište (Burnum ?), MHAS 7026 bronca dimenzije: 5,5 x 3,2 cm 1. st. Aucissa fibula s natpisom REVETV na zaglavnoj pločici. Fibula je dobro sačuvana. Nedostaje dio igle. Luk je gotovo kružnog presjeka i dosta je visoko uzdignut. Zaglavna pločica pravokutnog je oblika, zaobljena na gornjim krajevima, a na kraju nožice nalazi se dugme. Objava: Šeparović 1998, 180; Šeparović&Uroda 2009, 52 (kat.96). Lit.: Marović 2006, 89; Ivčević, 2007, 257-258, kat.18 52. Aucissa-type fibula Unknown site (Burnum ?), MHAS 7026 Bronze 5,5 x 3,2 cm. 1st c. An Aucissa fibula with an inscription REVETV on the head plaque. The fibula is wellpreserved. A part of the needle is missing. The bow is almost circular in cross section and it is rather elevated. The head plaque is quadrangular, rounded at upper ends, with a moulded knob on the end of the leg. Published in: Šeparović 1998, 180; Šeparović&Uroda 2009, 52 (kat.96). Bibliography: Marović 2006, 89; Ivčević, 2007, 257-258, kat.18 N. U. N. U. 55. Aucissa-type fibula with an inscription CARTILIVS Ivoševci near Kistanje (Burnum), MHAS 7029 Bronze 5,2 x 2,8 cm. 1st c. An Aucissa fibula with an inscription CARTILIVS on the head plaque. It is well-preserved and restaurated. The bow is semicircular in cross section, decorated in the beginning and in the middle with a row of parallel lines. The head plaque is quadrangular, with concave sides at the middle. The fibulae bearing this inscription are of a higher quality that other Aucissa fibulae. Published in: Šeparović 1998, 179; Šeparović&Uroda 2009, 54 (kat.99). Bibliography: Marović 2006, 85 53. Fibula tipa Aucissa nepoznato nalazište (Burnum?), MHAS 7027 bronca dimenzije: 4,5 x 2,4 cm 1. st. Aucissa fibula s natpisom REVETV na zaglavnoj pločici. Fibula je cjelovita, djelomično je oštećen zglobni tuljac. Luk je polukružnog presjeka, a na kraju nožice nalazi se profilirano dugme. Objava: Šeparović 1998, 179; Šeparović&Uroda 2009, 54 (kat.97). Lit.: Marović 2006, 89; Ivčević 2007, 257-258, kat. 18 53. Aucissa-type fibula Unknown site (Burnum?), MHAS 7027 Bronze 4,5 x 2,4 cm. 1st c. An Aucissa fibula with an inscription REVETV on the head plaque. It is complete, with only the joint socket damaged. The bow is semicircular in cross section, with a moulded knob on the end of the leg. Published in: Šeparović 1998, 179; Šeparović&Uroda 2009, 54 (kat.97). Bibliography: Marović 2006, 89; Ivčević 2007, 257-258, kat. 18 N. U. N. U. 56. Aucissa-type fibula Ivoševci near Kistanje (Burnum), MHAS 7030 Bronze 5,3 x 2,6 cm. 1st c. An Aucissa fibula with an inscription AVCISSA from right to left. The bow is strap, bifurcated with a longitudinal band decorated with a line of parallel lines. The head plaque is quadrangular, with a moulded knob on the end of the leg. Published in: Šeparović 1998, 178; Šeparović&Uroda 2009, 55 (kat.100). Bibliography: Koščević 1980, 15, 45, T. 3, 21; Šeparović 2003, T. 1, 6 N. U. N. U. N. U. · 160 161 · 54. Fibula tipa Aucissa Bribir (Varvaria), MHAS 7028 bronca dimenzije: 5 x 3 cm 1. st. Aucissa fibula s natpisom CARTILIVS na zaglavnoj pločici. Luk je polukružnog oblika a zaglavna je pločica pravokutna. Na kraju nožice nalazi se dugme. Fibule s ovim natpisom bolje su izrade od ostalih Aucissa fibula. Objava: Šeparović 1998, 179; Šeparović&Uroda 2009, 54 (kat.98). Lit.: Ivčević 2007, 257-258, kat. 18 N. U. 55. Fibula tipa Aucissa s natpisom CARTILIVS Ivoševci kod Kistanja (Burnum), MHAS 7029 bronca dimenzije: 5,2 x 2,8 cm 1. st. Aucissa fibula s natpisom CARTILIVS na zaglavnoj pločici. Dobro je sačuvana i restaurirana. Luk je polukružnog presjeka, na početku i na sredini ukrašen nizom paralelnih linija. Zaglavna pločica pravokutnog je oblika, uvučenih stranica pri sredini. Fibule s ovim natpisom bolje su izrade od ostalih Aucissa fibula. Objava: Šeparović 1998, 179; Šeparović&Uroda 2009, 54 (kat.99). Lit.: Marović 2006, 85 N. U. 56. Fibula tipa Aucissa Ivoševci kod Kistanja (Burnum), MHAS 7030 bronca dimenzije: 5,3 x 2,6 cm 1. st. Aucissa fibula s natpisom AVCISSA koji teče s desna na lijevo. Luk fibule je trakast, razdijeljen uzdužnom linijom koja je ukrašena nizom paralelnih crtica. Zaglavna je pločica pravokutnog oblika, na kraju nožice nalazi se profilirano dugme. Objava: Šeparović 1998, 178; Šeparović&Uroda 2009, 55 (kat.100). Lit.: Koščević 1980, 15, 45, T. 3, 21; Šeparović 2003, T. 1, 6 N. U. 57. Fibula tipa Aucissa Ivoševci kod Kistanja (Burnum), MHAS 7031 srebro dimenzije: 4,6 x 2 cm 1. st. Aucissa fibula s lukom polukružnog presjeka koji je na početku i pri sredini ukrašen nizom paralelnih linija. Zaglavna pločica ima jedno naglašeno rebro i s vanjskih je strana pri sredini usječena. Nožica završava okruglim dugmetom. Objava: Šeparović&Uroda 2009, 55 (kat.101). Lit.: Ivčević 2007, 273 N. U. 57. Aucissa-type fibula Ivoševci near Kistanje (Burnum), MHAS 7031 Bronze 4,6 x 2 cm. 1st c. An Aucissa fibula, bow is semicircular in cross section, decorated in the beginning and in the middle with a row of parallel lines. The head plaque has an emphasized rib and there is an incision on the middle of the external sides; a moulded knob is on the end of the leg. Published in: Šeparović&Uroda 2009, 55 (kat.101). Bibliography: Ivčević 2007, 273 N. U. 58. Fibula tipa Aucissa nepoznato nalazište (Burnum ?), MHAS 7032 bronca dimenzije: 3,2 x 1,7 cm 1. st. Aucissa fibula trakastog luka sa zaglavnom pločicom koja je jednake širine kao i luk. Nedostaje joj dio igle te nožica. Objava: Šeparović&Uroda 2009, 55 (kat.102). Lit.: Ivčević 2007, 275, kat. 47 58. Aucissa-type fibula Unknown site (Burnum ?), MHAS 7032 Bronze 3,2 x 1,7 cm. 1st c. An Aucissa fibula with a strap bow with a head plaque as wide as the bow. A part of the needle and the leg are missing. Published in: Šeparović&Uroda 2009, 55 (kat.102). Bibliography: Ivčević 2007, 275, kat. 47 N. U. N. U. 59. Fibula tipa Aucissa Bribir (Varvaria), MHAS 7033 bronca dimenzije: 5 x 2,8 cm 1. st. Aucissa fibula širokog luka koji je u sredini udubljen. Pločica je pravokutna ali neukrašena, nožica završava okruglim dugmetom. Objava: Šeparović&Uroda 2009, 56 (kat.103) 59. Aucissa-type fibula Bribir (Varvaria), MHAS 7033 Bronze 5 x 2,8 cm. 1st c. An Aucissa fibula with a wide bow concave in the middle. The plaque is quadrangular but undecorated, the leg ends with a rounded knob. Published in: Šeparović&Uroda 2009, 56 (kat.103) N. U. N. U. 60. Fibula tipa Aucissa Bribir (Varvaria), MHAS 7034 bronca, dimenzije: 5,3 x 2,9 cm 1. st. Aucissa fibula širokog trakastog luka koji je u sredini ukrašen punciranim nizom točkica. Pločica je pravokutna, neukrašena. Zglobni tuljac nije cjelovit. Nožica završava kalotastim pucetom. Nedostaje igla. Objava: Šeparović&Uroda 2009, 56 (kat.104) 60. Aucissa-type fibula Bribir (Varvaria), MHAS 7034 Bronze 5,3 x 2,9 cm. 1st c. An Aucissa fibula with a wide strap bow decorated in the middle with a row of hallmarked dots. The plaque is quadrangular and undecorated. The joint socket is incomplete. The leg ends in calotte knob. The needle is missing. Published in: Šeparović&Uroda 2009, 56 (kat.104) N. U. N. U. 61. Aucissa-type fibula Bribir (Varvaria), MHAS 7035 Bronze 5,6 x 3 cm. 1st c. An Aucissa fibula bow semicircular in cross section. The leg is incomplete. The head plaque is quadrangular and the upper end is widened. Published in: Šeparović&Uroda 2009, 56 (kat.105). Bibliography: Ivčević 2007, 263, kat. 26 61. Fibula tipa Aucissa Bribir (Varvaria), MHAS 7035 bronca dimenzije: 5,6 x 3 cm 1. st. Aucissa fibula polukružnog presjeka luka. Nožica nije sačuvana u cijelosti. Zaglavna pločica je pravokutnog oblika a gornji je kraj proširen. Objava: Šeparović&Uroda 2009, 56 (kat.105). Lit.: Ivčević 2007, 263, kat. 26 N. U. N. U. 62. Harness pendant Ivoševci near Kistanje (Burnum), MHAS 6998 Bronze 4,2 x 3,6 cm. 1st c. Crescent-shaped harness pendant with a smaller pendant in the middle. The ends of the crescent end in knob-like appendages. Published in: Šeparović&Uroda 2009, 46 (kat. 68). Bibliography: Koščević 1991, 43-44; Unz& Deschler Erb 1996, T 48, 1314, 1316 62. Privjesak konjske orme Ivoševci kod Kistanja (Burnum), MHAS 6998 bronca dimenzije: 4,2 x 3,6 cm 1. st. Lunulasti privjesak konjske orme. U sredini se nalazi manji privjesak. Krajevi lunule završavaju dugmetastim nastavcima. Objava: Šeparović&Uroda 2009, 46 (kat.68). Lit.: Koščević 1991, 43-44; Unz& Deschler Erb 1996, T 48, 1314, 1316 N. U. 63. Harness pendant Ivoševci near Kistanje (Burnum), MHAS 6999 Bronze 5 x 4,8 cm. 1st c. Harness pendant with niello decoration. These pendants are characteristic for the Flavian period. They were attached to the straps by being suspended on a phalera attached to a leather strap. The pendant is in a form of a triple leaf and the decoration is rather stylized and reminds one on vine tresses. The middle branch is decorated with vertical cannelures, while the lateral are curved towards the outside. All three shoots end in the form of an acorn. Published in: Šeparović&Uroda 2009, 46 (kat.69). Bibliography: Koščević 1991, 51, 102, sl.656, 657; Bishop 1988, fig. 43, 1p; Unz& Deschler Erb 1996, T. 51, 1386; Feugère 2002, 134-149, fig. 187; Ivčević 2004, 237, sl.9 N. U. N. U. 63. Privjesak konjske orme Ivoševci kod Kistanja (Burnum), MHAS 6999 bronca dimenzije: 5 x 4,8 cm 1. st. Privjesak konjske orme ukrašen niello tehnikom. Ovakvi su privjesci tipični za flavijevsko razdoblje. Na remenje su se vezivali tako da su se ovjesili na faleru koja je bila pričvršćena na kožni remen. Privjesak ima formu trokrakog lista a dekoracija je prilično stilizirana i podsjeća na vitice vinove loze. Središnji je krak ukrašen vertikalnim kanelurama, dok su bočni izvijeni prema van. Sva tri izdanka na krajevima završavaju u obliku žira. Objava: Šeparović&Uroda 2009, 46 (kat.69). Lit.: Koščević 1991, 51, 102, sl.656, 657; Bishop 1988, fig. 43, 1p; Unz& Deschler Erb 1996, T. 51, 1386; Feugère 2002, 134-149, fig. 187; Ivčević 2004, 237, sl.9 N. U. · 162 163 · 64. Privjesak konjske orme Ivoševci kod Kistanja (Burnum), MHAS 7000 bronca dimenzije: 2 x 4,8 cm 1. st. Privjesak konjske orme rađen tehnikom a-jour, s centralnim kružnim motivom na kojem se obično nalazio neki prikaz. Objava: Šeparović&Uroda 2009, 46 (kat.70). Lit.: Koščević 1991, 52, T. 15, 224225; Buora, 1996, 164, T. 2, 3; Radman 2004a, T. 66, 480 64. Harness pendant Ivoševci near Kistanje (Burnum), MHAS 7000 Bronze 2 x 4,8 cm. 1st c. Harness pendant produced with an a-jour technique, with a central circular motive usually containing some representation. Published in: Šeparović&Uroda 2009, 46 (kat.70). Bibliography: Koščević 1991, 52, T. 15, 224225; Buora, 1996, 164, T. 2, 3; Radman 2004a, T. 66, 480 N. U. N. U. 65. Privjesak konjske orme Bribir (Varvaria), MHAS 7001 bronca dimenzije: 4,2 x 3,9 cm 1. st. Privjesak konjske orme s perforiranom pločicom (Bishop tip 3c). Kuka za ovjes prebačena je straga. Nedostaje donja završna pločica u formi pelte. Ovakvi su primjeri rijetki na području zapadne Europe, češći su na Balkanu a osobito u južnom dijelu Panonije. Objava: Šeparović&Uroda 2009, 47 (kat.71). Lit.: Bishop 1988, 96, 98; Koščević 1991, 50, sl. 288, 289; Deschler-Erb 1999, 169, T. 29, 578, 579 65. Harness pendant Bribir (Varvaria), MHAS 7001 Bronze 4,2 x 3,9 cm. 1st c. Harness pendant with a perforated plaque (Type 3c after Bishop). The suspension hook is transposed to the back. The lower ending pelta-form plaque is missing. These specimens are rare in western Europe, but more frequent in the Balkans, especially in the southern Pannonia. Published in: Šeparović&Uroda 2009, 47 (kat.71). Bibliography: Bishop 1988, 96, 98; Koščević 1991, 50, sl. 288, 289; Deschler-Erb 1999, 169, T. 29, 578, 579 N. U. N. U. 66. Privjesak konjske orme Ivoševci kod Kistanja (Burnum), MHAS 7004 bronca dimenzije: 6 x 2,1 cm 1. st. Listoliki privjesak sa kukicom za ovjes i čepastim završetkom. Objava: Šeparović&Uroda 2009, 47 (kat.74). Lit.: Koščević 1991, 52 66. Harness pendant Ivoševci near Kistanje (Burnum), MHAS 7004 Bronze 6 x 2,1 cm. 1st c. Leaf-shaped pendant with a suspension hook and a cork-shaped ending. Published in: Šeparović&Uroda 2009, 47 (kat. 74). Bibliography: Koščević 1991, 52 N. U. N. U. 67. Harness pendant Ivoševci near Kistanje (Burnum), 2007, IDN 1416; PN 208/2007 Bronze 11 cm First half of the 1st c. Triple bronze harness pendant; first section is leaf-shaped, the second crescent-shaped, and the third leaf-shaped. Unpublished. Bibliography: Unz&Deschler-Erb 1997, T. 48, 1316, T. 54, 1471; Deschler-Erb 1999, T. 30 67. Privjesak konjske orme Ivoševci kod Kistanja (Burnum), 2007., IDN 1416; PN 208/2007. bronca dimenzije: 11 cm prva pol. 1. st. Trostruki brončani privjesak konjske opreme, prvi dio je listoliki, drugi lunulasti, treći listoliki. Neobjavljeno. Lit.: Unz&Deschler-Erb 1997, T. 48, 1316, T. 54, 1471; Deschler-Erb 1999, T. 30 M.G, Ž.M., J.Z. M.G, Ž.M., J.Z. 68. Harness pendant Ivoševci near Kistanje (Burnum), 2007, IDN 1366; PN 136/2007 Bronze 8,8 x 7,2 cm First half of the 1st c. Heart-shaped bronze harness pendant with a wolf protome and a spherical ending. Unpublished. Bibliography: Deschler-Erb 1999, T. 23, 460, 476 68. Privjesak konjske orme Ivoševci kod Kistanja (Burnum), 2007., IDN 1366; PN 136/2007. bronca dimenzije: 8,8 x 7,2 cm prva pol. 1. st. Srcoliki brončani privjesak konjske opreme s vučjom protomom i kuglastim završetkom. Neobjavljeno. Lit.: Deschler-Erb 1999, T. 23, 460, 476 M.G, Ž.M., J.Z. 69. Harness pendant Ivoševci near Kistanje (Burnum), 2004, IDN 1107 Bronze 8 x 1 cm First half of the 1st c. A cast pedant with a depiction of a phallus and a “figa” (crossed fingers) fist; in the middle, a suspension loop. Part of a horse gear. Published in: Zaninović 2009, 287, sl. 8. Bibliography: Bishop 1988, 154-156 M.G, Ž.M., J.Z. M.G, Ž.M., J.Z. 69. Privjesak konjske orme Ivoševci kod Kistanja (Burnum), 2004., IDN 1107 bronca dimenzije: 8 x 1 cm prva pol. 1. st. Lijevani privjesak s prikazom falusa i fige, s prstenom za vješanja na sredini. Dio konjske opreme. Objava: Zaninović 2009, 287, sl. 8. Lit.: Bishop 1988, 154-156 M.G, Ž.M., J.Z. · 164 165 · 70. Trostruki privjesak konjske orme Ivoševci kod Kistanja (Burnum), 2005., IDN 1152 bronca dimenzije: 4,4 x 9,8 cm prva pol. 1. st. Trostruki brončani privjesak konjske opreme, prvi dio je listoliki, drugi lunulasti, treći listoliki. Neobjavljeno. Lit.: Unz&Deschler-Erb 1997, T. 48, 1316, T. 54, 1471; Deschler-Erb 1999, T. 30 70. Triple harness pendant Ivoševci near Kistanje (Burnum), 2005, IDN 1152 Bronze 4,4 x 9,8 cm First half of the 1st c. A triple bronze harness pedant; first section is leaf-shaped, the second crescent-shaped, and the third leaf-shaped. Unpublished. Bibliography: Unz&Deschler-Erb 1997, T. 48, 1316, T. 54, 1471; Deschler-Erb 1999, T. 30 M.G, Ž.M., J.Z. M.G, Ž.M., J.Z. 71. Lunulasti privjesak i komplet aplika i ukrasnih čavlića za konjsku ormu Ivoševci kod Kistanja (Burnum), 2004., IDN 1147, 1208, 1231, 1200 - 1205, 1209 - 1212 bronca dimenzije: 15 x 22,6 cm prva pol. 1. st. Višedijelni privjesak koji se sastoji od velikog lunulastog, manjeg lunulastog s falusom i figom, te ostatka ušice za vješanje trećeg dijela privjeska (nedostaje). Uz veliki privjesak ide 10 kružnih brončanih aplika promjera oko 5 cm, jedna aplika sa sačuvanom ušicom dimenzija 2,8 x 3,8 cm, te 19 brončanih čavlića hemisferične glavice promjera od 1-1,6 cm. Neobjavljeno 71. Crescent-shaped harness pendant and a set of attachments and decorative pins Ivoševci near Kistanje (Burnum), 2004, IDN 1147, 1208, 1231, 1200 - 1205, 1209 - 1212 Bronze 15 x 22,6 First half of the 1st c. A multi-part pendant consisting of a large crescent-shaped part, a smaller crescentshaped part with a phallus and a “figa” (crossed fingers) fist, and the remains of a suspension loop of the missing third part of the pendant. The large pendant is accompanied with 10 circular bronze attachments c. 5 cm in diameter, one attachment with a preserved loop (2,8 x 3,8 cm), and 19 bronze pins with a hemispheric head, 1-1,6 cm in diameter. Unpublished M.G, Ž.M., J.Z. 72. Dio dvodijelne zapinjače Ivoševci kod Kistanja (Burnum), 2008., IDN 1398; PN 127/2008. srebro/pozlata/kositar/bronca dimenzije: 9,5 cm prva pol. 1. st. Pokositreni element dvodijelne zapinjače ukrašen pozlatom i tauširan srebrom. Neobjavljeno. Lit.: Bishop 1988, 167, fig. 54, 5a; Deschler-Erb 1999, T. 38, 717; Unz&Deschler-Erb 1997, T. 64, 18321847 M.G, Ž.M., J.Z. 73. Junction loop Ivoševci near Kistanje (Burnum), 2007, IDN 1409; PN 11/2007 Bronze 7 cm First half of the 1st c. A bronze junction loop of a harness bit ring. Unpublished Bibliography: Bishop 1988, 161, 7a, 7b, 7c.; Radman-Livaja 2004, kat. br. 209; Unz&Deschler-Erb 1997, T. 61, br. 16771684; Deschler-Erb 1999, T. 35 M.G, Ž.M., J.Z. 74. Junction loop Ivoševci near Kistanje (Burnum), 2006, IDN 1090 Tinned bronze 9 cm First half of the 1st c. A bronze junction loop of a harness bit ring. Unpublished Bibliography: Bishop 1988, 161, fig. 51, 7a, 7b, 7c; Bishop&Coulston 1993, 103, fig. 63, 6; Radman-Livaja 2004a, T. 60, 430; Deschler-Erb 1999, T. 35, 666; Unz&DeschlerErb 1997, T. 61 M.G, Ž.M., J.Z. 75. Horse gear phalera Ivoševci near Kistanje (Burnum), 2007, IDN 1536; PN 235/07 Tinned copper alloy 3,5 cm First half of the 1st c. A round phalera with a perforation in the middle, fastened to strap harness. Unpublished Bibliography: Deschler-Erb 1999, T. 33, 646-648; Unz&Deschler-Erb 1997, T. 66, 1894 M.G, Ž.M., J.Z. 72. Two-piece “female” strap fastener Ivoševci near Kistanje (Burnum), 2008, IDN 1398; PN 127/2008 Silver/gilding/tin/bronze 9,5 cm First half of the 1st c. A tinned two-piece female strap-fastener, gilded and inlayed with silver. Unpublished. Bibliography: Bishop 1988, 167, fig. 54, 5a; Deschler-Erb 1999, T. 38, 717; Unz&Deschler-Erb 1997, T. 64, 1832-1847 M.G, Ž.M., J.Z. 73. Spojna kuka razvodnika konjske opreme Ivoševci kod Kistanja (Burnum), 2007., IDN 1409; PN 11/2007. bronca dimenzije: 7 cm prva pol. 1. st. Brončana spojnica razvodnika konjske opreme. Neobjavljeno Lit.: Bishop 1988, 161, 7a, 7b, 7c.; Radman-Livaja 2004, kat. br. 209; Unz&Deschler-Erb 1997, T. 61, br. 1677-1684; Deschler-Erb 1999, T. 35 M.G, Ž.M., J.Z. 74. Spojna kuka razvodnika konjske opreme Ivoševci kod Kistanja (Burnum), 2006., IDN 1090 pokositrena bronca dimenzije: 9 cm prva pol. 1. st. Brončana spojnica razvodnika konjske opreme. Neobjavljeno Lit.: Bishop 1988, 161, fig. 51, 7a, 7b, 7c; Bishop&Coulston 1993, 103, fig. 63, 6; Radman-Livaja 2004a, T. 60, 430; Deschler-Erb 1999, T. 35, 666; Unz&Deschler-Erb 1997, T. 61 M.G, Ž.M., J.Z. 75. Falera s konjske orme Ivoševci kod Kistanja (Burnum), 2007., IDN 1536; PN 235/07. pokositrena bakrena slitina dimenzije: 3,5 cm prva pol. 1. st. Okrugla falera s rupicom u sredini, koja se pričvršćivala na remenje konjske orme. Neobjavljeno Lit.: Deschler-Erb 1999, T. 33, 646648; Unz&Deschler-Erb 1997, T. 66, 1894. M.G, Ž.M., J.Z. M.G, Ž.M., J.Z. · 166 167 · 76. Kopča remena sedla Ivoševci kod Kistanja (Burnum), 2007., IDN 1091 željezo dimenzije: 10 x 7,5 cm prva pol. 1. st. Polukružna kovana kopča na remenu kojim se pričvršćivalo sedlo, odnosno osedlavao konj. Neobjavljeno 76. Saddle belt buckle Ivoševci near Kistanje (Burnum), 2007, IDN 1091 Iron 10 x 7,5 cm First half of the 1st c. Semicircular forged strap buckle for the fastening of the saddle, that is, for the saddling of the horse. Unpublished M.G, Ž.M., J.Z M.G, Ž.M., J.Z 77. Klin za šator Ivoševci kod Kistanja (Burnum), 2006., IDN 1048 kovano željezo dimenzije: 15,9 x 1,3 cm prva pol. 1. st. Šiljati klin s ušicom. Neobjavljeno Lit.: Bishop&Coulston 1993, str. 63, fig. 32, 5-9; Radman-Livaja 2004, T. 32. 187, T. 33, 188-190 77. Tent peg Ivoševci near Kistanje (Burnum), 2006, IDN 1048 Forged iron 15,9 x 1,3 cm First half of the 1st c. Pointed peg with a loop. Unpublished Bibliography: Bishop&Coulston 1993, str. 63, fig. 32, 5-9; Radman-Livaja 2004, T. 32. 187, T. 33, 188-190 M.G, Ž.M., J.Z M.G, Ž.M., J.Z 78. Koštani legijski pečat Ivoševci kod Kistanja (Burnum), 2006., IDN 1199 kost dimenzije: 8,13 x 0,84 cm prva pol. 1. st. Cilindrična obrađena kost sa zrcalno izrezbarenim LEG na jednom i D na drugom kružnom završetku. Neobjavljeno 78. Bone legionary stamp Ivoševci near Kistanje (Burnum), 2006, IDN 1199 Bone 8,13 x 0,84 cm First half of the 1st c. Cylindrical retouched bone with the letters LEG carved on the one and D on the other round ending. Unpublished M.G, Ž.M., J.Z. M.G, Ž.M., J.Z. · 168 169 · 79. Portrait medallion (phalera) with a bust of Emperor Tiberius Ivoševci near Kistanje (Burnum), bought in 1968, Archaeological museum in Zadar, A3001 Dark-blue glass paste Original diameter: 3,75 cm, present state width: 2,86 cm, total thickness: 0,88 cm First quarter of the 1st c. (Augustan period) 79. Portretna medalja (falera) s bistom cara Tiberija Ivoševci kod Kistanja (Burnum), otkupljena 1968., Arheološki muzej Zadar, A3001 tamnoplava staklena pasta izvorni promjer: 3,75 cm, sačuvana širina: 2,86 cm, ukupna debljina: 0,88 cm prva četvrtina 1. st. (Augustovo doba) A glass portrait mobile medallion with a relief of a male bust. The right third is missing, with the left shoulder of the figure and a part of the armor (left shoulder strap and shoulder pteryx). Beside the broken away nose, the portrait is almost complete. It is structured as a frontal shoulder bust dressed in a lorica musculata type of armor. Below the armor, on the right shoulder, the straps of wool or leather coating (pteryx) are seen. The anterior and posterior sides of the armor are joined by safety shoulder straps, that is, epaulettes (epomydes). A thin strap (balteus) is suspended over the bust starting from the right shoulder, symbolically indicating the scabbards on the left flank. The head is youthful, with a slight torsion towards the right. The phalera is of a Type VI of Roman glass portrait bust phalerae, depicting, according to V. Poulsen, H. Jucker, W.-R. Megow and D. Boschung, a young Tiberius as a crown prince. Although we are dealing here with a significantly smaller scale of depiction, the forelock distribution above the forehead on the busts of the Type VI glass phalerae can be undoubtedly associated with marble replicas of the so-called Adoptive (or Copenhagen 623) type of Tiberius’ portraits. They depict the emperor in his forties, with a short and less playful hair cut. The forelocks are combed almost in a flat line from the left towards the right corner of the forehead, above the right eye a motive of small closed tongs is formed, the forelocks above the right ear are thrown backwards, and the opposite ones are more plastic and turned towards the front. Some distinctively Tiberian physiognomic details support the identification: high and accentuated wide forehead, spaced eyes, angular scull structure, slightly bowed eyebrows, large irregular nose, shallow wrinkles around nose and mouths, and especially a lower lip indented between the nose and a small narrow chin, best observed from the profile. Staklena portretna medalja s bistom muškarca u reljefu. Nedostaje joj desna trećina tijela s lijevim ramenom figure i dijelom oklopa (lijeva naramenica i ramene pterige). Osim odlomljenog nosa, portret je gotovo u cijelosti sačuvan. Koncipiran je kao frontalno okrenuta ramena bista odjevena u oklop tipa lorica musculata. Ispod oklopa na desnom ramenu proviruju trake vunene ili kožne podstave (pterige). Prednji i stražnji dio oklopa povezani su sigurnosnim ramenim trakama tj. naramenicama ili epoletama (epomydes). Preko poprsja se s desnog ramena spušta tanji remen (balteus) simbolički naznačujući korice oružja na lijevom boku. Glava je prikazana mladolikih crta lica, s neznatnom torzijom glave nadesno. Falera pripada VI. tipu rimskih staklenih falera s portretnim bistama, koji prema mišljenju V. Poulsena, H. Juckera, W-R. Megow i D. Boschunga prikazuje mladoga Tiberija kao krunskog princa. Iako je riječ o kudikamo manjem formatu prikaza, raspored pramenova iznad čela na bistama sa VI. tipa staklenih falera nedvojbeno se može povezati s mramornim replikama tzv. Adoptivnog (ili Kopenhagen 623) tipa Tiberijevih portreta. Oni prikazuju cara u 40-im godinama života s frizurom koja je kratka i manje razigrana. Pramenovi su u gotovo ravnoj liniji iščešljani iz lijevog prema desnom uglu čela, iznad desnog oka formiran je motiv malih zatvorenih kliješta, pramenovi iznad desnoga uha bačeni su prema natrag, a oni na suprotnoj strani su plastičniji i okrenuti prema naprijed. U prilog identifikacije govore i za Tiberija karakteristični detalji fizionomije: visoko i naglašeno široko čelo, široko postavljene oči, koščata struktura lubanje, malo iskrivljene obrve, veliki i krivi nos, plitki nabori oko nosa i usta, i posebice donja usna podvučena između nosa i male i uske brade, koja se najbolje opaža pri pogledu iz profila. Kako to pokazuju cjelovito sačuvani primjerci iz Vindonisse, Colchestera i Rheingönheima, medalja je izvorno morala biti montirana unutar brončanog okvira/okova izdignutih krajeva i udubljene sredine, čiji je vanjski promjer dosezao dimenzije oko 6-7 cm. Preko krajeva tog okova medaljon se s gornje strane često učvršćivao dodatnim okvirom da ne bi ispao iz svoga ležišta. Na stražnjoj strani okova nalazila se zalemljena kukica s jednom ili više ušica kroz koje se provlačio remen na kojemu je falera stajala. S obzirom na tip portreta s kojim je Tiberije prikazan, nastanak falere mora se datirati u kasnije Augustovo doba. Adoptivni tip Tiberijeva portreta inauguriran je pred kraj Augustove vladavine, najvjerojatnije povodom adopcije 4. god. i u upotrebi je do pred sam kraj Augustova života kada se pojavljuje novi tip Tiberijeva portreta, nazvan BerlinNapulj-Sorrento (još zvan i «glavni tip»), a koji poslije Augustove smrti 14. god. postaje i novi službeni tip portreta. Takva datacija, kao i spoznaja da su falere izrađivane u malim i kratkim serijama, znači i da je falera morala biti zaslužena držanjem u ratnim događanjima unutar spomenutoga vremenskog okvira. Čini se uputnim pretpostaviti da je to mogao biti samo veliki panonski ustanak iz 6-9. god., u kojemu je Tiberije imao ključnu ulogu. Objava: Ilakovac 1976, 158 ff, T. I. Lit.: Nedved 1981, 182, br. 329, T. 25, sl. 2.; APJ 1987, 160-161, kat. br. 72 sa sl. (M. Kolega); Boschung 1987, 199 ff, fig. 5, 13, fig. 6-10, 234, cat. 4, fig. 48; Cambi 2000, 40, kat. br. 33, T. 35 As evidenced by the complete specimens from Vindonissa, Colchester and Rheingönheim, the medallion must have been fixed into a bronze frame/fitting with an elevated rim and concave centre, with an external diameter of some 6-7 cm. The medallion was often fastened on its upper side, above the rim of the fitting, with an additional fitting, so as not to fall out of its slot. On the back side of the fitting there was a soldered small hook with one or more loops through which a strap was drawn on which the phalera was suspended. Considering the type of Tiberius’ portrait, the creation of the phalera must be chronologically placed in the later Augustan period. The Adoptive type of Tiberius’ portrait was inaugurated in the late part of Augustus’ reign, most probably on the occasion of the adoption in AD 4, and was in use until the very end of Augustus’ life when a new type of Tiberius’ portrait appeared, the BerlinNaples-Sorrento type (also called the “main type”), which became, after Augustus’ death, the new official portrait type. This dating, as well as the fact that the phalerae were produced in small and short-lived series, means that the phalera must have been awarded for the conduct in one of the wars during the abovementioned time frame. It seems opportune to suppose that this could be only the great Pannonian uprising of AD 6-9, in which Tiberius played a decisive role. Published in: Ilakovac 1976, 158 ff, T. I. Bibliography: Nedved 1981, 182, br. 329, T. 25, sl. 2.; APJ 1987, 160-161, kat. br. 72 sa sl. (M. Kolega); Boschung 1987, 199 ff, fig. 5, 13, fig. 6-10, 234, cat. 4, fig. 48; Cambi 2000, 40, kat. br. 33, T. 35 D. M. D. M. · 170 171 · 80. Lower half of a sepulchral stele with centurion insignia Ivoševci near Kistanje (Burnum), date of the find unknown, Archaeological museum in Zadar, inv. no. A7529 White limestone with minor petrifications Height: 1,30 m, width: 0,73 m, thickness: 0,23 m First quarter of the 1st c. 80. Donja polovica nadgrobne stele sa znamenjem centuriona Bez podatka o mjestu i godini pronalaska, Lapidarij Arheološkog muzeja Zadar, inv. br. 10578 bijeli vapnenac s manjim okaminama visina: 1,30 m, širina: 0,73 m, debljina: 0,23 m prva četvrtina 1. st. The find site of the stele was not documented, but considering the environment in which it was kept until now (among the Burnum monuments), and the character of the depiction and the patina (thick layers of limestone and moss), it is certainly a very old discovery, almost certainly coming from the area of the Roman military camp at Burnum. Only approximately the lower half of an original complex is now preserved. The inscription field and the top section are both missing, the former bordered by a moulding or architectural elements, and the latter almost certainly of the triangular pediment with acroteria type. The existence of the pediment is supported by the lack of a single monument ending in a semi-circular top (the so-called semi-circular pediment) or a simple flat top without any pediment produced in the stone-masons’ workshops of the military camp at Burnum during the 1st c. AD. The existing part of the stele represents a decorative base (sole), whose surface is filled with a representation of the equipment and decorations of a Roman centurion, depicted, it would seem, in a life-size scale. The central part of the representation is occupied by a set of nine portrait medallions or phalerae joined together with straps, above which there are two partially broken away bracelets (armillae), above which are the remains of two necklaces (torques) and a somewhat larger central wreath (corona); the depiction is framed with two greaves (lat. ocreae, gr. knemides), and between the left pad and the edge of the monument there is also a centurion staff (vitis). Thus, there is no doubt that this was a sepulchral monument of a lower rank Roman officer (a centurion), who had received a number of decorations (dona militaria). Traces of tools are visible on the entire monument. Around and below the set of phalerae traces of toothed chisel are observable, on the bases we can see the traces of strikes of a pointed – occasionally also toothed – chisel, while the area within the phalerae set and the very relief were partly polished. At the beginning of the fixing cog there is a horizontal Mjesto nalaza stele u pisanoj formi nije zabilježeno, ali je s obzirom na okruženje u kojemu se do nedavno nalazila (među spomenicima iz Burnuma), te karakter prikaza i stupanj patine (debeli nanosi kamenca i mahovine) zasigurno riječ o jako starom nalazu, gotovo sigurno s prostora rimskoga logora Burnum. Od stele je sačuvana otprilike donja polovica prvobitnog korpusa. Nedostaju joj natpisno polje i vršni dio, prvi uokviren ili profilom ili arhitektonskim elementima, a drugi gotovo sigurno tipa trokutnog zabata s akroterijima. Pretpostavku o postojanju zabata moguće je iznijeti temeljem spoznaje da u kamenoklesarskoj produkciji vojnoga logora Burnum nije zabilježen nijedan spomenik iz 1. st. s polukružnim završetkom (tzv. polukružnim zabatom) ili jednostavnoga ravnoga završetka bez zabata. Sačuvani dio stele predstavlja nekadašnje podnožje (sokl) dekorativne namjene, čiju površinu ispunja prikaz opreme i odličja jednoga rimskog centuriona, izveden čini se u prirodnoj veličini. Središnji dio prikaza zauzima komplet od devet portretnih medalja ili falera (phalerae) povezanih remenjem, iznad njih su dvije djelomice otučene narukvice (armillae), povrh njih su ostatci dviju ogrlica (torques) i nešto većega središnjega vijenca (corona), prikaz uokviruju dva štitnika za noge (lat. ocreae, grč. knemides), a između lijevoga štitnika i ruba spomenika izrađen je još i centurionski štap vitis. Nema, dakle, nikakve sumnje da je riječ o nadgrobnom spomeniku jednoga nižeg rimskog časnika (centuriona), koji je primio cijeli niz odličja (dona militaria). Na spomeniku su u cijelom opsegu vidljivi tragovi alata. Oko i ispod kompleta falera vidljivi su tragovi rada zubatim dlijetom, na podnožju su tragovi udaraca šiljatim dlijetom i mjestimice zubače, a prostor unutar kompleta s falerama i sam reljef jednim je dijelom poliran. Na početku zuba za uglavljivanje sačuvana je urezana horizontalna crta koja svjedoči o grafičkoj pripremi prije klesarskog zahvata. Promjer falera iznosi od 8,5 do 9 cm, a širina traka od 1,8 do 2 cm. Ono što stelu iz Arheološkog muzeja Zadar čini jedinstvenim primjerkom u svijetu rimske nadgrobne plastike jest karakter prikaza u pojedinim falerama. Središnju faleru ispunja dobro poznati motiv glave Meduze (gorgoneion), ali se figuralni motivi pojavljuju na još tri falere. Na lijevoj faleri u gornjemu redu prikazana je u profilu bista mlađega muškarca kratke kose, s plaštom zakopčanim na desnom ramenu i slabo vidljivim ramenim pterigama ispod oklopa. Površina reljefa je znatnim dijelom izlistana, ali se usprkos tome i malome formatu prikaza još uvijek u određenoj mjeri zamjećuju fizionomijske karakteristike i činjenica da je sigurno riječ o portretu. Njemu nasuprot, na krajnjoj desnoj faleri, prikazan je još jedan lik, u istom odsječku i zrcalno obrnutom stavu, slabije uščuvanosti reljefa, posebice u dijelu koji se nalazi iznad glave. Oba su lika neznatno nagnuta naprijed u odnosu na zamišljenu središnju os i pružanje okomitih traka. Između falera s bistama je falera koja nosi lik manje četveronožne životinje, a po kontekstu se može zaključiti da je riječ o lavu ili vučici. Preostale falere ne nose figuralnu dekoraciju. Dvije krajnje falere u srednjemu redu ukrašene su s po dvije reljefne koncentrične kružnice i sa stožastim ispupčenjem po sredini, a one u donjemu redu s jednostavnim rozetama, dok je središnja glatkoga tijela s ispupčenjem po sredini. Više je nego evidentno da dio prikaza s kompletom falera, narukvicama, ogrlicama i vijencem prikazuje stvarna odlikovanja koje je pokojnik dobio za svoje zasluge. Falere s bistama, četveronožnom životinjom i Meduzom imitiraju stvarne falere kakve su se izrađivale i od metala (bronce, srebra) i od stakla, a preostale obične metalne falere, kakvih se nekoliko primjeraka također čuva u Arheološkome muzeju Zadar. Razumno je pretpostaviti da je majstor prilikom izrade pred sobom imao originalan komplet falera. Je li kompletan repertoar izvorno bio izrađen od metala ili su gornje falere možda bile od stakla, ostaje nerješiva enigma. Interpretacija prikazanih bista krajnje je nezahvalna, ali i intrigantna zadaća. Desna je zbog stupnja oštećenja gotovo attribute on or above the head. This is evident from the fact that the volume of damaged relief on this place encompasses the area above the head. This detail might have represented a corona or a helmet. The surviving physiognomic details (Adam’s apple, flat profile and strong forehead) speak for the male gender of the figure. The left bust is much better preserved. It depicts a young male with quadrangular head structure (wearing a wreath?), high forehead protruding in the upper part, elongated flat nose broken off at the tip, and a harmonious mouth profile with a slightly protruding upper lip. The chin is connected with the neck in a fine oval. The figure undoubtedly depicts an emperor or a prince of the Julio-Claudian dynasty. Comparing the depiction with the profile of the emperor Tiberius from a glass phalera from the Archaeological museum in Zadar, certain similarities appear, but also some differences. On the other hand, it seems that the portrait bears some characteristics of Augustus’ physiognomy. Unfortunately, the difficulties present with identification of the characters depicted on the phalerae also appear when discussing many other, much better preserved specimens made in metal or glass. The profile speaks for young Tiberius or Augustus – the frontal view is frequent in the series of Tiberius’, Caligula’s and Claudius’ phalerae. The specimens with a profile depiction must be associated with the earlier phase of development of the phalaeae, influenced by the glyptic art (especially the production of cameos), flourishing in the Augustan period. The Augustus-Tiberius dilemma does not exclude the possibility that one or the other were intended to be represented. If the left bust was intended to represent Tiberius, the right could have represented Augustus and vice versa. Of course, if we would to choose Augustus, the right bust could represent Caesar. If we were to choose Tiberius, the right bust could represent Germanicus or Drusus the Younger. The Augustus-Tiberius combination certainly seems the most likely. According to the available data, the Burnum stele is the only Roman sepulchral monument that undoubtedly had a depiction of a phalera with an imperial or a princely portrait. The possibility of the existence of such representations was suggested for some other representations of phalerae with front-view busts of profile busts (list in D. Boschung). The only such monument from the eastern shore of the Adriatic is today kept in the Archaeological museum in Split, on which, according to B. Ilakovac, there is a pair of line testifying to the graphic preparation previous to the carving. The diameter of the phalerae is 8,5-9 cm, and the band width is 1,8-2 cm. What makes the stele from the Archaeological museum in Zadar unique among the complex of Roman sepulchral sculpture is the character of depictions on certain of the phalerae. The central phalera is decorated with the well-known Medusa’s head motive (gorgoneion), but figural motives appear on three more of the phalerae. On the left phalera in the upper row a bust of a young short-haired male is shown in profile, with a cape fastened on the right shoulder and poorly visible shoulder straps beneath the armor. The surface of the relief is heavily layered, but, nonetheless, disregarding also the small scale of the depiction, it is still possible to observe some physiognomic characteristics and the fact we are dealing with a portrait. Opposite to this portrait, on the extreme right phalera, another character is depicted, within the same segment and in a mirror-image; the relief is less well-preserved, especially the part above the head. Both figures are slightly bent forward in relation to the imaginary central axe and the course of vertical bands. Between the portrait phalerae is another phalera with a smaller four-legged animal, perhaps a lion or a she-wolf, judging by the context. The remaining phalerae do not posses any figural decoration. Two extreme phalerae in the central row are decorated with two concentric circles in a relief with a cone bulge in the center, and those in the lower row with simple rosettes, while the central has a smooth body with a bulge in the centre. It is more that evident that the part of the depiction with a set of phalerae, bracelets, necklaces and a wreath represents real decorations received by the deceased for his conduct. The phalerae with busts, for-legged animal and Medusa imitate the real phalerae made of metal (bronze, silver) and glass, and the remaining represent the common metal phalerae, several specimens of which are kept in the Archaeological museum in Zadar. It is reasonable to presume that the craftsman had an original set of phalerae in front of him. Was the complete set originally made of metal or were the upper phalerae made of glass will remain an unsolved enigma. The interpretation of these busts is rather unrewarding, but also an intriguing task. The right is badly damaged and therefore lost for any iconographic determination, and its attribution is dependable upon the left one. It seems that it depicted a figure with an · 172 173 · izgubljena za svako ikonografsko razmatranje i interpretacija joj ponajprije ovisi o lijevoj. Čini se da je prikazivala figuru s nekim atributom iznad ili na glavi. To je razvidno iz činjenice da volumen uništenoga reljefa na tome mjestu obuhvaća i prostor iznad glave. Redoslijedom vjerojatnosti taj bi detalj mogla biti corona ili kaciga. Preživjeli elementi fizionomije (adamova jabučica, ravan profil i snažno čelo) govore ipak u prilog muškog spola prikazane figure. Lijeva je bista pak kudikamo bolje očuvana. Prikazuje muškarca mlađih crta lica, približno kvadratne strukture glave (također s vijencem?), visokog i u gornjem dijelu izbačenog čela, izduženoga ravnog nosa koji je na vrhu odlomljen i skladnog profila usta kod kojeg je gornja usna neznatno izbačena ispred donje. Brada se u finom ovalu spaja s vratom. Nesumnjivo je da lik prikazuje cara ili princa julijevskoklaudijevske dinastije. Usporedivši prikaz s profilom cara Tiberija na staklenoj faleri iz zadarskoga arheološkog muzeja, uočavaju se određene sličnosti, ali i razlike. S druge strane, čini se da prikaz ima neke odlike i Augustove fizionomije. Nažalost, poteškoće u identifikaciji likova prikazanih na falerama prisutne su i kod mnogih drugih, često i mnogo bolje sačuvanih primjeraka u staklu ili metalu. Da bi morala biti riječ o mladom Tiberiju ili Augustu govori i prikaz u profilu, a ne frontalno kao što je slučaj sa serijama falera Tiberijeva, Kaligulina i Klaudijeva razdoblja. Primjerci s portretima u profilu moraju se povezati s ranijom razvojnom fazom falera, pod utjecajem gliptike (posebice izrade kameja), čiji procvat pada upravo u Augustovo doba. Dilema August ili Tiberije ne isključuje mogućnost prisutnosti druge osobe iz para. Ako je lijeva bista Tiberijeva, desna bi lako mogla biti Augustova, i obratno. Naravno, u slučaju Augusta, desna bi bista možda mogla biti i Cezarova. Ako je pak u pitanju Tiberije, desno bi mogao biti i Germanik ili Druz Mlađi. Kombinacija August – Tiberije svakako se čini najvjerojatnijom. Prema dostupnim podatcima, stela iz Burnuma jedini je rimski kameni spomenik na kojemu je nedvojbeno potvrđen prikaz falere s carskim ili prinčevskim portretom. Sumnja u postojanje takvih sadržaja pretpostavljena je i za neke druge prikaze falera s frontalnim bistama ili bistama u profilu (popis kod D. Boschung). Jedini takav spomenik na istočnoj obali Jadrana je fragment stele iz Burnuma koji se danas čuva u Arheološkome muzeju u Splitu, na kojemu se prema B. Ilakovcu pojavljuje par «ljudskih» glava u profilu i poluprofilu. Komplet falera sa splitskog fragmenta brojem medalja i mrežom remenja direktna je i najbliža usporedba zadarskom fragmentu. Jedina se razlika očituje u tome što je na splitskome fragmentu prikazan i dio kožnatih traka koji je prelazio na leđa, a kojih na zadarskome fragmentu nema, zacijelo jer je to onemogućio prikaz štitnika nogu. Uporište za dataciju stele je pretpostavljeni ikonografski sadržaj najinteresantnijeg para falera, njihova veličina, prikaz biste u profilu i mogući povijesni kontekst u kojemu su odličja zaslužena (6. - 9. god. ?). Neobjavljeno Lit.: Ilakovac, 1976, 159 ff; Boschung, 1987, 202, f. 48 “human” heads in profile and semi-profile. The set of phalerae from the Split fragment, with its number of medallions and its strap grid, is a direct and closest analogy for the Zadar fragment. The only difference is in the fact that the Split fragment depicts also a segment of leather straps crossing over to the back, not present on the Zadar fragment, probably because the depiction of the greaves made it impossible. The base for the chronological placing of the stele is the supposed iconographic contents of the most interesting pair of the phalerae, their size, the profile depiction of the busts, and the possible historical context for the acquiring of the decorations (AD 6-9?). Unpublished Bibliography: Ilakovac, 1976, 159 ff; Boschung, 1987, 202, f. 48 81. Fragment of a sepulchral stele with a depiction of a military standard (signum) No information on the place and date of the find available, Lapidarium of the Archaeological museum in Zadar, inv. no. 10578 White Fžfine-grained limestone Height: 0,43 m, width: 0,36 m, thickness: 0,20 m First half or the early second half of the 1st c. A fragment of a central part of a sepulchral stele with a smaller part of the inscription field and the depiction of a military standard (signum). Only six lines of text were preserved, consisting of one or several letters. The height of the letters is gradually diminishing, from 5,5 cm in the first to 3,5 cm in the last row. It was carved in a fine, occasionally quadrate capitals. In the abbreviation STIP, in the fourth line, the letters T, I, and P are in ligature. The punctuation is made in triangle incisions, seven in total, four at line ends. The name of the deceased was, it seems, in the dative form, and of the name formula we have the suffix –ius (dat. –io) of the gentilicium, the first letter of filiation (a P or a T) and the ending of a cognomen –sso (probably from the nom. Bassus). The inscription tells us that the monument belonged to a Roman standard bearer, who has received 23 stipends or annual pays for his service. This suggests that he passed away in the early forties of his life. Between the inscription and the right edge of the monument a signum is depicted, one of Roman military standards possessed by every centuria, cohort, and legion, including the auxiliary cohorts (other standards were the aquila – the eagle standard, imago – standard with an imperial metal portrait, vexillum – standard with a linen flag and the name of the unit, and draco – Late Antiquity flag of cavalry units in the form of a hollow metal dragon’s or snake’s head). A signum was decorated with, beside a crescent and occasionally zodiac signs, large medallions – phalerae, somewhat larger than those which functioned as decorations for deserving soldiers, with a depiction of an open hand (manus), most frequently, or a common wreathed spear head on the top. It is a general opinion that the number of phalerae during the imperial period reflected the number of centuria within the cohort (no more than six). Our depiction has preserved the grip, crescent part and three phalerae; one phalera is broken away, as well as the top op the standard, perhaps together with another phalera, so we cannot D. M. D. M. · 174 175 · 81. Fragment nadgrobne stele s prikazom stijega (signum) Ivoševci kod Kistanja (Burnum), bez godine pronalaska, Arheološki muzej Zadar, inv. br. A7529 bijeli sitno zrnati vapnenac visina: 0,43 m, širina: 0,36 m, debljina: 0,20 m prva pol. ili početak druge pol. 1. st. Fragment središnjeg dijela nadgrobne stele s manjim dijelom natpisnog polja i prikazom stijega (signum). Od natpisa je sačuvano šest redaka teksta, koji uključuju od svega jednog do nekoliko slova. Visina slova se postupno smanjuje, od 5,5 cm u prvom do 3,5 cm u posljednjem retku natpisa. Uklesan je finom, mjestimice kvadratnom kapitalom. U kratici STIP, u 4. retku, slova T, I i P su u ligaturi. Interpunkcije su izvedene trokutastim urezima, ukupno ih je sedam, od čega su četiri na kraju redaka. Ime pokojnika stajalo je, čini se, u dativnom obliku, a od imenskih dijelova sačuvan je početak –ius (dat. –io) gentilnog imena, prvo slovo filijacije (P ili T) i završetak kognomena –sso (vjerojatno od nom. Bassus). S natpisa doznajemo da je spomenik pripadao rimskom signiferu, koji je za svoju službu primio 23 stipendije ili godišnje plaće. Iz toga slijedi zaključak da je preminuo u ranim 40-im godinama života. Između natpisa i desnog ruba spomenika prikazan je signum, jedan od rimskih vojnih stijegova (standard) koji je imala svaka centurija, kohorta, odnosno legija, uključivši i pomoćne kohorte (ostali su aquila – standard s orlom, imago – standard s portretom cara od metala, vexillum – standard sa zastavom od tkanine i imenom jedinice, i draco – kasnoantička zastava konjaničkih jedinica oblika šuplje zmajeve ili zmijske glave od metala). Signum su osim polumjesečastog dijela i eventualno zodijačkih znakova ukrašavale velike okrugle medalje-falere (phalerae), dimenzijama nešto veće od onih koje su bile u funkciji odličja zaslužnih vojnika, a na vrhu je najčešće stajao prikaz otvorene ruke (manus) ili običan šiljak koplja s vijencem. Uvriježeno je mišljenje da je u carsko doba broj falera odražavao broj centurija u kohorti (ne veći od šest). Na našem su prikazu sačuvani rukohvat, polumjesečasti dio i tri falere, jedna je falera odlomljena, a jednako tako i vrh stijega, moguće s još jednom falerom, pa se ne može sa sigurnošću govoriti o karakteru, odnosno pripadnosti stijega. Budući da je na natpisu najvjerojatnije stajalo signifer legionis, a ne miles legionis i u nastavku signifer, moguće je da je riječ o nosaču legijskog signuma. Na krajnjem desnom rubu spomenika uz veliki se napor primjećuju ostatci krajnjih rubova tordiranih kanelira koji mogu pripadati samo stupu, što dokazuje da je stela bila arhitektonske kompozicije, tj. tipa edikule. S obzirom na to da debljina fragmenta iznosi čak 20 cm, stela je morala biti monumentalnih razmjera, možda ipak nešto manjih dimenzija od one s falerama u kojima su carski portreti. U gornjem je dijelu zasigurno imala trokutni zabat (jer su ga podupirali tordirani stupovi), a nije nemoguće da je u donjem dijelu, koji je funkcionirao kao sokl, imala još neki, za signifere karakterističan prikaz (npr. lavlja ili medvjeđa koža). Nije isključeno ni da je nekakav prikaz stajao i uz lijevi stup edikule, kao pandan stijegu. Uz jednu stelu koja se nekoć čuvala u Kistanjama (CIL III, 15001), čiji je sokl ukrašavo signum na lijevoj i koža na desnoj strani, ovo je drugi primjerak nadgrobne plastike Burnuma na kojoj je prikazan signum. discuss the character, that is, the affiliation of the standard. Since the inscription probably had the words signifer legionis, and not miles legionis followed by signifer, it is possible that this was a bearer of a legionary signum. On the extreme right edge of the monument the remains of extreme edges of spiral flutes are barely visible, that could have only belonged to a column, thus testifying that the stele had an architectural composition, that is, it was of the aedicule type. Since the thickness of the fragment is as much as 20 cm, the stele must have been of monumental dimensions, perhaps somewhat smaller than the one with phalerae with imperial portraits. It certainly had a triangle pediment on top (supported with spirally fluted columns), and it is not impossible that it contained, in the lower part, functioning as a sole of the monument, another representation characteristic for the standard bearers (for example, lion or bear skin). It is also not excluded that there was a representation along the left column of the aedicule, as a counterpart to the standard. Together with another stele once kept in Kistanje (CIL III, 15001), whose sole was decorated with a signum on the left and a skin on the right side, this is the second example of the sepulchral sculpture from Burnum depicting a signum. Transkripcija natpisa: [-----]IO . [.] [-----]SSO . DO [-----]IGNIF . [-----]STIP . XXIII . [-----]LA . [-----]O . Transcription: [-----]IO . [.] [-----]SSO . DO [-----]IGNIF . [-----]STIP . XXIII . [-----]LA . [-----]O . Restitucija: […]io T(iti vel P(ubli?)) / [f(ilio?) … Ba?]sso do/[mo … s]ignif(eri) / leg(ionis) XI?], stip(endiorum) XXIII, / [ann(orum) ...]la / […..]io / […] Objava: ILJug 1986, 2817 Lit.: Maršić 2007, 216, sl. 13 Restitution: […]io T(iti vel P(ubli?)) / [f(ilio?) … Ba?]sso do/[mo … s]ignif(eri) / leg(ionis) XI?], stip(endiorum) XXIII, / [ann(orum) ...] la / […..]io / […] Published in: ILJug 1986, 2817 Bibliography: Maršić 2007, 216, sl. 13 D. M. D. M. · 176 Ivan Radman-Livaja Siscia kao rimsko vojno uporište Siscia as a Roman Military Stronghold S S iscia, odnosno pretpovijesna Segestica, je izgleda već od svog prvog spomena u antičkim izvorima povezana s rimskom vojskom i njenim djelovanjem na ovom prostoru. Naime, već prilikom prvog pretpostavljenog rimskog prodora u Panoniju, 159. g. pr. Kr. ili 156. g. pr. Kr., rimska je vojska vjerojatno napala Segestiku.1 Ta se hipoteza temelji na povezivanju jednog Polibijevog navoda o nekakvom rimsko-panonskom ratu, te Apijanovog spomena jednog neuspješnog pohoda protiv Panonaca pod vodstvom izvjesnog Kornelija i tvrdnje da su Rimljani u dva navrata prije Oktavijana napadali Segestiku.2 Zbog Polibija taj se sukob naravno ne može smjestiti u vrijeme nakon 146. g. pr. Kr., ali po svemu sudeći ni prije 167. g. pr. Kr., jer bi ga u tom slučaju gotovo sigurno spomenuo Livije. Zippel je, usporedivši podatke o rimskim konzulima iz tog razdoblja s gentilicijem Kornelije, zaključio da su jedini koji dolaze u obzir kao vođe nekakvog pohoda protiv Panonaca Gnej Kornelije Dolabela (Gnaeus Cornelius Dolabella), konzul 159. g. pr. Kr. i Lucije Kornelije Lentul Lup (Lucius Cornelius Lentulus Lupus), konzul 156. g. pr. Kr.. Ukoliko je bila riječ o vojnom pothvatu u sklopu širih vojnih operacija usmjerenih protiv Skordiska na sjeveru te Delmata na jugu, 156. g. se može smatrati vjerojatnijom datacijom. iscia, that is, prehistoric Segestica, appears to have been connected with the Roman army and its activities in this area from its very first mention in ancient sources. Already during the first presumed Roman incursion into Pannonia in 159 or 156 B.C. the Roman army probably attacked Segestica.1 This hypothesis is based on the link established between Polybius’ remark about a certain war waged between Rome and the Pannonians, a mention by Appian of an unsuccessful campaign against the Pannonians led by one Cornelius, and the claim that the Romans had attacked Segestica twice prior to Octavian’s campaign.2 On account of Polybius this confrontation obviously cannot be dated to the time after 146 B.C., but in all likelihood it cannot predate 167 B.C. either, otherwise Livy would have almost certainly mentioned it. By running the gentilicium Cornelius against the data on the Roman consuls from that time, Zippel concluded that the only ones eligible as leaders of a campaign against the Pannonians were Gnaeus Cornelius Dolabella, a consul in 159 B.C., and Lucius Cornelius Lentulus Lupus, a consul in 156 B.C. If this was a military undertaking forming part of wider military operations directed against the Scordisci in the north and the Dalmatae in the south, the year 156 B.C. is the more plausible date. 1 Zippel 1877, 135; Mócsy 1962, 527-528; Mócsy 1974, 12, 22, 32; Šašel 1974, 731; Hoti 1992, 135 2 1 Zippel 1877, 135; Mócsy 1962, 527-528; Mócsy 1974, 12, 22, 32; Šašel 1974, 731; Hoti 1992, 135 2 · 136 · Polibius, fr. 122, ed. Hultsch; Appianus, Ill. 14 i 22 · 179 · Polibius, fr. 122, ed. Hultsch; Appianus, Ill. 14, 22 O eventualnom rimskom prodoru do Segestike tijekom operacija vođenih protiv Japoda 129. g. pr. Kr., pod vodstvom konzula Gaja Sempronija Tuditana (Gaius Sempronius Tuditanus),3 nema spomena u izvorima no neki autori misle da su i tom prilikom Rimljani prodrli sjevernije te došli do Segestike, naravno pod pretpostavkom da se već spomenuti Apijanov navod o dva rimska napada na Segestiku prije Oktavijana odnosi i na Tuditanov pohod.4 Ta se hipoteza ipak čini teže dokazivom od Zippelove pretpostavke. The sources say nothing as to the possible Roman incursion into Segestica during the operations against the Japodes in 129 B.C., which were led by the consul Gaius Sempronius Tuditanus.3 However, in the opinion of certain authors the Romans also at that time penetrated north, reaching Segestica, assuming of course, that the already mentioned remark by Appian about two Roman attacks on Segestica before Octavian refers to Tuditanus’ campaign as well.4 This hypothesis seems nevertheless more difficult to prove than Zippel’s assumption. In 119 B.C., during the Dalmatian war, the Romans mounted another military intervention in the Sava valley, probably spurred on by the alliance of the Scordisci with the Dalmatae. Even though it is generally mentioned in the literature that on that occasion the army that attacked Segestica was led by both consuls, Lucius Aurelius Cotta and Lucius Caecilius Metellus, this claim should not be taken at face value. There can be no doubt that the consul Lucius Aurelius Cotta commanded the army, but it is highly improbable that the campaign was deemed so important as to require the participation of both consuls. It is in fact more likely that the other commander was Lucius Metellus Diadematus, in his role as propraetor or legate. He was a relative of the other consul, Lucius Caecilius Metellus, who was at that time in all probability in command of the operations against the Dalmatae in the south.5 Rimljani su 119. g., tijekom delmatskog rata, opet vojno intervenirali u dolini Save, vjerojatno ponukani na tu akciju savezništvom Skordiska s Delmatima. Iako se u literaturi uglavnom navodi da su tom prilikom oba konzula, Lucije Aurelije Kota (Lucius Aurelius Cotta) i Lucije Cecilije Metel (Lucius Caecilius Metellus), vodili vojsku koja je napala Segestiku, ta se tvrdnja mora uzeti s rezervom. Nema sumnje da je vojskom zapovijedao konzul Lucije Aurelije Kota, no malo je vjerojatno da je pohod smatran toliko važnim da bi u njemu sudjelovala oba konzula. U stvari je drugi zapovjednik vjerojatno bio Lucije Metel Dijademat (Lucius Metellus Diadematus), u svojstvu propretora ili legata, inače rođak drugog konzula, Lucija Cecilija Metela, koji je u tom trenutku, po svemu sudeći, južnije vodio operacije protiv Delmata.5 Appian did not leave us a detailed description of this operation, but it is entirely clear that this was one of the two attacks that, in his words, predated Octavian’s siege of Segestica.6 Apijan nam nije ostavio iscrpan opis ove operacije ali je sasvim jasno da je taj napad jedan od ona dva koja su, po njegovim riječima, prethodila Oktavijanoj opsadi Segestike.6 There is also a rather implausible assumption about a Roman attack on Segestica in 83 B.C., during the war against the Scordisci.7 The Romans defeated the Scordisci sometime between 88 and 81 B.C., but as the operations were directed from Macedonia toward Moesia, Pannonia was almost certainly spared from the war, which renders Klemenc’s theory unconvincing.8 Postoji i jedna malo vjerojatna pretpostavka o rimskom napadu na Segestiku 83. g. pr. Kr., tijekom rata protiv Skordiska.7 Rimljani su porazili Skordiske negdje u vremenu između 88. i 81. g. pr. Kr., 3 Appianus, Ill. 10; Titus Livius, periocha LIX; Wilkes 1969, 32-33; Zaninović 1986, 60; Hoti 1992, 135; Wilkes 1992, 200 4 3 Appianus, Ill. 10; Titus Livius, periocha LIX; Wilkes 1969, 32-33; Zaninović 1986, 60; Hoti 1992, 135; Wilkes 1992, 200 Appianus, Ill. 22; Klemenc 1963, 55; Zaninović 1986, 60 5 Wilkes 1969, 33; Morgan 1971, 271-301; Mócsy 1974, 13, 22; Zaninović 1986, 59-60; Hoti 1992, 135. 6 Appianus, Ill. 10, 22 7 Klemenc 1963, 55 4 Appianus, Ill. 22; Klemenc 1963, 55; Zaninović 1986, 60 5 Wilkes 1969, 33; Morgan 1971, 271-301; Mócsy 1974, 13, 22; Zaninović 1986, 59-60; Hoti 1992, 135. · 180 · 6 Appianus, Ill. 10, 22 7 Klemenc 1963: 55 8 Appianus, Ill. 5; Mócsy 1974, 15; Hoti 1992: 135 · 137 · ali kako su operacije vođene iz Makedonije prema Meziji, Panonija je gotovo sigurno bila pošteđena rata te je Klemencova teorija slabo uvjerljiva.8 Several decades later the Romans attacked Segestica once again, for the last time. In 35 B.C. Octavian set off at the head of a sizeable military force to conquer the interior of Illyricum. Even though the written sources do not concur perfectly in the description of the rationale for his conquest of Illyricum, it is more than likely that Octavian initiated that war in the preparation for the inevitable looming confrontation with Marc Anthony. Nekoliko desetljeća kasnije uslijedio je još jedan rimski pohod na Segestiku, ujedno i zadnji. Oktavijan je 35. g. pr. Kr. sa značajnim vojnim snagama krenuo pokoriti unutrašnjost Ilirika. Iako se pisani izvori ne poklapaju u potpunosti navodeći njegove razloge za osvajanje Ilirika, više je nego vjerojatno da se Oktavijan upustio u taj rat pripremajući se za neminovni nadolazeći sukob s Markom Antonijem. Njegovi su razlozi bili kako strateške tako i propagandne naravi. Oktavijan je nesumnjivo bio željan dokazati da je dostojan svog poočima, Julija Cezara, i da kao vojskovođa ne zaostaje za Markom Antonijem, čija je vojnička slava bila neprikosnovena. S pravom je smatrao da bi mu pobjeda nad plemenima zapadnog Ilirika nedvojbeno učvrstila politički položaj i bitno povećala njegovu moć i popularnost u Rimu i cijeloj Italiji. Strateški gledano, kontrolom Panonije, odnosno doline Save, Oktavijan bi Marku Antoniju zatvorio najpogodniju kopnenu komunikaciju od Istoka k Italiji. His reasons had to do with strategy as much as with propaganda. Octavian was undoubtedly eager to prove himself worthy of his stepfather, Julius Caesar, as well as that as a military leader he was a match for Marc Anthony, whose military glory was incontestable. He was right in believing that the victory over the tribes of western Illyricum would unquestionably strengthen his political position and considerably raise his power and popularity in Rome and all of Italy. From the strategic point of view, with control over Pannonia, that is the Sava valley, Octavian would block to Marc Anthony the most convenient land communication from the East to Italy. Having conquered the Japodes,9 he marched on Segestica, whose inhabitants he forced to give him hostages and to accept a Roman garrison. After initial hesitation, a pro-resistance faction prevailed in the town. It seems likely that the town was strongly fortified and the resistance ardent, considering that it took Octavian 30 days to conquer the town, even though he commanded a considerable force, as well as a fleet of river ships. The precise number of the legions that took part in the Illyricum campaign under Octavian escapes us. Considering that he was certainly forced to leave a part of the troops to secure the occupied territory and the supply lines even before he ever reached Segestica, it is more than likely that during the siege he did not dispose with all the troops that he started with from Italy. Nevertheless, if we take into consideration that following the conquest of the town Octavian left there a garrison of 25 cohorts under the command of Fufius Geminus, which would be tantamount to two and a half legions, we can assume that the army he had headed during the siege was even bigger, which renders quite plausible the assessment that in the siege of Segestica Octavian had around 5 legions with accompanying auxiliary units and ship crews at his disposal.10 Nakon što je pokorio Japode,9 krenuo je na Segestiku, od čijih je stanovnika tražio taoce i prihvat rimskoga garnizona. Nakon prvotnog kolebanja, u gradu je prevladala struja koja je bila za pružanje otpora. Po svemu sudeći, grad je bio dobro utvrđen a otpor žestok, budući da je Oktavijanu trebalo 30 dana da osvoji grad, iako je imao znatne snage na raspolaganju kao i riječne brodove. Ne znamo točan broj legija koje su pod Oktavijanovim zapovjedništvom sudjelovale u pohodu na Ilirik, a kako je tijekom pohoda nesumnjivo morao izdvojiti dio snaga za osiguranje zaposjednutog područja i opskrbnih komunikacija prije nego što je uopće stigao do Segestike, više je nego vjerojatno da tijekom opsade i nije mogao imati na raspolaganju sve trupe s kojima je krenuo iz Italije. Ipak, uzmemo li u obzir da je Oktavijan nakon osvajanja grada u njemu ostavio posadu od 25 kohorti pod zapovjedništvom Fufija Gemina (Fufius Geminus), što bi odgovaralo snazi dvije i po legije, možemo pretpostaviti kako je vojska kojoj je 8 Appianus, Ill. 5; Mócsy 1974, 15; Hoti 1992, 135 9 Appianus, Ill. 16-21; Cassius Dio, XLIX, 35; Wilkes 1969, 50-51; Barkóczi 1980, 87-88; Hoti 1992, 136 9 Appianus, Ill. 16-21; Cassius Dio, XLIX, 35; Wilkes 1969, 50-51; Barkóczi 1980, 87-88; Hoti 1992, 136 10 · 182 · Appianus, Ill. 22-24; Cassius Dio, XLIX, 36; Mócsy bio na čelu tijekom opsade bila i znatno veća te je procjena da je za opsadu Segestike Oktavijan mogao imati na raspolaganju oko 5 legija s pratećim auksilijarnim četama i posadama brodova dosta uvjerljiva.10 It is interesting that Octavian’s treatment of the defeated defenders was very merciful, considering that he left them alive and free. This act of clemency – rare at that time – did not bear fruit, since merely a few months later a revolt broke out, which the Roman garrison succeeded in crushing even before the reinforcement led by Octavian arrived. Even though the sources do not reveal any details, we can suppose that Octavian was no longer inclined to forgive them, and that probably very few inhabitants of Segestica remained alive and free in the wake of the quelling of the rebellion.11 As had already been mentioned, the Roman garrison Octavian left in Siscia was very strong: although the crew that remained in Segestica in 35 B.C. might have numbered more than 12,000 men in theory, we can be fairly certain that these 25 cohorts were not manned to the full. A figure of around 10,000 soldiers – an impressive number nonetheless – would therefore be a more likely guess (those were certainly not only legionaries, but also members of auxiliary troops). It is not only their precise number that is a secret to us. We do not know for instance whether all these soldiers resided within the walls of Segestica or at least part of them remained in the temporary camps built during the siege. There is also a hypothesis that once the town was occupied a double camp was built to accommodate the 25-cohort strong garrison. However, this well-known information from the sources has not been complemented with archaeological evidence of any kind.12 Zanimljivo je da se Oktavijan pokazao vrlo milostiv prema poraženim braniteljima, jer je preživjele ostavio na životu i na slobodi. Taj, za ono vrijeme rijedak čin milosrđa nije urodio plodom, jer je svega par mjeseci kasnije izbila pobuna koju je rimski garnizon ipak uspio ugušiti prije dolaska pojačanja predvođenih Oktavijanom. Iako nam izvori ne otkrivaju detalje, možemo pretpostaviti da im Oktavijan više nije bio sklon oprostiti te je vrlo vjerojatno malo stanovnika Segestike ostalo na životu i na slobodi nakon gušenja ustanka.11 Kao što je već spomenuto, rimski garnizon koji je Oktavijan ostavio u Sisciji bio je vrlo snažan: mada je posada koja je ostala u Segestici 35. g. pr. Kr. mogla teoretski brojati više od 12.000 ljudi, možemo s dosta velikom sigurnošću pretpostaviti da tih 25 kohorti nisu bile u punom brojnom stanju. Stoga bi brojka od oko 10.000 vojnika možda bila bliža stvarnom stanju (i to zasigurno ne isključivo legionara jer su među njima vjerojatno bili i pripadnici pomoćnih trupa), što je i dalje dosta impresivna brojka. Nije samo njihov točan broj nepoznanica. Naime, ne znamo jesu li svi ti vojnici bili smješteni unutar bedema Segestike ili je barem dio ostao u privremenim taborima izgrađenima tijekom opsade. Postoji i hipoteza da je nakon osvajanja za potrebe garnizona od 25 kohorti izgrađen dvojni logor za smještaj dvije legije, no osim tog dobro poznatog podatka iz izvora nema nikakvih arheoloških dokaza o tome.12 The garrison’s strength was probably not considerably diminished even after the rebellion was suppressed in 34 B.C., as during the entire reign of Augustus that place remained one of the foremost Roman military strongholds in Illyricum.13 Still, in the lack of written sources and archaeological investigations, it is impossible to assess with precision the size and composition of the garrison between 34 B.C. and A.D. 6. We would probably not be wrong in saying that throughout that time the Romans Garnizon vjerojatno nije bio bitno smanjen ni nakon gušenja pobune 34. g. pr. Kr., jer je tijekom cijele Augustove vladavine to mjesto bilo jedno od 1962, 538-539; Wilkes 1969, 52-53; Mócsy 1974, 22; Šašel 1974, 732; Barkóczi 1980, 90; Šašel-Kos 1986, 139-142; Zaninović 1986, 62-63; Nenadić 1986-1987, 73; Hoti 1992, 137-138; Wilkes 1992, 206; Gruen 1996, 173; Wilkes 1996, 549-550; Domić-Kunić 2006, 92 10 Appianus, Ill. 22-24; Cassius Dio, XLIX, 36; Mócsy 1962, 538-539; Wilkes 1969, 52-53; Mócsy 1974, 22; Šašel 1974, 732; Barkóczi 1980, 90; Šašel-Kos 1986, 139-142; Zaninović 1986, 62-63; Nenadić 1987, 73; Hoti 1992, 137138; Wilkes 1992, 206; Gruen 1996, 173; Wilkes 1996, 549550; Domić-Kunić 2006, 92 11 Radman-Livaja 2007a, 161-162 12 Schmid 1925, 213. 11 Radman-Livaja 2007a, 161-162 12 Schmid 1925, 213. 13 Schmid 1925, 213-214; Mócsy 1959, 25; Mócsy 1962, 612-613; Mócsy 1974, 23; Hoti 1992, 138; Zaninović 1993, 53-54; Domić-Kunić 2006, 104. · 183 · glavnih rimskih vojnih uporišta u Iliriku.13 Ipak, u nedostatku pisanih izvora i arheoloških istraživanja, nemoguće je točno procijeniti veličinu i sastav garnizona između 34. g. pr. Kr. i 6. god. Vjerojatno nećemo pogriješiti ako ustvrdimo da su Rimljani kroz cijelo to razdoblje u Sisciji morali držati dovoljno brojne snage kako bi brzo i učinkovito mogli ugušiti svaku pobunu domorodačkog stanovništva u zapadnoj Panoniji. Stoga nije neuvjerljivo pretpostaviti da se garnizon sastojao od barem jedne legije s pratećim auksilijarnim jedinicama. A. Domić-Kunić argumentirano obrazlaže da je veliki vojni logor u Sisciji morao biti izgrađen najkasnije tijekom Tiberijeva panonskog rata, odnosno 12. g. pr. Kr., ako ne već i ranije, no s obzirom na stratešku važnost tog mjesta, nema sumnje da rimska vojska nakon 35. g. nikad nije ni napustila grad, mada je veličina garnizona vjerojatno mogla varirati. Dodatni je problem što dosad nisu pronađeni arheološki tragovi nekog rimskog vojnog logora te je, stoga, zasad nemoguće sa sigurnošću odrediti gdje je mogao biti smješten rimski garnizon na prostoru Segestike, odnosno Siscije. S obzirom na ratna djelovanja od 35. g. pr. Kr. do 9. g. i na veliku koncentraciju rimskih trupa u tom razdoblju, vrlo je upitna pretpostavka o postojanju samo jednog rimskog vojnog logora na prostoru Segestike, odnosno Siscije. Tijekom opsade Segestike 35. g. pr. Kr., Rimljani su nesumnjivo izgradili cirkumvalaciju oko grada te barem nekoliko logora za smještaj trupa koje su opsjedale grad. Neki od tih logora su mogli biti korišteni i nakon osvajanja grada. Uostalom, u desetljećima koja su slijedila je vojni logor mogao i više puta mijenjati lokaciju, o čemu u nedostatku arheoloških istraživanja možemo samo nagađati. Stoga je zasad nemoguće procijeniti je li garnizon bio smješten na poluotoku Pogorelcu, odnosno na mjestu pretpovijesne Segestike ili se pak nalazio na mjestu budućeg rimskog grada Siscije, odnosno na lijevoj obali Kupe.14 Ipak, s obzirom na to da se civilno urbano naselje na lijevoj obali nesumnjivo počelo razvijati već u ranom 1. st., skloniji were compelled to keep in Siscia a force strong enough to crush swiftly and efficiently any insurrection of the indigenous populations in western Pannonia. It is therefore not implausible to assume that the garrison consisted of at least one legion with accompanying auxiliary units. A. Domić-Kunić explained on the strength of arguments that a large military camp in Siscia must have been built during Tiberius’ Pannonian war at the latest, that is in 12 B.C., if not even earlier, but that there is no doubt, in view of the strategic importance of the place, that after 35. B.C. the Roman army never left the town, although the size of the garrison may have varied. An additional problem is posed by the fact that no traces of any Roman military camp have been found so far, making it impossible at present to ascertain where the Roman garrison in Segestica, that is Siscia, may have been located. Taking into consideration the military actions between 35 B.C. and A.D. 9 and the great concentration of Roman troops in that period, it is highly improbable that there was only one Roman military camp in the territory of Segestica, that is Siscia. During the siege of Segestica in 35 B.C. the Romans undoubtedly built a circumvalation around the town, as well as at least a few camps to accommodate the troops besieging the town. Some of those camps may have been used even after the town was conquered. Besides, in the decades that followed, the military camp may have shifted its position in a number of instances, but in the lack of archaeological investigations we can only speculate about this. It is therefore presently impossible to assess whether the garrison was situated on the Pogorelec peninsula, that is at the site of prehistoric Segestica, or on the position of the future Roman city of Siscia, that is, on the left bank of the Kupa river.14 However, in view of the fact that the civilian urban settlement on the left bank undoubtedly started developing already in the early 1st cent. A.D., I am more inclined to believe, at least until the research has shed new light on these issues, that probably already by Tiberius’ stay in A.D. 12, and by the crushing of the revolt in A.D. 9 at the latest, Pogorelec was chosen as the definite position for a legionary camp, even though it is not improbable in the least that between 34 B.C. and A.D. 9 one or several military camps may have been situated on the left bank of the Kupa as well. 13 Schmid 1925, 213-214; Mócsy 1959, 25; Mócsy 1962, 612-613; Mócsy 1974, 23; Hoti 1992, 138; Zaninović 1993, 53-54; Domić-Kunić 2006, 104. 14 Veith 1914, 51-58; Faber 1973, 153-154; Šašel 1974, 726, 732; Nenadić 1987, 72-73; Buzov 1993, 49; Zaninović 1993, 54; Burkowsky 1999, 30; Lolić 2003, 140; RadmanLivaja 2007a, 161-168 · 136 · 14 Veith 1914, 51-58; Faber 1973, 153-154; Šašel 1974, 726, 732; Nenadić 1987, 72-73; Buzov 1993, 49; Zaninović 1993, 54; Burkowsky 1999, 30; Lolić 2003, 140; RadmanLivaja 2007a, 161-168 · 185 · sam vjerovati, barem dok istraživanja ne bace novo svjetlo na tu problematiku, da je vjerojatno već za Tiberijeva boravka 12. g. pr. Kr., a najkasnije nakon slamanja pobune 9. g., kao konačna lokacija za legijski logor izabran Pogorelec, mada nije uopće nevjerojatno da se između 34. g. pr. Kr. i 9. g. jedan, pa i više vojnih logora u nekom trenutku mogao nalaziti i na lijevoj obali Kupe. It was probably already at that time that the toponym Siscia gradually supplanted and ousted the name Segestica, because after the Augustan period, when both names are used concurrently in the written sources, the city is invariably called Siscia (with the sole exception of Appian, who uses the name Segestica in his descriptions of the historical events prior to the Roman conquest as well as of Octavian’s siege of the town).15 Vjerojatno je već u tom razdoblju toponim Siscia postupno zamijenio i istisnuo ime Segestika jer se nakon augustejskog razdoblja, kada se u pisanim izvorima paralelno koriste oba imena, grad isključivo naziva Siscia (s izuzetkom Apijana koji koristi ime Segestika kada opisuje povijesne događaje prije rimskog osvajanja kao i Oktavijanovu opsadu grada).15 Even though Octavian’s campaign was successful, the conquest of Illyricum and the strengthening of the Roman authority took many more years, and the following four decades of Roman occupation were marked by frequent revolts of the local population.16 The discontent culminated in the great war, the so-called Bato’s insurrection between A.D. 6 and 9. It seems that the massive uprising was caused by the levying of the tribute and recruitment of youths into the auxiliary units for the war with Maroboduus, the king of the Marcomanni. In all likelihood, the insurrection was instigated by the Daesitiates under the command of their ruler Bato, who found allies in the rulers of the Breuci, Bato and Pinnes. The united tribes of Pannonia and Dalmatia posed a serious threat to the authority of Rome, compelling her to carry out a large-scale mobilization in Italy in order to answer this threat. Together with Sirmium, Siscia played an exceptionally important role in this war. Already at the very onset of the war, Tiberius, located at that time in the territory of the Marcomanni, urgently dispatched the XX legion under the command of M. Valerius Messalinus as a reinforcement to Siscia so as to keep the city from the rebels, realizing very well the extent of the danger to his position in Illyricum in case this extremely important strategic point be lost. At the same time the Romans succeeded in defending Sirmium, which put the insurgents into an unfavourable strategic situation, in spite of the fact that they controlled almost all of Illyricum. While the Romans were speedily reinforcing the garrison in Siscia, the rebels were losing time in fruitless raids on coastal towns. Tiberius was able to bring a considerable force into Siscia in a very short time, perhaps as much as five legions strong, whereby he blocked the way toward Italy to the Illyrians. Be as it may, these forces were still not sufficient for a final showdown with the rebel forces, so Tiberius Iako je Oktavijanov pohod bio uspješan, osvajanje Ilirika i učvršćivanje rimske vlasti je potrajalo još niz godina, a sljedeća četiri desetljeća rimske okupacije bila su obilježena čestim pobunama lokalnog stanovništva.16 Nezadovoljstvo je kulminiralo u velikom ratu, tzv. Batonovom ustanku, od 6. do 9. godine. Čini se da je masovni ustanak bio prouzročen skupljanjem danka i novačenjem mladića u auksilijarne postrojbe zbog rata s markomanskim kraljem Maroboduom. Po svemu sudeći, glavni inicijatori ustanka su bili Dezitijati na čelu s vladarom Batonom, koji je saveznike našao u vladarima Breuka, Batonu i Pinnesu. Udružena plemena Panonije i Dalmacije ozbiljno su zaprijetila rimskoj vlasti, koja se našla prisiljena provesti mobilizaciju velikih razmjera u Italiji kako bi odgovorila na prijetnju. Siscija je u tom ratu, zajedno sa Sirmijem, igrala iznimno važnu ulogu. Već na samom početku rata, Tiberije, koji se u tom trenutku nalazio na markomanskom teritoriju, hitno šalje XX legiju na čelu s Markom Valerijem Mesalinom (M. Valerius Messalinus) kao pojačanje u Sisciju kako bi sačuvao grad od pobunjenika, dobro znajući koliko će mu položaj u Iliriku biti otežan ukoliko izgubi tu iznimno važnu stratešku točku. Istovremeno su Rimljani uspjeli obraniti Sirmij te su se pobunjenici našli u nepovoljnoj strateškoj situaciji, iako su držali gotovo cijeli Ilirik. Dok su Rimljani užurbano pojačavali posadu Siscije, pobunjenici su gubili vri15 15 cf Šašel 1974, 705-714; Radman-Livaja 2007a, 159-160 cf Šašel 1974, 705-714; Radman-Livaja 2007a, 159-160 16 Mócsy 1962, 539-541; Mócsy 1974, 34; Barkóczi 1980, 90-91; Hoti 1992, 138-140; Gruen 1996, 174-175; Wilkes 1996, 551-552; Domić-Kunić 2006, 59-118 16 Mócsy 1962, 539-541; Mócsy 1974, 34; Barkóczi 1980, 90-91; Hoti 1992, 138-140; Gruen 1996, 174-175; Wilkes 1996, 551-552; Domić-Kunić 2006, 59-118 · 186 · · 137 · jeme na neuspješne pohode prema obalnim gradovima. Tiberije je u kratkom roku uspio u Sisciju dovesti znatne snage, možda kojih pet legija i time zatvorio Ilirima put prema Italiji. U svakom slučaju, te snage još nisu bile dovoljne za konačni obračun s pobunjeničkim snagama, pa je Tiberije odlučio čekati dodatna pojačanja i postupno iscrpljivati pobunjenike manjim akcijama. U ofenzivu ograničenih razmjera krenuo je tek u ljeto 7. g., uputivši se prema istoku, u susret snagama koja su se kretala iz pravca Sirmija, dvije legije iz Azije pod Plautijem Silvanom (M. Plautius Silvanus), pet mezijskih legija pod Cecinom Severom (Caecina Severus) te tračka konjica pod vodstvom kralja Remetalka (Rhoemetalces). Te su se trupe kod Volcejskih močvara sukobile s pobunjeničkim snagama, a nakon bitke, s izgleda neodlučnim ishodom, povukle su se prema Sisciji gdje se u tom trenutku sakupila najveća rimska vojska još od Građanskih ratova. Po riječima svjedoka Veleja Paterkula u Sisciji je u tom trenutku bilo 10 legija, više od 70 auksilijarnih kohorti, 10 ala (ili možda 14, sačuvani manuskripti unose neke dvojbe u ovu brojku), preko 10.000 mobiliziranih veterana zajedno s brojnim dobrovoljcima te kontingent savezničke konjice kralja Remetalka (Velleius Paterculus, 2.113.1-2). U brojkama bi to bilo u najmanju ruku između 80.000 i 100.000 ljudi, pa možda čak i nešto više. Tolika je koncentracija trupa nesumnjivo predstavljala velik logistički problem pa je dio jedinica uskoro opet upućen prema Meziji. Čini se da su se tijekom jeseni 7. g. Rimljani usredotočili na uništavanje poljoprivrednih resursa pobunjenih plemena, a ta je strategija dogodine urodila plodom jer se Breuci na čelu s Batonom, koji je prethodno utamničio svog kolegu Pinnesa, predaju u kolovozu 8. godine. Dezitijački Baton je odgovorio pokretanjem ofenzive prema Panoniji, gdje je uspio zarobiti i ubiti Batona Breučkog. Rimski protunapad kojeg je predvodio Plautije Silvan s trupama iz Sirmija ga je prisilio na povlačenje, definitivno time skršivši pobunu u Panoniji. Nakon zime, Rimljani pokreću završnu ofenzivu kako bi konačno dokrajčili pobunjenike koji su još držali Dalmaciju. Napad je pokrenut iz tri pravca, odnosno iz Siscije, Sirmija i s Jadranske obale. Operacija nije polučila željeni uspjeh te je August ponovno poslao Tiberija da preuzme zapovjedništvo nad rimskim trupama, koji konačno okončava rat pobjedom nad opkoljenim Batonovim snagama u Andetriju.17 17 Cassius Dio, LV, 28-34; Velleius Paterculus, II 110-116; Suetonius, Aug. 16, 25, Tib. 16, 20; Mócsy 1962, 544-548; Mócsy 1974, 37-39; Šašel 1974, 733-734; Šašel-Kos 1986, 182-191; Zaninović 1986, 63 · 136 · decided to wait for additional reinforcements and to gradually exhaust the insurgents by minor actions. It was only in the summer of A.D. 7 that he mounted an offensive of a limited scope, heading towards the east to meet the forces coming from Sirmium, i.e. two legions from Asia under the command of M. Plautius Silvanus, five Moesian legions under Caecina Severus and the Thracian cavalry under the command of king Rhoemetalces. These troops engaged the rebel forces at the Volcaean Marshes and, after the battle, which appears to have ended in a draw, withdrew toward Siscia, where at that moment the largest Roman army since the time of the Civil wars was gathering. In the words of Velleius Paterculus, who was in Siscia at the time, there were 10 legions, more than 70 auxiliary cohorts, 10 alae (or perhaps 14 – the preserved manuscripts cast certain doubts on this figure), more than 10,000 mobilized veterans together with numerous volunteers, as well as a contingent of the allied cavalry of king Rhoemetalces (Velleius Paterculus, 2.113.1-2). Translated into numbers this would amount to at least between 80,000 and 100,000 men, perhaps even a bit more. Such a concentration of troops undoubtedly presented a serious logistical problem, so a part of the units were soon dispatched towards Moesia. It seems that during the autumn of A.D. 7 the Romans focused on annihilating the agricultural resources of the rebel tribes, a strategy that bore fruit the following year, because the Breuci, headed by Bato, who had imprisoned his colleague Pinnes before that, surrendered in August of A.D. 8. Bato of the Daesitiates countered by mounting an offensive towards Pannonia, where he managed to capture and slay Bato of the Breuci. The Roman counteroffensive led by Plautius Silvanus with the troops from Sirmium compelled him to retreat, which effectively put an end to the rebellion in Pannonia. The winter gone, the Romans started a final offensive in order to finish off the rebels who still held Dalmatia under their sway. The attack was mounted from three directions, that is, from Siscia, Sirmium and the Adriatic coast. The operation did not succeed as planned, so Augustus again sent Tiberius to assume the command over the Roman troops. Upon doing so, the latter ended the war with a victory over Bato’s surrounded forces in Andetrium.17 17 Cassius Dio, LV, 28-34; Velleius Paterculus, II 110-116; Suetonius, Aug. 16, 25, Tib. 16, 20; Mócsy 1962, 544-548; Mócsy 1974, 37-39; Šašel 1974, 733-734; Šašel-Kos 1986, 182-191; Zaninović 1986, 63 · 189 · Tek nakon što je s velikom mukom skršena ta zadnja pobuna počinje stvarni proces romanizacije panonskog prostora. U tom je vremenu Panonija, 8. ili 10. g., postala zasebna provincija, dijeljenjem Ilirika na dva dijela, prvotno nazvanima Illyricum Superius, buduća provincija Dalmacija i Illyricum Inferius, odnosno Panonija.18 Only after that last revolt had been quashed, with great difficulty, did the real process of the romanization of the Pannonian area begin. About that time, in A.D. 8 or 10, Pannonia became a separate province after Illyricum was divided into two parts, at first called Illyricum Superius – the future province of Dalmatia – and Ilyricum Inferius, that is, Pannonia.18 Postupno će rimska vojska prebacivati svoje snage iz unutrašnjosti provincije na dunavsku granicu, te se od okupacijske sile pretvoriti u obrambenu vojsku i jamca mirnog razvoja romanizirane Panonije. Taj je proces trajao razmjerno dugo, tako da Rimljani nisu odmah po osvajanju Panonije pristupili izgradnji lanca utvrda i vojnih postaja na granici s barbarskim svijetom. August je za osiguranje granica Panonije bio skloniji sklapanju saveza sa susjednim barbarskim narodima, jamčeći tako mir unutrašnjosti provincije, ujedno štedeći vojne resurse, pa je u njegovo vrijeme, kao i za njegovih neposrednih nasljednika, vojska bila koncentrirana u unutrašnjosti provincije.19 Siscija je gotovo sigurno zadržala garnizon i nakon što je skršen Batonov ustanak, a glavninu posade je vjerojatno činila IX legija Hispana. O njenom boravku u gradu postoje samo pretpostavke, no može se ustvrditi da je Sisciju definitivno napustila najkasnije između 42. i 45. g., ako ne i prije.20 Siscija vjerojatno zadržava vojnički garnizon i nakon odlaska legionara, ali nesumnjivo bitno smanjen.21 Sigurno su to bile auksilijarne postrojbe, no za duže vremensko razdoblje nije točno poznato o kojim je jedinicama riječ. Pretpostavlja se da je tijekom dijela 1. st. u gradu bila stacionirana cohors XXXII voluntariorum civium Romanorum. Možda se nalazila u Sisciji već za boravka IX legije, a u gradu je, čini se, ostala do Vespazijanova vremena, kada biva premještena u Gornju Germaniju.22 Pretpostavka se temelji na dva nadgrobna natpisa. Jedna stela potječe iz Siska, i pripadala je Muciju Hegetoru (Mucius Hege- The Roman army would gradually shift their forces from the interior of the province to the Danubian frontier, transforming in the process from an occupying force to a defensive army and a guarantee of peaceful development of romanized Pannonia. This process took a relatively long time, so the Romans did not embark on the construction of a chain of forts and military stations on the border with the barbarian world immediately after they conquered Pannonia. To secure the Pannonian frontiers Augustus was more inclined to forge an alliance with the neighbouring barbarian peoples, thereby guaranteeing peace to the province’s interior and at the same time saving military resources, so that during his time, as well as that of his immediate successors, the army was concentrated in the interior of the province.19 Siscia almost certainly kept its garrison even after Bato’s insurrection was suppressed, and the IX legion Hispana probably formed the mainstay of the crew. Although we can count only on assumptions as regards its stay in the city, it can nevertheless be ascertained that it definitely left Siscia between A.D. 42 and 45 at the latest, and possibly even before that.20 Siscia presumably preserved a military garrison even after the departure of the legionaries, but without doubt considerably diminished.21 The garrison almost certainly consisted of auxiliary units, but for quite a long time we do not know precisely which units those were. It is supposed that during a part of the 1st cent. the cohors XXXII voluntariorum civium Romanorum was stationed in the city. Perhaps it was present in Siscia already during the stay of the IX legion, and it appears that it remained in the city until Vespasian’s time, when it was transferred to Upper Germania.22 The assumption is based on two tombstone 18 Klemenc 1961, 6; Mócsy 1962, 583; Mócsy 1974, 39; Barkóczi 1980, 89 18 Klemenc 1961, 6; Mócsy 1962, 583; Mócsy 1974, 39; Barkóczi 1980, 89 19 Klemenc 1961, 7-8; Mócsy 1974, 39-41; Barkóczi 1980, 91-92 19 Klemenc 1961, 7-8; Mócsy 1974, 39-41; Barkóczi 1980, 91-92 20 Mócsy 1959, 25; Klemenc 1961, 8 ,10; Mócsy 1974, 43; Šašel 1974, 734; Fitz 1980, 131; Hoti 1992, 142 20 Mócsy 1959, 25; Klemenc 1961, 8 ,10; Mócsy 1974, 43; Šašel 1974, 734; Fitz 1980, 131; Hoti 1992, 142 21 Šašel 1974, 735; Zaninović 1993, 54 21 Šašel 1974, 735; Zaninović 1993, 54 22 Mócsy 1974, 81; Lőrincz 2001, 44 22 Mócsy 1974, 81; Lőrincz 2001, 44 · 190 · · 137 · tor), liječniku XXXII kohorte,23 a druga, podignuta veteranu iste postrojbe Nunidiju Sukcesu (Nunnidius Successus), pronađena je u Orešcu.24 U potonjem slučaju treba biti vrlo oprezan jer Orešac baš i nije blizu Siscije te mjesto gdje je sahranjen Nunidije Sukces teško može biti čvrst argument za ubiciranje garnizona XXXII kohorte. Možemo jedino zaključiti da bi taj nadgrobni spomenik ukazivao da je XXXII kohorta tada mogla biti stacionirana u Panoniji. inscriptions. One stele comes from Sisak, and it belonged to Mucius Hegetor, a physician of the XXXII cohort,23 while the other, erected to Nunnidius Successus, a veteran of the same unit, was found in Orešac.24 Considering that Orešac is not exactly very near Siscia, caution is advisable in the latter case, so that the place where Nunnidius was buried can hardly be taken as a sound argument for determining the precise position of the garrison of the XXXII cohort. We can only conclude that this tombstone would point to the fact that the XXXII cohort might have been stationed in Pannonia at that time. Uostalom, hipoteza o boravku te kohorte u Sisciji nije općeprihvaćena, tim više što postoji mišljenje da je ta jedinica osnovana tek za Komodove vladavine te se rana datacija ova dva spomenuta spomenika dovodi u pitanje.25 U svakom slučaju, neovisno o prihvaćenoj dataciji, nadgrobni spomenik jednog veterana ne može se smatrati sigurnim dokazom prisustva njegove negdašnje postrojbe u blizini njegovog posljednjeg prebivališta (tim više što je u slučaju Nunidija Sukcesa ta blizina dosta relativna s obzirom na to da je Orešac ipak udaljen gotovo 100 km od Siscije). Isto tako, nije isključeno da je liječnik Mucije Hegetor boravio u Sisciji po posebnom zadatku, izdvojen iz svoje matične postrojbe. Furthermore, the hypothesis about the sojourn of that cohort in Siscia is not widely accepted, all the more so as another opinion holds that this unit was established only during the reign of Commodus, which casts doubts on such an early date for the two mentioned monuments.25 Be as it may, irrespective of the date one accepts, a veteran’s tombstone cannot be considered as reliable evidence of the presence of his former unit in the vicinity of his last residence (all the more so as in the case of Nunnidius Successus that proximity is fairly arbitrary since Orešac is, after all, more than 100 km away from Siscia). It is likewise not excluded that the physician Mucius Hegetor resided in Siscia on a special mission, detached from his core unit. Flavijevsko razdoblje, odnosno Vespazijanova vladavina za Sisciju ima posebno značenje jer tada grad, istovremeno kad i Sirmij, biva uzdignut na rang kolonije, colonia Flavia Siscia, vjerojatno kao nagrada za podršku Vespazijanu u građanskom ratu. Po svemu sudeći grad je postao kolonijom 71. g., a u njemu su tada naseljavani veterani ravenske flote.26 The Flavian period, that is Vespasian’s reign, is particularly important for Siscia, because at that time the city, simultaneously with Sirmium, was raised to the status of a colony – colonia Flavia Siscia, probably as a reward for backing Vespasian in the civil war. The city almost certainly became a colony in A.D. 71. About that time, the veterans of the Ravenna fleet were settling in the city.26 Značajnije premještanje trupa na dunavsku granicu počinje tek u Vespazijanovo vrijeme, a taj se proces odvijao tijekom sljedećih nekoliko desetljeća, dobivši više -manje konačne obrise za Trajana i Hadrijana.27 Upravo je u Trajanovo vrijeme, između 103. i 107. g., izvršena podjela Panonije na dvije provincije, Pannonia Superior sa sjedištem u Karnuntumu i Pannonia Inferior sa sjedištem u Akvinkumu. Ta je podjela nesumnjivo po- It was only in the time of Vespasian that a substantial transfer of troops to the Danubian frontier started. This process unfolded over a couple of following decades, acquiring more or less final outlines during Trajan and Hadrian.27 It was precisely during Trajan, between 103 23 CIL III 10854; Lőrincz 2001, 297, Kat. 479; dated to the mid-1st cent. 23 CIL III 10854; Lőrincz 2001, 297, Kat. 479; datirana je u sredinu 1. st. 24 CIL III 4006; Lőrincz 2001, 297, Kat. 480.; dated to the Flavian period. 24 CIL III 4006; Lőrincz 2001, 297, Kat. 480.; datirana je u flavijevsko razdoblje. 25 25 Spaul 2000, 47-48 26 Mócsy 1962, 597; Mócsy 1974, 112-113; Šašel 1974, 734-736; Hoti 1992, 143 27 · 136 · Spaul 2000, 47-48 26 Mócsy 1962, 597; Mócsy 1974, 112-113; Šašel 1974, 734-736; Hoti 1992, 143 27 Mócsy 1974, 80; Barkóczi 1980, 93-95 · 193 · Mócsy 1974, 80; Barkóczi 1980, 93-95 sljedica preustroja rimskih obrambenih potencijala na dunavskoj granici, s Gornjom Panonijom suprostavljenom Kvadima a Donjom Panonijom Sarmatima.28 and 107, that Pannonia was divided into two provinces, Pannonia Superior, with a seat in Carnuntum and Pannonia Inferior, with a seat in Aquincum. This division was undoubtedly a consequence of the reorganization of Rome’s defensive forces on the Danubian frontier, with Upper Pannonia facing the Quadi and Lower Pannonia pitted against the Sarmatians.28 U tom je razdoblju Siscija u vojnom pogledu nesumnjivo izgubila na važnosti, pa se čini da otprilike od kraja 1. st. u gradu kroz dulje vrijeme nema veće stalne vojne posade. U nedostatku dokaza o postojanju garnizona nakon flavijevskog razdoblja, čini se da je prisutnost vojske bila ograničena na beneficijare te na odred riječne ratne mornarice, koji je, po svemu sudeći, u gradu bio stacioniran kroz dulje razdoblje, iako je Siscia kao mornarička baza sasvim sigurno puno izgubila na važnosti od trenutka kad je težište operacija prebačeno na Dunav.29 In military terms, this was undoubtedly a time of decline for Siscia, and it seems that from approximately the end of the 1st cent. no permanent garrison of any substance was stationed in the city for quite a long time. In the lack of evidence on the existence of a garrison in the postFlavian period, it seems that the military presence was limited to the beneficiarii and a squadron of a riverine navy, which was in all likelihood stationed in the city over a longer period of time, even though Siscia’s importance as a navy base was considerably diminished from the moment the centre of gravity of the operations shifted to the Danube.29 Ipak, nije isključeno da su povremeno u gradu boravile i pojedine legijske veksilacije. Tako se, primjerice, pretpostavlja da je u Sisciji neko vrijeme boravila veksilacija legije XIV Gemina tijekom Domicijanovih ratova na Dunavu.30 Nevertheless, it is not excluded that occasional legionary vexillations were also sometimes accommodated in the city. For instance, it is supposed that during Domitian’s wars on the Danube a vexillation of the XIV legion Gemina spent some time in Siscia.30 Tijekom Trajanovih pohoda protiv Dačana Siscija je sasvim vjerojatno mogla igrati određenu ulogu kao pozadinska logistička baza, a postoji čak i pretpostavka da je gradska luka prikazana na Trajanovom stupu. 31 In the course of Trajan’s campaigns against the Dacians Siscia most certainly may have played a certain role as a logistics base in the rear, and what is more, some even think that the city harbour of Siscia is depicted on Trajan’s column.31 Tijekom većeg dijela 2. st. život u Sisciji protječe mirno, a grad se nastavlja razvijati kao važno gospodarsko središte.32 To je razdoblje blagostanja obilježeno izgradnjom reprezentativnih građevina,33 a epigrafički nam izvori potvrđuju da Siscija, osim što posjeduje velik ekonomski značaj, predstavlja i važan administrativni centar. U gradu se tako nalazi uprava za rudnike (praepositus splendidissimi vectiga- During most of the 2nd cent. life in Siscia was peaceful, and the city continued to develop as an important economic centre.32 This period of prosperity was marked by the construction of representative buildings,33 and the epigraphic sources bear witness that, in addition to its considerable economic importance, the city was also an 28 Mócsy 1962, 586-587; Mócsy 1974, 92-94; Barkóczi 1980, 93-94 28 Mócsy 1962, 586-587; Mócsy 1974, 92-94; Barkóczi 1980, 93-94 29 Notitia Dignitatum, OC. XXXII 56; Klemenc 1961, 9; Mócsy 1962, 625; Šašel 1974, 734; Reddé 1986, 298-299; Hoti 1992, 143; Zaninović 1993, 56; Domić Kunić 1995, 87-91 29 Notitia Dignitatum, OC. XXXII 56; Klemenc 1961, 9; Mócsy 1962, 625; Šašel 1974, 734; Reddé 1986, 298-299; Hoti 1992, 143; Zaninović 1993, 56; Domić Kunić 1995, 87-91 30 Dušanić 1983, 20-21; Hoti 1992, 143 30 Dušanić 1983, 20-21; Hoti 1992, 143 31 Rostovtzeff 1957, 236; Hoti 1992, 143-144 31 Rostovtzeff 1957, 236; Hoti 1992, 143-144 32 Zaninović 1981, 202; Hoti 1992, 144 32 33 Póczy 1980, 268; Hoti 1992, 144 33 · 194 · lis ferrarium),34 collegium centonariorum,35 postaja za publicum portorium Illyrici,36 a po svemu sudeći u gradu sjedište imaju i beneficiarii procuratoris.37 important administrative centre. Siscia was thus the seat of the mining authority (praepositus splendidissimi vectigalis ferrarium),34 collegium centonariorum,35 the station for a publicum portorium Illyrici,36 and it is also very likely that beneficiarii procuratoris also had a base there.37 Najveće iskušenje koje je zadesilo Panoniju tijekom 2. st. su bili Markomanski ratovi. Iako se većina borbi odvijala u sjevernom dijelu Gornje Panonije, barbari su 170. g., prešavši Panoniju, izvršili pljačkaški prodor sve do Akvileje. Istovremeno su Sarmati krenuli u napad pa ni Donja Panonija, Gornja Mezija i Dacija nisu bili pošteđeni razaranja. Borbe su s kraćim prekidima i promjenljivom ratnom srećom potrajale sve do smrti Marka Aurelija, 180. g., kada se stanje nakratko stabiliziralo.38 Nema dokaza da je Siscija bila neposredno izložena ratnoj opasnosti, no grad je zbog svoje strateške važnosti, kao značajno prometno čvorište, više nego vjerojatno opet bio važno logističko središte za rimsku vojsku. Kroz Sisciju su, sasvim sigurno, prolazile trupe i opskrba na putu prema frontu, a nije možda isključeno ni da je u gradu tijekom tog kriznog razdoblja boravila i stalna vojna posada. The greatest challenge that Pannonia faced during the 2nd cent. were the Marcomannic wars. Even though the bulk of the battles took place in the northern part of Upper Pannonia, in 170, having crossed Pannonia, the barbarians mounted a raid that took them all the way to Aquileia. The Sarmatians simultaneously launched their attack, so that Lower Pannonia, Upper Moesia and Dacia could not escape destruction either. The battles continued on and off with changing military fortunes until the death of Marcus Aurelius in 180, when the situation became stable for a brief period.38 There is no evidence that Siscia was directly exposed to the danger of war, but due to her strategic importance, as a major traffic junction, the city more than likely once again assumed the role of a key logistics centre for the Roman army. Troops and supplies most certainly passed through Siscia on the way to the front, and it is perhaps not excluded that a military garrison was present there on a permanent basis during that crisis period. Tijekom Komodove vladavine nastavljaju se povremene borbe sa Sarmatima (185. i 186. g.) te Markomanima i Kvadima (188. i 189. g.),39 no nakon njegovog ubojstva 193. g., Rimsko je Carstvo, nakon dugo vremena, opet ugroženo iznutra. Komodov nasljednik Pertinaks biva ubijen nakon manje od tri mjeseca vlasti, a kandidati za carsku titulu su ubrzano počeli prikupljati snage za međusobni obračun. Didije Julijan, koji je potkupio pretorijansku gardu kako bi stekao carsku titulu, bio je uvjerljivo najslabiji među njima. Drugi pretendenti su bili daleko ozbiljniji suparnici, jer su na raspolaganju imali jače vojne snage, a ujedno su i sami bili iskusni vojnici. Pescenije Niger je na svojoj strani imao istočne provincije, dok su Septimija Severa podržavale podunavske provincije kao i dobar dio senatora u Rimu. Klodije Albin, koji se nešto kasnije uključio u borbu za vlast, je pak raspolagao sna- Intermittent battles with the Sarmatians continued during Commodus’ reign (in 185 and 186), as did those with the Marcomanni and the Quadi (in 188 and 189).39 However, after his assassination in 193, after a long time the Roman Empire was once again threatened from within. Commodus’ successor Pertinax was murdered after less than three months on the throne, and the candidates for the title of emperor started gathering forces for a showdown at increased speed. Didius Julianus, who bribed the Praetorian Guard to back him in his bid for the crown, was by far the weakest among them. The other pretenders were far more serious contenders because not only did they command stronger military forces, but they were also experienced soldiers themselves. Pescennius Niger 34 CIL III 3953; Bojanovski 1984, 156 34 CIL III 3953; Bojanovski 1984, 156 35 CIL 10836; Mócsy 1962, 603 35 CIL 10836; Mócsy 1962, 603 36 Šašel 1974, 736; Fitz 1980, 130; Bojanovski 1984, 156 36 Šašel 1974, 736; Fitz 1980, 130; Bojanovski 1984, 156 37 Šašel 1974, 736; Fitz 1980, 129; Hoti 1992, 144; NelisClément 2000, 184-185, 194-195 37 Šašel 1974, 736; Fitz 1980, 129; Hoti 1992, 144; NelisClément 2000, 184-185, 194-195 Zaninović 1981, 202; Hoti 1992, 144 38 Mócsy 1962, 555-562; Mócsy 1974, 183-194; Barkóczi 1980, 96-99 38 Mócsy 1962, 555-562; Mócsy 1974, 183-194; Barkóczi 1980, 96-99 Póczy 1980, 268; Hoti 1992, 144 39 39 Fitz 1962, 83-89 · 195 · Fitz 1962, 83-89 gama iz zapadnog dijela carstva. Među njima se najodlučniji pokazao Septimije Sever: prvo je krenuo protiv Didija Julijana, kojeg je likvidirao nakon munjevitog prodora u Italiju na čelu svojih panonskih trupa. Zatim je 196. g. porazio Pescenija Nigera u Maloj Aziji, a potom se obračunao s Klodijem Albinom i tako definitivno učvrstio svoju vlast. had the eastern provinces on his side, while Septimius Severus was backed by the Danubian provinces as well as by a good part of the senators in Rome. Clodius Albinus, who joined the struggle for power at a later date, counted on the forces from the western part of the Empire. Septimius Severus cast himself as the most decisive among them: he first set off against Didius Julianus, whom he eliminated after a lightning raid into Italy on the head of his Pannonian troops. He then defeated Pescennius Niger in Asia Minor in 196, and then dealt with Clodius Albinus, thereby definitely cementing his authority. Uspon Septimija Severa je označio gospodarski oporavak opustošene Panonije. Novi car nije zaboravio nagraditi vjernost i podršku koju su mu pružili panonski gradovi te neke uzdiže na rang kolonije dok Sisciju, koja je bila kolonija još od Vespazijana, počašćuje novim imenom Colonia Septimia Siscia Augusta.40 U gradu je opet vidljiv zamah izgradnje te za Sisciju počinje novo razdoblje blagostanja.41 The rise of Septimius Severus marked the economic revitalization of war-ravaged Pannonia. The new emperor did not forget to reward the fidelity and support given to him by the Pannonian towns, and he raised some of them to the colonial rank, while he honoured Siscia – a colony already since Vespasian’s reign – with the new name Colonia Septimia Siscia Augusta.40 A surge of construction is again visible in the city, marking a new period of prosperity for Siscia.41 Nakon relativnog zatišja u doba dinastije Severa, narušavanog povremenim sukobima s barbarima na dunavskom limesu,42 nastupaju krizna vremena u kojima je Panonija opet jako stradala. Veći dio 3. st. je u Panoniji obilježen barbarskim provalama i građanskim ratovima zbog čega je provincija višekratno bila poprištem vojnih operacija velikih razmjera. Posebno su velika razaranja nanijeli Karpi od 242. do 247. g. te velika sarmatska provala 260. godine. Iako Siscija vjerojatno nije bila neposredno ugrožena tim napadima, može se pretpostaviti da je grad opet služio kao logistička baza i privremena postaja jedinica koje su se kretale prema ugroženim područjima. Tek što su barbari odbijeni došlo je do građanskog rata između uzurpatora Ingenua (Ingenuus), guvernera Donje Panonije i cara Galijena. Ingenuo je poražen u bitki kod Murse 261. g., no borbe su se nakratko nastavile jer su gornjopanonske i mezijske trupe za cara proglasile svoga kandidata Regalijana (Regalianus), koji na kraju također biva poražen. Usprkos međurimskim sukobima, čini se da od Galijenovog vremena donekle popušta pritisak na Panoniju, jer do Dioklecijanovog vremena nema puno spomena o jačim barbarskim napadima na taj dio carstva, s izuzetkom uspješno suzbijene gotske provale tijekom vladavine Klaudija II.43 Following a relatively quiet period during the Severan dynasty, disturbed by occasional fights with the barbarians on the Danubian limes,42 times of crisis ensued in which Pannonia again suffered severe destruction. Most of the 3rd cent. in Pannonia passed in the climate of barbarian raids and civil wars that turned the province into a stage for large-scale military operations on several occasions. Destruction wreaked by the Carpi between 242 and 247 was particularly severe, as well as that inflicted by the great Sarmatian raid in 260. Even though Siscia was not directly threatened by these attacks, it can be supposed that the city reassumed its role of a logistics base and a temporary station for the units marching towards the areas under threat. The moment the barbarians were repelled a civil war broke out between the usurper Ingenuus, the governor of Lower Pannonia, and emperor Gallienus. Ingenuus was defeated in the battle of Mursa in 261, but the battles continued for a brief period because the Upper Pannonian and Moesian troops proclaimed their candidate Regalianus as the emperor, but eventually he too was defeated. In spite of the intra-Roman conflicts, it seems that from Gallienus’ time on the pressure on Pannonia 40 CIL III 4193; Mócsy 1962, 602; Fitz 1980, 152; Hoti 1992, 145 41 40 CIL III 4193; Mócsy 1962, 602; Fitz 1980, 152; Hoti 1992, 145 Hoti 1992, 145-146 42 Barkóczi 1980, 101-103; Možda je za vladavine Aleksandra Severa do Siscije došla i koja barbarska pljačkaška skupina, cf. Mócsy 1962, 563; Šašel Kos 1986, 400; Hoti 1992, 146-147 41 43 Mócsy 1962, 565-570; Mócsy 1974, 202-211; Barkóczi 1980, 103-106; Hoti 1992, 146-148 · 196 · Hoti 1992, 145-146 42 Barkóczi 1980, 101-103; Perhaps an occasional group of barbarian plunderers may have reached Siscia during the reign of Alexander Severus, cf. Mócsy 1962, 563; Šašel Kos 1986, 400; Hoti 1992, 146-147 · 197 · Siscija u tom vremenu dobiva posebno na značaju, nakon što je Galijen otvorio kovnicu u gradu, vjerojatno 262. godine.44 Tada se sigurno nametnula potreba za stacioniranjem trupa u Sisciji, ukoliko već nisu bile prisutne u gradu. S obzirom na to da Notitia Dignitatum spominje cohors III Alpinorum u sastavu gradskog garnizona,45 nema sumnje da je Siscija u 4. st. imala stalnu vojnu posadu te se može pretpostaviti da je u gradu vojska bila stalno smještena još od vremena osnivanja kovnice, kako bi se osigurala zaštita tog strateški iznimno važnog objekta. U Sisciji nakon Galijena novce kuju i ostali carevi, Klaudije II., njegov brat i kratkotrajni car Kvintil, Aurelijan, Tacit, Florijan, Prob, Kar, koji je čak i neko vrijeme boravio u Sisciji zajedno sa sinom i nasljednikom Numerijanom. Nakon Karove smrti, vlast su 283. g. podijelili njegovi sinovi Numerijan i Karin. Već 284. g. Numerijan biva ubijen, vjerojatno od strane pretorijanskog prefekta Apera, no vojska uzurpatoru pretpostavlja Diokla (Diocles). Na drugoj strani carstva Karin uspijeva poraziti uzurpatora Julijana, no biva pobijeđen i ubijen u konačnom srazu s Dioklom. Novi vladar postaje poznat kao C. Aurelius Valerius Diocletianus, i u povijest ulazi zabilježen kao preporoditelj Rimskog Carstva. subsided, because until the time of Diocletian there is no mention of any stronger barbarian attack on that part of the empire, with the exception of the successfully repelled incursion of the Goths during the reign of Claudius II.43 Siscia gained considerably in importance during that time, after Gallienus established a mint in the city, probably in 262.44 A need certainly arose then for stationing troops in Siscia, unless they had already been present in the city in the first place. Taking into consideration that Notitia Dignitatum mentions cohors III Alpinorum as part of the city garrison,45 there is no doubt that Siscia had a permanent military crew in the 4th cent., and it can be assumed that the army was present there permanently from the time the mint was established, to provide security to this institution of exceptional strategic importance. Other emperors after Gallienus also minted their currency in Siscia – Claudius II, his brother and short-term emperor Quintillus, Aurelian, Tacitus, Florian, Probus, and Carus, who even spent some time in Siscia together with his son and successor Numerian. After Carus’ death in 283 the authority was divided between his sons Numerian and Carinus. Already in 284 Numerian was killed, probably by the praetorian prefect Aper, but the army preferred Diocles to the usurper. On the other side of the empire Carinus succeeded in defeating the usurper Iulianus, but he himself was overpowered and killed in the final clash with Diocles. The new ruler became known as C. Aurelius Valerius Diocletianus and entered history as the restorer of the Roman Empire. Dioklecijanove reforme su na neko vrijeme osigurale mir i stabilnost panonskih prostora. Došlo je do nove administrativne podjele Panonije, koja se tad dijeli na četiri provincije. Područje Gornje Panonije sjeverno od rijeke Drave postaje provincija Pannonia Prima, a južno Pannonia Savia. Južni dio Donje Panonije je nazvan Pannonia Secunda, a sjeverni Valeria. Limes je obnovljen i ojačan, a barbarske su provale učinkovito suzbijane.46 Diocletian’s reforms secured peace and stability to the Pannonian areas for some time. A new administrative division of Pannonia ensued, which left it divided into four provinces. The area of Upper Pannonia north of the Drava river became the province Pannonia Prima, while south was Pannonia Savia. The southern part of Lower Pannonia was named Pannonia Secunda, and the northern Valeria. The limes was renovated and reinforced, and the barbarian raids were efficiently repelled.46 Ipak, Panonija nije ostala pošteđena ratnih zbivanja ni u 4. st.: prva ratna razaranja nisu donijeli barbari već sami Rimljani, opet međusobno suprostavljeni u novom građanskom ratu. 43 Mócsy 1962, 565-570; Mócsy 1974, 202-211; Barkóczi 1980, 103-106; Hoti 1992, 146-148 44 Mócsy 1962, 566, 693; Šašel 1974, 719-721; Barkóczi 1980, 105; Póczy 1980, 268; Christol 1997, 143; Lolić 2003, 134 45 Notitia Dignitatum, OC. XXXII 57; Šašel 1974, 734; Zaninović 1993, 54 44 Mócsy 1962, 566, 693; Šašel 1974, 719-721; Barkóczi 1980, 105; Póczy 1980, 268; Christol 1997, 143; Lolić 2003, 134 46 Mócsy 1962, 570-571, 588; Mócsy 1974, 273-274; Barkóczi 1980, 109-110 45 Notitia Dignitatum, OC. XXXII 57; Šašel 1974, 734; Zaninović 1993, 54 46 · 198 · Konstantin, s trupama iz Galije, sukobio se s Licinijem, na čelu trupa iz Panonije i Mezije. Presudna bitka odigrala se kod Cibala 314. ili možda 316. godine. Iste je godine Konstanin preuzeo kontrolu nad Siscijom, a poraženi Licinije je morao pobjeći dalje na istok. Povezao se s Gotima i nastavio rat s Konstantinom, ali je konačno bio poražen 325. godine. Konstantin je, osiguravši apsolutnu vlast, opet ojačao obrambene kapacitete carstva, omogućivši time Panoniji nekoliko desetljeća relativnog mira.47 Still, even in the 4th cent. Pannonia was not spared from wars: the first destructions of war were not brought about by the barbarians but by the Romans themselves, once again pitted against each other in a new civil war. Constantine, with the troops from Gaul, confronted Licinius, who commanded the troops from Pannonia and Moesia. The decisive battle took place near Cibalae in 314 or perhaps in 316. That same year Constantine assumed control over Siscia, and the defeated Licinius was forced to flee further to the east. He forged an alliance with the Goths and continued to wage war on Constantine until his final defeat in 325. Having secured absolute authority, Constantine once again strengthened the defensive capacity of the Empire, bestowing a couple of relatively peaceful decades on Pannonia.47 Prilike se opet pogoršavaju sredinom stoljeća kada Panoniju zahvaća građanski rat između Konstancija II. i Magnencija.48 Taj je rat opustošio Sisciju: 351. g. Magnencije je iznenada napao i osvojio grad u kojem je napljačkao velik ratni plijen.49 Nešto kasnije, 28.09. 351. g. Konstancije uspjeva poraziti Magnencija kod Murse u vjerojatno najvećoj bitki kasnoantičkog vremena. Navodno je u bitki sveukupno poginulo 54000 vojnika, što je bitno utjecalo na obrambene potencijale carstva. Nakon toga rata započinje nezaustavljivo postupno propadanje panonskih gradova, pa tako i Siscije, koja se, po svemu sudeći, nikad nije uspjela oporaviti od pustošenja Magnencijevih trupa. The conditions deteriorated again toward the middle of the century when Pannonia was engulfed in a civil war between Constantius II and Magnentius.48 That war laid waste to Siscia: in 351 Magnentius suddenly stormed and conquered the city, from which he looted a vast war booty.49 Somewhat later, on 28th September 351, Constantius succeeded in defeating Magnentius near Mursa in what was probably the biggest battle of late antiquity. The total number of deaths was allegedly 54000 soldiers, which had a significant impact on the defensive potential of the Empire. In the wake of that war ensued the unstoppable gradual decline of the Pannonian towns, including Siscia, which in all likelihood never recovered from the mayhem inflicted by Magnentius’ troops. Ubrzo nakon toga, od 356. do 358. g., došlo je do velikih barbarskih provala, kada su Sarmati u savezu s Kvadima opustošili dobar dio Panonije i Mezije.50 Nove provale slijede 365. i 374. godine.51 Koju godinu kasnije na granicama Panonije pojavljuje se još veća opasnost: Ostrogoti, Alani i Huni. Rimljani ih nisu uspjeli odbaciti pa su im dopustili naseljavanje unutar Panonije Sekunde. Nezadovoljni uvjetima došljaci su počeli pljačkati, pri čemu je stradala Mursa.52 Usto je uslijedio građanski rat između Maksima i Teodozija, u kojem jedna i druga strana unajmljuje Soon after this, between 356 and 358, big barbarian incursions took place, when the Sarmatians allied with the Quadi laid waste to a good part of Pannonia and Moesia.50 New raids followed in 365 and 374.51 A few years later an even bigger danger appeared on the Pannonian frontier: the Ostrogoths, Alans and the Huns. Failing to push them back, the Romans allowed them to settle within Pannonia Secunda. Discontent with the conditions, the 47 Mócsy 1962, 571-572; Mócsy 1974, 277; Barkóczi 1980, 110-112; Radman-Livaja 2007b, 114-115 48 Mócsy 1962, 575; Mócsy 1974, 286; Hoti 1992, 150151; Hunt 1998, 20-21; Radman-Livaja 2007b, 115 49 Zosimus II, 49; Šašel 1974, 711, 737 50 Barkóczi 1980, 112-113 51 Mócsy 1962, 576; Barkóczi 1980, 115-116 Barkóczi 1980, 109-110 47 Mócsy 1962, 571-572; Mócsy 1974, 277; Barkóczi 1980, 110-112; Radman-Livaja 2007b, 114-115 48 Mócsy 1962, 575; Mócsy 1974, 286; Hoti 1992, 150151; Hunt 1998, 20-21; Radman-Livaja 2007b, 115 52 Mócsy 1962, 577-578; Mócsy 1974, 339-341; Barkóczi 1980, 117 Mócsy 1962, 570-571, 588; Mócsy 1974, 273-274; · 199 · 49 Zosimus II, 49; Šašel 1974, 711, 737 50 Barkóczi 1980, 112-113 51 Mócsy 1962, 576; Barkóczi 1980, 115-116 u velikom broju barbare. Vojske harače Savijom i Sekundom, a Siscija je 388. g. poprište velike bitke u kojoj Teodozije uspjeva poraziti Maksimove trupe.53 newcomers started plundering, wherein Mursa incurred damage.52 In addition to this a civil war erupted between Maximus and Theodosius, in which both sides hired the barbarians as mercenaries in large numbers. The armies rampaged through Savia and Secunda, and in 388 Siscia was the scene of a big battle in which Theodosius defeated Maximus’ troops.53 Nakon tog vremena sve je manje spomena o Sisciji u izvorima. Kovnica na prekide kuje novce još za Honorija i Teodozija II., a nakon 423. g. izgleda prestaje njezin rad.54 Početkom 5. st. Panonija je opustošena, domicilno stanovništvo masovno bježi u druge krajeve, a rimska je vlast nad tim prostorom uglavnom nominalna.55 Po svemu sudeći, u Sisciji je još postojao nekakav oblik gradskog života za Teodorika, a prisustvo biskupa Siscije Ivana i Konstancija na crkvenim koncilima u Saloni 530. i 533. g. također potvrđuje postojanje kakve-takve urbane sredine.56 Ipak, Siscija se u tom vremenu sigurno više ne može smatrati pravim rimskim gradom, već samo jezgrom naselja koje će u srednjem vijeku dobiti novo slavensko ime Sisak. After that period Siscia is mentioned in the sources with decreasing frequency. The mint issued coinage intermittently during Honorius and Theodosius II, and after 423 its activity appears to have ceased.54 At the beginning of the 5th cent. Pannonia lay in ruins, the local population was fleeing in masses to other lands, and Rome’s authority over that territory was mostly only nominal.55 Urban life in Siscia appears to still have existed during Theodoric, and the fact that the bishops of Siscia John and Constantius attended the church councils in Salona in 530 and 533 are further proof of the existence of at least a sort of an urban milieu.56 In spite of all that, Siscia can no longer be considered a true Roman city at that time, but merely a core of a settlement that would receive in the Middle Ages a new Slavonic name – Sisak. Tijekom svog više nego četiristoljetnog postojanja Siscia zasigurno nije cijelo vrijeme bila garnizonski grad. To se može sa sigurnošću tvrditi samo za razdoblje julijevsko-klaudijevske dinastije kao i za kasnoantičko razdoblje, odnosno vrlo vjerojatno od Galijenove vladavine pa možda gotovo do samog kraja rimske nazočnosti na ovom prostoru. Ipak, više je nego vjerojatno da vojna nazočnost u gradu nikad nije sasvim prestala, barem ne na neko duže razdoblje. Iako je grad IX legija napustila još za Klaudija, dosta je vjerojatno da se neka auksilijarna postrojba (možda cohors XXXII voluntariorum civium Romanorum) zadržala barem do ranog flavijevskog razdoblja. Mornarička baza sa stalnom posadom, iako nesumnjivo nevelika, je možda neprekinuto bila u funkciji sve do kraja 4. stoljeća. Dok se o dugotrajnoj nazočnosti mornara u Sisciji može raspravljati, grad gotovo sigurno nikad nije ostao bez beneficijara, pa možemo pretpostaviti da stanovnicima Siscije ni tijekom 2. ni kroz veći dio 3. st. vojnici nisu bili nimalo neuobičajena pojava, čak i ako ne računamo na povremeni prolazak trupa kroz grad, primjerice tijekom priprema za Trajanov dački pohod ili pak tijekom markomanskih ratova. Paradoksalno je da je Siscia arheološki lokalitet na kojem je do sada otkriven vjerojatno najveći broj komada rimske vojne opreme na prostoru Hrvatske,57 i to datiranih od kasnorepublikanskog vremena sve do kasne antike– iako bi se to uskoro moglo i promijeniti s obzirom na rezultate istraživanja u Burnumu i Tiluriju – mada nikad nije otkriven ni najmanji pouzdani trag nekog rimskog vojnog logora. Pronalazak tolike količine nalaza prvenstveno je posljedica sustavnog jaružanja rijeke Kupe prije Prvog svjetskog rata, no u nedostatku sustavnih arheoloških istraživanja teško je s većom sigurnošću išta reći o točnom smještaju rimskih trupa u Sisciji. Stoga nam ostaje nada da će buduća istraživanja u Sisku i bližoj okolici rasvijetliti brojne nedoumice vezane uz rimsku vojnu povijest tog iznimnog arheološkog lokaliteta. 57 never without beneficiarii, which allows us to assume that during the 2nd as well as during the better part of the 3rd century the inhabitants of Siscia certainly did not regard soldiers as anything out of the ordinary, even if we discount the occasional passage of troops through the city, as for instance during the preparations for Trajan’s Dacian campaign, or during the Marcomannic wars. It is quite a paradox that although Siscia is the archaeological site that so far yielded the greatest number of pieces of Roman military equipment in Croatia57 – although taking into consideration the results of the excavations in Burnum and Tilurium this might soon change – and spanning the time from the late Republic until late antiquity, not a single reliable trace of any Roman military camp has ever been found there. The discovery of such a large quantity of finds is above all a consequence of the systematic dredging of the Kupa river before World War I, but in the lack of systematic archaeological excavations it is difficult to say anything more to the point about the precise location of the Roman troops in Siscia. We are therefore left with the hope that future research in Sisak and its vicinity will shed light on the many doubts pertaining to the Roman military history of that exceptional archaeological site. cf. Radman-Livaja 2004a Siscia was certainly not a garrison city through its entire, four-century-long existence. That can be positively asserted only for the period of the Julio-Claudian dynasty and for late antiquity, that is, most likely from the reign of Gallienus until perhaps the very end of the Roman presence in this area. Nevertheless, it is more than likely that the military presence in the city never entirely ceased, at least not for any extended period of time. Although the IX legion left the city already during Claudius, it is quite likely that an auxiliary unit (perhaps cohors XXXII voluntariorum civium Romanorum) remained there at least until the early Flavian period. The navy base with a permanent crew, albeit undoubtedly not very large, perhaps remained functional uninterruptedly until the end of the 4th century. While the issue of the lengthy presence of sailors in Siscia is open to discussion, the city was certainly 57 52 Mócsy 1962, 577-578; Mócsy 1974, 339-341; Barkóczi 1980, 117 53 Mócsy 1962, 578; Mócsy 1974, 342-343; Šašel 1974, 737-738; Barkóczi 1980, 117-118; Hoti 1992, 152-153 53 Mócsy 1962, 578; Mócsy 1974, 342-343; Šašel 1974, 737-738; Barkóczi 1980, 117-118; Hoti 1992, 152-153 54 54 Hoti 1992, 153 Hoti 1992, 153 55 Mócsy 1962, 580-582; Mócsy 1974, 346-351; Barkóczi 1980, 118-120 55 Mócsy 1962, 580-582; Mócsy 1974, 346-351; Barkóczi 1980, 118-120 56 56 Zeiller 1918, 139-140 · 200 · Zeiller 1918, 139-140 · 201 · cf. Radman-Livaja 2004a Katalog Nalaza The Catalogue of Finds Siscia kao rimsko vojno uporište Siscia as a Roman Military Stronghold 1. Rimska pješačka kaciga Sisak – Kupa, GMS 510:SIK 289 AZA bakrena slitina visina 21,5 cm, dužina 25,5 cm, opseg kalote 49 cm druga pol. 1.st. pr. Kr. Kaciga tipa „Buggenum“ pronađena je u koritu rijeke Kupe. U dobrom je stanju iako nije cjelovito očuvana. Kaciga je ušiljene kuglaste kalote povrh koje je istaknut profilirani čunjasti trn. Vratobran se razvija iz ojačanog ruba kalote, a proteže se do proboja za obrazine, koje nedostaju. Kalota i trn su zajedno lijevani, što je uobičajeno kod ovog tipa kaciga. Tip kaciga „Buggenum“, kronološki gledano, pri kraju je razvojnog niza modela brončanih kaciga koje su se proizvodile u italskim radionicama u posljednjim stoljećima prije Krista. Iako je na kacigama ovog tipa čest natpis s imenom vojnika kojem je pripadala, na ovoj ga nema. Ipak, datacija u drugu polovinu 1. st. pr. Kr, točnije u period između 49. i 48. g. pr. Kr., moguća je zahvaljujući nalazu još jedne kacige ovog tipa u koritu Kupe, a koja nosi natpis s imenom vojskovođe P. Kornelija Scipiona Nazike (49. – 48. g. pr. Kr.). Time se i ova kaciga može vezati uz vrijeme Oktavijanova pohoda na Segestiku. Objava: Burkowsky 2001a, 44-45. Lit.: Schaaff 1988, 325-326; Waurick 1990, 18-31; Radman-Livaja 2001b, 38 1. Roman infantry helmet Sisak – Kupa, GMS 510:SIK 289 AZA Copper alloy Height 21,5 com, length 25,5 cm, calotte circumference 49 cm Second half of the 1st c. BC This helmet of the Buggenum type was found in the bed of the Kupa River. It is wellpreserved, although not wholesome. The helmet has a pointed spherical calotte above which is a pronounced moulded cone knob. The neck guard develops out of reinforced calotte edge, and it stretches to the perforations for (missing) cheek pieces. The calotte and knob were cast together, which is usual for this type of helmets. The Buggenum-type helmets are chronologically at the end of the line of development of models of bronze helmets made in Italic workshops during the last few centuries BC. Although a signature of the owner is often found on this type of helmets, this specimen has none. Nevertheless, it is possible to adduce the second half of the 1st c. BC, more precisely between the year 49 and 48, as the date for this helmet, because another helmet of the same type was found in the bed of the Kupa, bearing an inscription of the military leader P. Cornelius Scipio Nasica (49-48 BC). This allows us to associate this helmet with Octavian’s attack on Segestica. Published in Burkowsky 2001a, 44-45 Bibliography: Schaaff 1988, 325-326; Waurick 1990, 18-31; Radman-Livaja 2001b, 38 I. B. I. B. 2. Roman short sword (gladius) Sisak, Kupa – Pogorelac, 1992., GMS 510:SIK 3145 AZA Iron, wood, copper alloy Length: 72,5 cm, maximum width: 5,8 cm End of the 1st c. BC – fist half of the 1st c. AD A gladius dredged out of the Kupa at Pogorelec is a rare example of a Roman short sword with preserved scabbard. Although already in the moment of discovery in a rather bad shape, a section of the scabbard was partially preserved through conservation. The sword is of the Mainz type, made of iron, with a long tang for the attachment of the handle. Although the blade is inside a wooden scabbard, thus incompletely visible, we can attribute it to this type, first of all because of its dimensions, as well as the blade tip followed by the form of the scabbard. The wooden scabbard has also preserved parts of a bronze sheet coating. Their lower part has a partially preserved fitting, ending in the bottom in a hemispherical ornament with ribbed neck. These metallic elements also help to attribute the sword to the Mainz type. Published in Burkowsky 2001b, 31, kat. 42. Bibliography: Bishop&Coulston 1993, 6971; Hoffiller 1912, 103-105; Radman-Livaja 2004a, 32-40 I. B. · 204 205 · 2. Rimski kratki mač (gladius) Sisak, Kupa – Pogorelac, 1992., GMS 510:SIK 3145 AZA željezo, drvo, bakrena slitina dužina: 72,5 cm, najveća širina: 5,8 cm kraj 1. st. pr.Kr. – prva polovina 1. st. Gladij izjaružan 1992. g. u Kupi kod Pogorelca, rijedak je primjer rimskog kratkog mača kojem su očuvane i drvene korice. Iako je već prilikom pronalaska bio u dosta lošem stanju, dio se korica ipak konzervacijom barem djelomično očuvao. Mač je željezni, tipa „Mainz“, s dugačkim trnom za nasad drške. Iako je sječivo u drvenim koricama, te time nepotpuno vidljivo, možemo ga pripisati ovom tipu, prije svega dimenzijama, kao i oblikom vrha sječiva kojeg prati oblik korica. Drvene korice sadrže dijelove brončane limene oplate. Donji im dio ima djelomično očuvan okov, koji na dnu završava polukuglastim ukrasom narebrenog vrata. Ti ga metalni elementi također svrstavaju u mačeve ovog tipa. Objava: Burkowsky 2001b, 31, kat. 42. Lit.: Bishop&Coulston 1993, 69-71; Hoffiller 1912, 103-105; Radman-Livaja 2004a, 32-40 I. B. 3. Rimska pješačka kaciga Martinska ves pored Siska, 1934, AMZ, inv. 8143 bakrena slitina visina (bez ukrasnog nastavka) 19,5 cm, dužina otvora 21,8 cm, širina otvora 18,5 cm prva pol. 1. st. Ova kaciga tipa Hagenau pronađena je 1934. godine prilikom jaružanja korita Save kod Martinske vesi blizu Siska. Napravljena je od kvalitetnog brončanog lima, a na vrhu kalote ima čunjoliki ukrasni nastavak, rascijepljen po sredini kako bi se u njega mogla umetnuti ukrasna perjanica. Na stražnjoj su joj strani, oprilike po sredini i neposredno pred vratobran pritaljene po dvije letvice za učvršćivanje perjanice. Nisu joj sačuvane obrazine ali ima sačuvan čeoni obruč. Na vratobranu je još vidljiva rupa za čavao na koji je bila prikačena karika za vješanje kacige. Na vratobranu je sačuvan natpis (CENTURIA) LUCCI(I), VARRONIS , a vide se i tragovi starijeg natpisa VAR, koji se možda odnosi na istog Varona. Ispod natpisa je puncirano pet točaka u obliku petice s igraće kocke. Hoffiller je bio mišljenja da je možda riječ o oznaci radionice, no u nedostatku analogija teško je potvrditi to mišljenje. Okvirno se može datirati u prvu polovinu 1. st., mada se vjerojatno može datirati u prva desetljeća tog stoljeća s obzirom na vratobran ne naročito izraženih dimenzija. Objava: Hoffiller 1937, 30-31. Lit.: Waurick 1988, 327-333, 354-359; Feugère 1993, 117-119; Feugère 1994, 81-8; Radman-Livaja 2004a, 68, kat. 126 4. Roman infantry helmet Sisak, the Kupa, AMZ, inv. no. 17951 Iron, silver Height 12,5 cm, length of the opening 23 cm, width of the opening 15 cm First half of the 1st c. AD Traces of rich decoration are clearly visible on this Weisenau-type helmet, despite the damages. On the lower edge of the frontal half of the calotte a silver band is still well-preserved, while two silver rosettes ornamented with enamel are on each side. During the conservation of the helmet traces of thin silver sheet layers were observed on several places, gilded in some places, and it would seem that the entire helmet was covered in silver sheets. Three different layers of decorative sheets were recognized during conservation process. The first was of silver, decorated in punctuated floral pattern. The second layer was made out of gilded sheets and it is recognizable on few places only, subsequently overlaid with the third silver-sheet layer, also punctuated. It is most likely that the owner(s) of the helmet had it re-decorated on at least three occasions. The silver band on frontal edge partially covers the decorative rosettes, which suggests that this is not an original ornament, but a subsequent addition or repair. On the right side of the helmet a loop is preserved, while a perforation is visible on the left, surely once intended to carry the same loop. They were both intended to hold a decorative crest. Precisely this detail, together with the rich decoration, suggests that this helmet from Sisak might have belonged to a soldier of some prominence. The lateral loops clearly suggest that the crest was to be worn transversally, and such a helmet crest, crista transversa, was a mark of the centurional rank. According to its typological characteristics, it probably belonged to the first half of the 1st c. AD. Published in Hoffiller 1911: 177, sl. 19 Bibliography: Robinson 1976: 52-53, 56, Plate 121; Waurick 1988, 333-338, 354359; Feugère 1994, 86-97; Radman-Livaja 2004a: 71-75, kat. 127 3. Roman infantry helmet Martinska ves near Sisak, 1934, AMZ, inv. no. 8143 Copper alloy Height (excluding the ornamental knob) 19,5 cm, length of the mouth 21,8 cm, width of the opening 18,5 cm First half of the 1st c. AD This Hagenau-type helmet was found in 1934 during the dredging of the Sava river bed at Martinska ves near Sisak. It was made out of high quality bronze sheets, with a cone decorative extension on the top of the calotte, cleaved in the middle so as to enable the insertion of a decorative crest. Four bars were melted onto the back side, approximately at its centre, immediately before the neck guard, for the attachment of the crest. Cheek pieces were not preserved, as opposed to the browguard. On the neck guard a nail perforation is still visible; a loop for the hanging up of the helmet was appended on the nail. An inscription (CENTURIA) LUCCI(I), VARRONIS is preserved on the neck guard, but traces of an earlier inscription VAR are also visible, perhaps referring to the same Varro. Below the inscription five dots were punctuated in the dice pattern of five. Hoffiller believed that this is possibly a workshop sign, but his opinion is hard to evaluate because of the lack of any analogies. The helmet can be approximately dated to the first half of the 1st c., perhaps to the first few decades of that century because of a rather small neck guard. Published in Hoffiller 1937, 30-31 Bibliography: Waurick 1988, 327-333, 354359; Feugère 1993, 117-119; Feugère 1994, 81-8; Radman-Livaja 2004a, 68, kat. 126 I. R-L. I. R.-L. I. R.-L. 4. Rimska pješačka kaciga Sisak, Kupa, AMZ, inv. 17951 željezo, srebro visina 12,5 cm, dužina otvora 23 cm, širina otvora 15 cm prva pol. 1. st. Na ovoj kacigi tipa Weisenau su usprkos oštećenjima jasno vidljivi tragovi raskošnog ukrašavanja. Na donjem rubu prednje polovice kalote je još dobro sačuvana srebrna traka, a sa svake strane nalaze se i po dvije srebrne rozete ukrašene emajlom. Tijekom restauracije kacige utvrđeno je na više mjesta na kaloti postojanje tragova tankog sloja srebrnog lima, mjestimice i pozlaćenog te se čini se da je cijela kaciga bila prekrivena srebrnim limom. Konzervatorskim su zahvatom uočena tri različita sloja ukrasnog lima. Prvi je bio srebren i ukrašen punciranim vegetabilnim ukrasom. Drugi sloj je bio od pozlaćenog lima i vidljiv je na svega par mjesta, naknadno prekrivenih trećim slojem srebrenog lima, također ukrašenog punciranjem. Po svemu sudeći, ova je kaciga bila obnavljana i ukrašavana od strane svog ili svojih vlasnika u barem tri navrata. Činjenica da srebrna traka na čeonom rubu djelomično prekriva ukrasne rozete također navodi na vjerovanje da nije riječ o izvornom ukrasu već o naknadnom dodatku ili reparaturi. S desne strane kacige je sačuvana jedna karičica, dok je s lijeve još vidljiva rupica u kojoj se nesumnjivo nalazila ista takva karičica. Po svemu sudeći te su karičice bile namijenjene za držanje ukrasne perjanice. Upravo taj detalj, uz bogatu dekoraciju, ukazuje da je ova sisačka kaciga mogla pripadati čovjeku koji nije bio običan vojnik. Takve bočno postavljene karičice jasno upućuju da je ova kaciga bila namijenjena za postranično nošenje perjanice, a takva perjanica na kacigi, crista transversa, je bila oznaka čina za centurione. Po svojim tipološkim karakteristikama se ova kaciga može datirati u prvu polovinu 1. st. pos. Kr. Objava: Hoffiller 1911: 177, sl. 19. Lit.: Robinson 1976: 52-53, 56, Plate 121; Waurick 1988, 333-338, 354-359; Feugère 1994, 86-97; Radman-Livaja 2004a: 71-75, kat. 127 I. R.-L. · 206 207 · 5. Rimska pješačka kaciga Sisak, jaružanja Kupe kod Siska 1901. godine, AMZ, inv. 8144 željezo visina 12 cm, dužina otvora 21,2 cm, širina otvora 17 cm prva pol. 1. st. Ova je kaciga pronađena gotovo cjelovita (nedostaje joj samo čeoni obruč). Sačuvane su joj obje obrazine, iznutra podstavljene tankim brončanim limom a na tjemenu joj se nalazi rebrasta brončana pločica namijenjena učvršćivanju perjanice. Tipološki pripada ranijim modelima tipa Weisenau i može se datirati u prvu polovinu 1. st. po Kr., a možda čak i u prvu četvrtinu istog stoljeća. Objava: Hoffiller 1911, 179. Lit: Robinson 1975, 52-53; Waurick 1988, 333-338, 354-359; Feugère 1994, 86-97; Radman-Livaja 2001b, 52-53; Radman-Livaja 2004a, 75, kat. 128 I. R.-L. 6. Rimski bodež Sisak, Kupa, AMZ, inv. 3097 željezo, mjed, emajl, drvo, kost dužina 33 cm prva pol. 1. st. Konstrukcijom drške, oblikom sječiva i ukrasom korica, ovaj je bodež tipičan za prvu polovinu 1. st. pos. Kr. Korice po svojoj konstrukciji pripadaju Scottovom tipu A, a na temelju dekoracije svrstavaju se u tip Dunaföldvár. Po Obmannovoj tipologiji, konstrukcijski se svrstavaju u tip Mainz, a ukrasom pripadaju grupi 1. Dekoracija prednje strane dijeli se na 4 polja., Motivi su prvo ugravirani a potom se pristupilo tauširanju i emajliranju,pri čemu su rabljeni mjed i crveni emajl. Prvo polje sadržava rozetu smještenu unutar lovorovog vijenca, a rubovi polja su ukrašeni motivima u obliku slova L. U drugom polju nalazi se mali pravokutnik obrubljen s lijeve i desne strane vegetabilnim motivom u obliku stilizirane lovorove grančice. Unutar pravokutnika nalazi se motiv križa s isprepletenim lišćem. Treće polje sadrži istovjetan ukras kao i prvo polje. U zadnjem, izduženom polju trokutastog oblika je mali trokut obrubljen lovorovim vijencem. Unutar trokuta smještena je stilizirana grana. Na koricama se sačuvala samo jedna karika, i to gornja lijeva. Glavice čavala na koricama su dobrim dijelo sačuvane i na većini je još vidljiv emajlirani ukras. Objava: Hoffiller 1912, 118, sl. 48. Lit.: Thomas 1971, 48-49; Scott 1985, 197198; Obmann 2000: 8; Radman-Livaja 2004a, 53-54, kat. 60 I. R.-L. 5. Roman infantry helmet Sisak, dredging of the Kupa near Sisk in 1901, AMZ, inv. no. 8144 Iron Height 12 cm, length of the opening 21,2 cm, width of the opening 17 cm First half of the 1st c. AD The helmet was found almost intact (missing only the browguard). Both cheek pieces are preserved, with an inside coating of thin bronze sheets, and a bronze tablet for the attachment of the crest onto the vertex. Typologically, it belongs to the early Weisenautype models and can be dated into the first half of the 1st c. AD, perhaps, more precisely, to the first quarter of that century. Published in Hoffiller 1911, 179 Bibliography: Robinson 1975, 52-53; Waurick 1988, 333-338, 354-359; Feugère 1994, 86-97; Radman-Livaja 2001b, 52-53; Radman-Livaja 2004a, 75, kat. 128 I. R.-L. 6. Roman dagger Sisak, the Kupa, AMZ, inv. no. 3097 Iron, brass, enamel, wood, bone Length 33 cm First half of the 1st c. AD This dagger is typical for the first half of the 1st c. AD by its handle construction, blade form, and scabbard decoration. The scabbard belongs to Scott’s type A, judging by their construction, and on the basis of their decoration to the Dunaföldvár-type. According to Obmann’s typology, they belong to the Mainz type (on the basis of construction), group 1 (on the basis of decoration). The decoration on the frontal side is divided into four fields. The motifs are firstly engraved and than damascened and enameled, using brass and red enamel. The fist field consists of a rosette within a laurel wreath, with edges decorated in L-form motifs. The second field consists of a small rectangle bordered on left and right with a floral motif in the form of a stylized laurel branch. Within the rectangle is a cross with entwined leaves. The third field consists of an identical decoration as the first. The final, elongated triangle field consists of a small triangle bordered with a laurel wreath. Within the triangle there is a stylized branch. Only a single loop is still preserved on the scabbard, the upper left one. The nail heads on the scabbard are mostly well-preserved, and an enameled ornament is still visible on most of them. Published in Hoffiller 1912, 118, sl. 48 Bibliography: Thomas 1971, 48-49; Scott 1985, 197-198; Obmann 2000: 8; RadmanLivaja 2004a, 53-54, kat. 60 I. R.-L. 7. Roman dagger Sisak, the Kupa, AMZ, inv. no. 3097 Iron, brass, enamel, wood, bone Length 33 cm First half of the 1st c. AD This dagger is typologically analogous to another dagger, found at the same time in the river Kupa at Sisak, but it is not so well preserved. According to Obmann’s typology, the scabbard also belongs to the Mainz-type group 1. The fist field consists of a medallion with a rosette, while the second consists of a rectangle with two crosses formed of entwined leaves, one above the other, within it. The rosette within the third field, like the one in the first, is not bordered with a laurel wreath, but with a simple circle. The fourth triangle field is also decorated with a stylized branch bordered with a laurel wreath. It is interesting that this dagger was inserted into the scabbard back to front. Published in Hoffiller 1912, 118, sl. 48. Bibliography: Thomas 1971, 48-49; Scott 1985, 197-198; Obmann 2000: 8; RadmanLivaja 2004a, 53-54, kat. 59 7. Rimski bodež Sisak, Kupa, AMZ, inv. 3097 željezo, mjed, emajl, drvo, kost dužina 33 cm prva pol. 1. st. Ovaj bodež tipološki odgovara drugom istovremeno pronađenom bodežu u rijeci Kupi kod Siska no nešto je lošije očuvan. Korice bodeža po Obmannovoj tipologiji također pripadaju tipu Mainz i grupi 1. Prvo polje sadrži medaljon s rozetom dok je u drugom polju pravokutnik u kojemu se nalaze dva križa od isprepletenog lišća, postavljena jedan iznad drugoga. Rozeta u trećem polju, jednako kao i u prvom, nije obrubljena lovorovim vijencem, već običnim krugom. Zadnje trokutasto polje je također ukrašeno stiliziranom granom obrubljenom lovorovim vijencem. Zanimljivo je da je ovaj bodež naopako umetnut u korice. Objava: Hoffiller 1912, 118, sl. 48. Lit.: Thomas 1971, 48-49; Scott 1985, 197-198; Obmann 2000: 8; RadmanLivaja 2004a, 53-54, kat. 59 I.. R.-L. I. R.-L. 8. Roman long sword, (spatha) Sisak, the Kupa, AMZ, inv. no. 17948 Iron, brass Total length 80,5 cm, blade length 68 cm, blade width 5,5 cm 3rd c. AD This spatha undoubtedly belongs to the Lauriacum-Hromówka-type, its blade is channeled, as usual with this type of spatha, and the damascening procedure is well recognizable on the blade. The blade is damascened on both sides: on the one side a stylized warrior figure is clearly seen, probably a schematic representation of Mars, while the representation on the other side is, unfortunately, severely damaged and only visible in traces; yet we can presume it represented an eagle flanked with military insignia. Published in Radman-Livaja 2004a, 43-45, kat. 53. Bibliography: Ulbert 1974, 197-216; Biborski 1994, 109-135; Biborski 1994b, 169197; Horbacz& Olędzki 1998: 19-30; Miks 2007, 92-94 8. Rimski dugi mač (spatha) Sisak, Kupa, AMZ, inv. 17948 željezo, mjed ukupna dužina 80,5 cm, dužina sječiva 68 cm, širina sječiva 5,5 cm 3. st. Ova spatha neosporno pripada tipu Lauriacum-Hromówka, Sječivo joj je kanelirano, kao što je i uobičajeno za taj tip spata, a na sječivu se dobro razaznaje postupak damasciranja. Sječivo je s obe strane ukrašeno tauširanjem: s jedne strane je jasno vidljiv stilizirani lik ratnika, vjerojatno shematiziran prikaz boga Marsa, dok je prikaz s druge strane, na žalost, jako oštećen i prisutan samo u tragovima no može se pretpostaviti da je riječ o motivu orla okruženog bojnim znakovljem. Objava: Radman-Livaja 2004a, 43-45, kat. 53. Lit.: Ulbert 1974, 197-216; Biborski 1994, 109-135; Biborski 1994b, 169197; Horbacz& Olędzki 1998: 19-30; Miks 2007, 92-94 I. R.-L. I. R.-L. · 208 209 · 9. Koštani vrh korica Sisak, Kupa, AMZ, inv. 8142 kost dužina 19,2 cm, širina 5 cm 3. st. Ove koštane korice podsjećaju na drvene korice pronađenima zajedno s rimskim spatama u danskim tresetištima. Iako nema identičnih analogija, oblikom koji odgovara spomenutim drvenim primjercima te ukrasnim motivima u obliku are i stiliziranog tirsosa, ovaj se sisački nalaz nedvojbeno može pripisati Rimljanima. Iako je oštećen, nedvojbeno je sačuvan u cijeloj svojoj dužini. Ukoliko su cijele korice bile koštane, morale su se sastojati od nekoliko međusobno spojenih segmenata, a u tom bi slučaju ovaj komad predstavljao prvi, gonji segment. Isto tako je moguće da je ovaj sisački primjerak izvorno služio kao vrh korica, odnosno da je bio namijenjen povezivanju i učvršćivanju prednje i stražnje strane korica, vjerojatno napravljenih od drvenih ploča omotanih kožom, tako što bi ga se navuklo na gornji dio korica, dok bi se okrajkom fiksiralo dno. S obzirom na promjer, može se pretpostaviti da je pripadao koricama spate uskog sječiva, odnosno tipa Straubing-Nydam. Objava: Radman-Livaja 2004a, 45-47, kat. 56. Lit.: Feugère 1993: 154; Rald 1994, 228, fig. 1; Bishop&Coulston 2006, 154-161; Miks 2007, 283, 870 10. Roman cavalry helmet mask Sisak, the Kupa, 1982, GMS 510:SIK 2686 AZA Copper alloy Height 19,2 cm, width 13,5 cm, sheet thickness 2-3 mm 4th c. AD? An iron mask showing a male face is most probably a part of a Roman cavalry helmet. It was made out of 2-3 mm thick iron, with perforations for eyes, nostrils and mouth. The entire right half of the face and a part of the left cheek is missing. On the upper preserved half, along the very edge, a small perforation is visible, most probably a part of the rivet attaching it to the rest of the helmet. A line of small perforations, some 2 to 3 mm in diameter, lined along the preserved edges in 1 cm intervals, makes it rather different from the rest of the preserved similar masks. Perhaps they were meant to serve as an additional attaching device on the helmet or for attaching of skin or linen inside coating. It was made realistically, with emphasized nose and eyebrows. There are no certain analogies among the preserved Roman masks dated to the first three centuries AD and it is thus questionable whether we can date this specimen to that period. It is not impossible that this mask belongs to a somewhat later age, because literary sources unquestionably affirm their use by Roman cavalry in the 4th c. (Ammianus Marcellinus, 16.10.8, 25. 1. 12; Iulianus, Or. 1, 37 D), the more so because the appearance of the Sisak specimen reminds us of the helmet visors found in the Grand Palace in Istanbul, today in the Istanbul Archaeological museum, supposedly belonging to the Late Antiquity or Early Byzantine period. Unpublished Bibliography: Robinson 1975, 112-127; Kohlert 1978, 19-28; Nicolle 1992, 11; Mielczarek 1993, 82-83; Junkelmann 1996, 18-56 9. Bone scabbard tip Sisak, the Kupa, AMZ, inv. no. 8142 Bone Length 19,2 cm, width 5 cm 3rd c. AD These scabbards remind us of wooden scabbards found together with Roman spathae in Danish bogs. Although there are no identical analogies, by its form, identical to these wooden specimens, and decorative motifs in forms of an ara and a stylized thyrsus, this specimen from Sisak is undoubtedly of Roman provenance. Although damaged, it is undoubtedly preserved in its entire length. Although the entire scabbards were made of bone, they had to consist of several connected segments, which would make our piece the first upper segment. It is also possible that this specimen from Sisak was initially a scabbard tip, that is, it was meant to join and tighten the frontal and dorsal parts of the scabbard, probably made out of wooden panels covered in skin, by being drawn over the upper part of the scabbard, while the stub would fixate the bottom. Considering its diameter, we can suppose that it belonged to a thin blade spatha, that is, of the Straubing-Nydam type. Published in Radman-Livaja 2004a, 45-47, kat. 56 Bibliography: Feugère 1993: 154; Rald 1994, 228, fig. 1; Bishop&Coulston 2006, 154-161; ; Miks 2007, 283, 870 I. R.-L. I. R.-L. I. B. 10. Rimska konjanička maska Sisak, Kupa, 1982., GMS 510:SIK 2686 AZA bakrena slitina visina 19,2 cm, širina 13,5 cm, debljina lima 2-3 mm 4. st.? Željezna maska koja prikazuje muško lice najvjerojatnije je dio rimske konjičke kacige. Izrađena je od željeza debljine 2-3 mm, s otvorima za oči, nosnice i usta. Nedostaje joj čitava desna polovica lica te dio lijevog obraza. Na gornjoj očuvanoj polovici, uz sam rub, vidljiva je rupica, najvjerojatnije od zakovice kojom je bila pričvršćena za ostatak kacige. Ono što je razlikuje od ostalih očuvanih sličnih maski je svakako niz sitnih rupica, promjera 2 do 3 mm, koje se, s razmakom od 1 cm, redaju uz očuvane rubove. Možda su služile za dodatno učvršćivanje na kacigu ili pak za pričvršćivanje kožne ili platnene podloge s unutrašnje strane. Maska je izrađena realistično, s naglašenim nosom i obrvama. Nema sigurnih analogija među poznatim sačuvanim rimskim maskama datiranima unutar prva 3 stoljeća nakon Krista te je stoga upitno može li se ovaj primjerak datirati u to vremensko razdoblje. Nije isključeno da bi ova maska pripadala nešto kasnijem vremenu jer nam pisani izvori nedvojbeno potvrđuju njihovu uporabu od strane rimskih konjanika i u 4. stoljeću (Ammianus Marcellinus, 16.10.8, 25. 1. 12; Iulianus, Or. 1, 37 D), tim više što sisački primjerak izgledom dosta podsjeća na vizire kaciga pronađene u Velikoj palači u Carigradu, danas u Arheološkom muzeju u Istanbulu, za koje se pretpostavlja da potječu iz kasnoantičkog odnosno ranobizantskog razdoblja. neobjavljena Lit.: Robinson 1975, 112-127; Kohlert 1978, 19-28; Nicolle 1992, 11; Mielczarek 1993, 82-83; Junkelmann 1996, 18-56 I. B. · 210 211 · Zsolt Mráv Rimska vojna oprema iz Hrvatske u Mađarskom Narodnom muzeju u Budimpešti Roman Militaria from Croatia in the Hungarian National Museum, Budapest U sl. 1 / fig, 1 D vrijeme Austro-Ugarske monarhije određeni broj primjeraka rimskog oružja i vojne opreme s područja hrvatskog dijela panonskih provincija bio je otkupljen od strane Mađarskog narodnog muzeja ili je doniran Muzeju. uring the Austro-Hungarian Empire a number of Roman weapons and pieces of military equipment were purchased by or donated to the Hungarian National Museum from the Croatian part of the Pannonian provinces. Prvi su nalazi otkriveni u blizini Siscije (Siska) 1875. g. tijekom jaružanja Save te su u Mađarski Narodni muzej dospjeli kao poklon Gyule Stellyja, starijeg inžinjera (kat. 1-2). Tom prilikom nađeni su – pored kasnosrednjovjekovnog oružja i rimske votivne kamene ploče – kasnorepublikanski ili ranocarski pilum s usadom na tuljac (kat. 1) i vršak koplja (kat. 2). Vezano uz drugo oružje za bacanje nalik pilumu iz ovog nalaza – u nedostatku analogija i samog konteksta – ne možemo sa sigurnošću tvrditi da je ono rimskog podrijetla (sl. 2/2). Željezni dio najvjerojatnije augustovskog piluma s piramidalnim vršcima i gotovo 1 m duge tanke šipke, također je izvorno bio dio ovog nalaza (sl. 2/1). Nemoguće je sa sigurnošću odrediti tip trna ovog piluma jer je odlomljen i izgubljen. Na crtežu kojeg je 1878. g. objavio J. Hampel jasno je vidljivo da je donji dio šipke pra- The first assemblage came to light in 1875 near Siscia (Sisak) during the dredging of the Sava river and arrived in the collection of the Hungarian National Museum as a gift of Gyula Stelly, a senior engineer (cat. 1-2). The assemblage – besides late medieval weapons and a Roman marble votive slab – contained a late-Republican or early imperial socketed pilum (cat. 1) and a spearhead (cat. 2). Concerning another socketed pilum-like throwing weapon from this assemblage - for want of any analogies and context - we cannot claim with certainty that it is Roman (fig. 2/2). The iron part of what is most probably an Augustan pilum with a pyramidal head and a thin shank almost 1 m long, originally also formed part of this assemblage (fig. 2/1). It is impossible to determine the exact type of the tang of this pilum because it broke off. On a drawing published by J. Hampel in 1878 it is clearly visible that the lower section of the shank had a rectangular · 213 · vokutnog presjeka, dok je preostali, mnogo veći dio, kružnog presjeka (ovaj je pilum prebačen u Jugoslaviju 1958. godine i danas je dio nepoznate kolekcije u Beogradu; vjerojatnije je to pilum koji se čuva u Arheološkom muzeju u Zagrebu: Radman-Livaja 2004, 127 Kat. br. 5 T. 1. Ako tomu nije tako, onda je taj primjerak najbolja analogija prethodnome). U Kupi kod Siska je 1903. g. nađena sica (kat. 6.), prema informaciji s cedulje pričvršćene na oštricu. Tzv. oružja tipa sica, jednostruke i zakrivljene oštrice, bila su karakteristična za tračke i ilirske željeznodobne ratnike te su ih sve do 2. st. koristili vojnici (ili njihove sluge?) pomoćnih postrojbi koje potječu s ovog područja, čemu svjedoči grob s oružjem iz Káloza (županija Fejér, Mađarska). Gore spomenuta oružja dobro se uklapaju u raspon vojne opreme datirane u razdoblje rimskog osvajanja Panonije pronađene tijekom jaružanja Kupe i Save kod Siska u godinama prije Prvog Svjetskog rata. cross-section, while the much longer remaining part had a circular cross-section. (This pilum was transmitted to Yugoslavia in 1958 and it is now either in an unknown collection in Beograd, or more probably it is identical with a pilum that is kept in the Archaeological Museum in Zagreb: Radman-Livaja 2004, 127 Cat. No. 5 Pl. 1. If this is not true, this is the best known analogy for the former piece.) The „sica” (cat. 6.) comes from the Kupa river near Sisak in 1903 according to a slip stuck on the blade. The one-edged so-called „sica”-type weapons with curved blade were characteristic weapons of the Thracian and Illyrian warriors in the Iron Age and were still in use among certain auxiliary soldiers (or their servants?) from this region until the 2nd century, which was well demonstrated by the weapon grave from Káloz (County Fejér, Hungary). These above mentioned weapons fit well into the range of the several militaria finds dated to the time of the Roman conquest of Pannonia which were found during the dredging of the Kupa and Sava rivers near Siscia in the years preceding the World War I. Sljedeći nalaz potječe iz kasnoflavijevske utvrde s pomoćnim postrojbama i civilnog naselja smještenog uz Dunav imena Ad Militare (danas Batina Skela/ Kiskőszeg u Hrvatskoj). Nalaz se sastoji od dvaju rondela, bogato ukrašenih umetnutim metalnim motivima (kat. 3-4). Točan kontekst i okolnosti nalaza dvaju falera koje su 1904. g. otkupljene od Henrika Bátora nisu poznati. Ovi nalazi konjske vojne opreme izuzetan su dio baštine konjanika ili konjaničkih časnika koji su bili smješteni uzduž južnopanonskog dijela obale Dunava ili veterana koji su naseljeni u ovo područje tijekom vladavine Flavijevaca. Ažurirani okov balteus-remena datiran u 3. st. također potječe iz Batine/Kiskőszega. Katalog Nalaza The Catalogue of Finds The provenance of the next open assemblage, which contained two roundels richly decorated with metal inlaid motifs, is Ad Militare, a late Flavian auxiliary fort and vicus situated by the river Danube (today Batina Skela/ Kiskőszeg in Croatia) (cat. 3-4). The exact context and circumstances of the discovery of the two phaleras bought in 1904 from Henrik Bátor are unknown. This horse gear finds are outstanding pieces of the heritage of the cavalary soldiers or officers stationed along the South-Pannonian section of ripa Danuvii or veterans settled down in this region during the Flavian period. A copper alloy openwork balteus or belt mount dated to the 3rd century AD also comes from Batina/Kiskőszeg. sl. 2 / fig, 2 · 214 · Rimska vojna oprema iz Hrvatske u Mađarskom Narodnom muzeju u Budimpešti Roman Militaria from Croatia in the Hungarian National Museum, Budapest 1. Pilum s usadom na tuljac inv. br.: RR 94.1875.3 Blizina Siscije (Siska), nađen 1875. godine prilikom jaružanja Save Mađarski Narodni muzej, Budimpešta Duljina 39,8 cm; promjer tuljca 1,9 cm Kasnorepublikanski-ranoaugustovski 1. Socketed pilum inv. n.: RR 94.1875.3 Near Siscia (Sisak), in 1875 during the dredging of the Sava river Hungarian National Museum, Budapest length 39,8 cm; socket diameter 1,9 cm Late-Republican/early Augustan Pilum s usadom na tuljac srednje duljine; predstavlja tzv. lagani model. Šipka pravokutnog presjeka, tuljac kružnog presjeka. Listoliki vrh usko izdužen. Na kraju tuljca dvije male rupe za zakovice koje su povezivale željezni dio s drškom. Šipka je bila lagano povijena. Najraniji primjer listolikog vrha – ako je ovaj primjer relevantan – potječe iz grobnice iz Vulcija, 5. st. (Connolly 1999, 44 fig. 1/A). Analogna pila s usadom na tuljac sličnog, ali užeg listolikog vrha, poznata su iz Alesije (Alise-Sainte-Reine, Coted’Or, Francuska) (Sievers 2001, 227 n. 359, Pl. 69, duljina 47 cm), a oni šireg vrha pronađeni su u rijeci Savi kod Kupinova (Milošević 1987, 68 Cat. No. 32, T. IV/2, duljina 44 cm). Lit.: Hampel 1878, 136, kat. b. The medium length socketed pilum representing the so-called light model has a shank of a rectangular cross-section with a circular-sectioned socket. The leaf-shaped head is narrow and elongated. At the end of the socket there are two small perforations for rivets which joint the iron part to the shaft. The shank is slightly bent. The earliest example for a leaf-shaped head might be from a 5th century BC tomb at Vulci (Connolly 1999, 44 fig. 1/A). Analogous socketed pilums with a similar but narrower leaf-shaped head are documented from Alésia (Alise-Sainte-Reine, Cote-d’Or, France) (Sievers 2001, 227 n. 359, Pl. 69, length 47 cm) and with a wider head from the river Sava at Kupinovo (Milošević 1987, 68 Cat. No. 32, T. IV/2, length 44 cm). Lit. Hampel 1878, 136, kat. b. 2. Željezni vrh koplja inv. br. 94.1875.2 Blizina Siscije (Siska), nađen 1875. godine prilikom jaružanja Save Mađarski Narodni muzej, Budimpešta Duljina 33,1 cm, širina 4,4 cm Vjerojatno 1. st. n. e. Uski izduženi vrh koplja lagano ispupčene oštrice. Tuljac djelomično razbijen. Slični primjerci nađeni su u Sisciji: Radman-Livaja 2004a, 28, kat.11-14. Lit.: Hampel 1878, 136, kat. c. 2. Iron spearhead inv. n. 94.1875.2 Near Siscia (Sisak), in 1875 during the dredging of the Sava river Hungarian National Museum, Budapest length 33,1 cm; width 4,4 cm. Probably 1st century AD Narrow elongated spearhead with a slightly pronounced rib. The socket is partly damaged. Similar examples have been found in Siscia: Radman-Livaja 2004a, 28, cat. 11-14. Lit.: Hampel 1878, 136, kat. c. 3. Copper inlaid and silvered bronze phalera with two junction loops of an original set of three inv. n.: RR 50.1904 Ad Militare (Batina Skela/Kiskőszeg) Hungarian National Museum, Budapest phalera: diameter 5,7 cm; thickness 1,2 cm (with ring); the intact junction loop: length 4,65 cm; width 1,15 cm; thickness 1,25 cm. Flavian Type: Phalera: front Bishop 1988, type 3c; back Bishop 1988, type 4a; junction loops: Bishop 1988, type 6a. The roundel with a slightly raised and convex rim has been cast in bronze and turned on a lathe. The decoration of the silvered front is based on the polychrome effect of the contrast of the silver background and red copper inlay. The circular field in the middle without central perforation was filled out by a petal design composed of six narrow elongated petals. The decoration of the middle narrow annulus includes two different motifs. One of them formed by a smaller central leaflet which is flanked by two stylized oak leaves, shown in profile with the ends curling back on themselves. The second one is a small vertical petal with two dots at either side. The outer annulus is decorated with rows of two different types of alternating palmettes separated by a dot. The front surface of the two remained junction loops is also inlaid. The exact analogy of its form and decoration pattern cannot be found among the known phaleras. The red copper inlay is also especially rare, I have only observed similar technique in the case of the phalera pendant from Biatorbágy, Hungary (Mráv in press). Lit.: Sellye 1939, 52 cat. n. pl. IV/7a-b · 216 217 · 3. Posrebrena brončana falera s bakrenim intarzijama i dvije od izvorno tri spojne petlje inv. br.: RR 50.1904 Ad Militare (Batina Skela/Kiskőszeg) Mađarski Narodni muzej, Budimpešta Falera: promjer 5,7 cm; debljina 1,2 cm (s obručem); intaktna spojna petlja: duljina 4,65 cm; širina 1,15 cm; debljina 1,25 cm. Flavijevsko razdoblje Tip: Falera: avers Bishop 1988, tip 3c; revers Bishop 1988, tip 4a; spojne petlje: Bishop 1988, tip 6a. Rondela s blago uzdignutim i konveksnim rubom izlivena je u bronci i tokarena. Ukras posrebrene prednje strane osniva se na višebojnom efektu kontrasta srebrne pozadine i crvene bakrene intarzije. Kružno polje u sredini uokolo središnje perforacije ispunjeno je cvjetnim motivom sastavljenim od šest uskih izduženih latica. Dekoracija središnjeg uskog prstena sastoji se od dva različita motiva: jedan tvori manji središnji listić između dva stilizirana hrastova lista prikazana u profilu, čiji se krajevi povijaju unatrag. Drugi je predstavljen malenom vertikalnom laticom i dvije točke sa svake strane latice. Vanjski prsten je ukrašen redovima dvaju različitih tipova palmeta koji se izmjenjuju i između kojih se nalazi točka. Prednja površina dvaju preostalih petlji također je ukrašena intarzijama. Potpuna analogija oblika i obrasca dekoracije ne može se pronaći među poznatim falerama. Crvena bakrena intarzija je također osobito rijetka; sličnu tehniku sam pronašao samo u slučaju privjeska falere iz Biatorbágyja, Mađarska (Mráv, u tisku). Lit.: Sellye 1939, 52 kat. br. T. IV/7a-b 4. Posrebrena falera s nielo intarzijama i trakastim okovima remena inv. br. RR 59.1904.1 Ad Militare (Batina Skela/Kiskőszeg) Mađarski Narodni muzej, Budimpešta Središnja falera: promjer 3,6 cm; duljina 6,85 cm; širina 7,55 cm; debljina 0,95 cm; debljina pločice 0,25 cm Flavijevsko razdoblje Posrebreni okov konjske opreme od bakrene slitine, koji se sastoji od središnje rondele, izliven je zajedno s tri spojna trakasta okova remena u obliku obruča i dijelom šarke. Izgubljeni privjesak bio je izvorno pričvršćen za okov pomoću te šarke (sačuvano je okno s hemisferičnom glavicom, koje je pripadalo šarki). Oko sredine rondele na reversu i na kraju okova korica vidljive su zakovice. Središnja nielo intarzija u obliku rozete oblikovana je kroz osam radijalno smještenih listića ili latica s krajevima u obliku srca ili točke. Cirkularni žljeb oko središnjeg motiva također je ispunjen nielom. Četiri simetrična cvijetna motiva sastoje se od tri trokuta i pričvršćeni su na ovaj koncept. Vanjski širi prsten rondele ukrašen je četirima jednakima cvjetnim motivima. Manji središnji list na ovom motivu nalazi se između dva snažno artikulirana i stilizirana hrastova (?) lista, prikazana u profilu s unatrag povijenim krajevima. Površina trakastih okova korica ukrašena je intarzijama u obliku cvijeća, a također uključuje kapljičasto lišće i lišće prikazano u profilu. Lit.: Sellye 1939, 53 kat. br. T. IV/8a-b 5. Bronze openwork balteus or belt mount inv. n. RR 86.1907.16 Ad Militare (Batina Skela/Kiskőszeg) Hungarian National Museum, Budapest length 6,1 cm; width 5,1 cm; thickness 0,4 cm 3rd century AD The copper alloy openwork mount can be divided into two decorative parts. On the right side the decoration includes a triangular surface which ends in two tendril scrolls. These are partly broken off. The main decorative part on the left is irregular oval- or onionshaped. Its oval central field is filled with a stylized openwork dolphin. Along the upper and lower side of this central motif there are two crescent-shaped openwork fields with a rhombus and a trumpet motifs. Traces of two rivets are visible on the rear side. The whole surface is covered by dark brown patina. An almost identical mount is documented from Weißenburg, Germany (Oldenstein 1976, 238, 283 Kat. Nr. 1156, Taf. 89). Unpublished 4. Niello inlaid and silvered bronze phalera with strap chapes inv. n.: RR 59.1904.1 Ad Militare (Batina Skela/Kiskőszeg) Hungarian National Museum, Budapest central phalera: diameter 3,6 cm; length 6,85 cm; width 7,55 cm; thickness 0,95 cm; sheet thickness 0,25 cm Flavian Silvered copper alloy horse gear mount which includes a central roundel was cast together with three junction loop-like strap chapes and a hinge part. The lost pendant was attached originally to the mount by this hinge. Rivets are visible on the reverse around the middle of the roundel and at the end of chapes. The front was decorated with niello inlay work to achieve a contrast against the silvering. The central niello inlaid rosette design is formed by eight radially placed leaflets or petals with a heart-shaped or dot ending. A circular groove around this central motif was likewise filled with niello. Four symmetricaly placed floral motifs, composed of three triangles, are attached to this outline. The outer wider annulus of the roundel is decorated by four identical floral motifs. The smaller central leaf of this motif is flanked by two strongly articulated and stylized oak leaves, shown in profile with the ends curling back on themselves. The surface of the strap chapes is also inlaid with floral decoration and includes drop-shaped leaves and leaves depicted in profile. Lit.: Sellye 1939, 53 cat. n. pl. IV/8a-b 6. Sica inv. n. RR 62.11.1 Near Siscia (Sisak), from the bed of the river Kupa Hungarian National Museum, Budapest length 43 cm; blade width 3,1 cm; thickness 0,5 cm at the end of the handle 1,45 cm. It is imposible to date accurately, most probably from the late Iron Age or early Roman period. Sica with a single-edged curved blade. On the tang there are probably two perforations. The wooden handle attached to the tang is from the 20th century. An analogous find is known from Jezerine near Bihać (Schnurbein 1979, 128 Abb. 9/4). Unpublished 7. Left cheek-piece of a helmet inv. n. RR D 2361 Unknown Hungarian National Museum, Budapest, Delhaes collection high 1,3 cm; width 13,3 cm, thickness of the plate 0,18-0,35 cm Most probably 3rd century BC A single bronze cheek-piece of a helmet of Montefortino type with a strongly articulated rim and a stud attached on the inside of the plate. Traces of embossing can be seen on the inner surface. An analogous piece is kept in Museo Stibbert, Florence (Robinson 1975, 17 Fig. 19). Unpublished · 218 219 · 5. Brončani ažurirani pojasni okov inv. br. RR 86.1907.16 Ad Militare (Batina Skela/Kiskőszeg) Mađarski Narodni muzej, Budimpešta Duljina 6,1 cm; širina 5,1 cm; debljina 0,4 cm 3. st. Ažurirani okov od bakrene slitine može se podijeliti u dva ukrasna dijela. Na desnoj strani dekoracija se sastoji od trokutne površine koja završava dvama vitičastim svicima. Oni su djelomično odlomljeni. Glavni dekorativni dio s lijeve strane je nepravilnog ovalnog oblika ili nalik luku. Ovalno središnje polje ispunjeno je stiliziranim delfinom kao unutrašnjim uzorkom ažuriranja. Uzduž gornje i donje strane ovog središnjeg motiva nalaze se dva ažurirana polumjesečasta polja s motivima romba i trublje. Prisustvo dvaju zakovica vidljivo je na stražnjoj strani. Čitava je površina prekrivena tamnosmeđom patinom. Gotovo identičan okov pronađen je u Weißenburgu, Njemačka (Oldenstein 1976, 238, 283 Kat. Nr. 1156, Taf. 89). Neobjavljeno 6. Sica inv. br. RR 62.11.1 Blizina Siscije (Siska), dno Kupe Mađarski Narodni muzej, Budimpešta Duljina 43 cm; širina oštrice 3,1 cm; debljina 0,5 cm, na kraju drške 1,45 cm. Nemoguće je precizno datirati ovo oružje povinute jednostruke oštrice; najvjerojatnije potječe iz kasnog željeznog doba ili ranog rimskog razdoblja. Na jezičcu su vjeojatno bile dvije perforacije. Drvena drška pričvršćena na jezičac potječe iz 20. st. Analogni primjerak potječe iz Jezerina kod Bihaća (Schnurbein 1979, 128 Abb. 9/4). Neobjavljeno 7. Lijeva obrazina kacige inv. br. RR D 2361 Nepoznato Mađarski Narodni muzej, Budimpešta, zbirka Delhaes Visina 1,3 cm; širina 13,3 cm; debljina pločice 0,18-0,35 cm Najvjerojatnije potječe iz 3. st. Jedna brončana obrazina kacige tipa Montefortino sa snažno naglašenim rubom i dugmetom pričvršćenim na unutrašnjoj strani pločice. Završetak obrazine je prenaglašen. Tragovi iskucavanja vidljivi su na unutrašnjoj površini. Analogni primjerak čuva se u Museo Stibbert, Firenca (Robinson 1975, 17 Fig. 19). Neobjavljeno Mirjana Sanader o problemima topografije hrvatskog dijela Dunavskog limesa na temelju novijih arheoloških istraživanja On the problem of topography of the Croatian part of the Danube limes based on recent archaeological excavations U A okviru važnog događaja za hrvatsku arheološku struku i njezinih napora oko snažnije afirmacije u Europi i svijetu, kao što je i organizacija međunarodnog kongresa Roman military equipment (Zagreb, svibanj 2010.), postavlja se u zagrebačkom Arheološkom muzeju i iznimno efektna izložba o rimskoj vojnoj opremi s područja Hrvatske. To je nedvojbeno dobra prigoda da se sudionicima manifestacije, ali i našoj javnosti predstavi tema, ne tako česta u javnom pa i užem, stručnom diskursu. Stoga nam se čini uputnim još jednom progovoriti o tematici rimskih ratnih osvajanja, njihovu dolasku na današnji hrvatski teritorij, i u sklopu toga o hrvatskom dijelu dunavskog limesa, dakle, vojno čuvanog ruba osvojenih prostora, odnosno o problemima njegove topografije. Naime, u više smo navrata o tome već pisali, odali smo dužno priznanje kolegama koje su u ranijim desetljećima udarili temelje istraživanju limesa, skrenuli pozornost na otvorene probleme koje struka mora još riješiti te poticali mjerodavne institucije na mukotrpan, ali neizbježan napor oko međunarodne afirmacije hrvatskog dijela dunavskog limesa. Pritom smo pred očima imali primjere nekih zapadnih zemalja koje su svoje dijelove rimskog limesa uspjeli postaviti na svjetski popis najvažnijih kulturnih baštinskih dobara. ccompanying the important event for Croatian archaeology and its efforts towards a stronger European and world-wide affirmation – such as the organization of the international conference on Roman military equipment (Zagreb, May 2010), the Archaeological museum in Zagreb organizes an exceptionally attractive exhibition of Roman military equipment from the territory of Croatia. This is, undoubtedly, an appropriate occasion to introduce both the conference participants and our wider public to a subject not often present neither in public nor in narrower, professional discussions. Thus, it would seem opportune to discuss once again the subject of Roman military conquests, their presence on the territory of modern Croatia, and, within that subject, the Croatian part of the Danube limes, that is, defended border of the conquered territories and the problems of its topography. We have already discussed the matter on various occasions, with due acknowledgement of the work of the colleagues who have erected the foundations of the limes research through the past decades, and we have drawn the attention on certain unsettled problems that have to be solved and tried to stimulate the responsible institutions to the toilsome but inevitable effort on the international affirmation of the Croatian part of the Danube limes. While conducting these efforts we had as a model the examples of certain western European countries that have succeeded in placing their respective parts of the Roman limes on the world register of most important cultural heritage sites. · 221 · Sa zadovoljstvom valja zato odmah na početku napomenuti da se posljednjih godina kod nas na području limesa poduzelo nekoliko arheoloških istraživanja te je objavljeno i više radova, koji su predstavili pokretni masterijal porijeklom s tog područja. U ovom ćemo tekstu pokušati ispitati jesu li i koliko ta istraživanja donijela (ili bi uskoro mogla donijeti) nove spoznaje i koliko one, ako ih ima, nadopunjuju naše znanje o hrvatskom dijelu dunavskog limesa. We are pleased that we are able to inform about a few archaeological excavations on the area of limes together with a number of publications presenting the material originating in the same area. In this paper we will try to analyze whether these excavations produced – or could produce in the future – certain new insights – and if they did, what kind of insights – and how these new information – if any – complement our knowledge of the Croatian part of the Danube limes. Podsjetimo na početku da su Rimljani znali mudrim odlukama i uspješnim ratnim operacijama, kadšto koristeći i povoljne okolnosti, postupno, ali ustrajno širiti svoju vlast na područja izvan Rima. Najprije na italskom poluotoku, pa na susjednim otocima, da bi nedugo zatim već osvajali posjede u Africi, Hispaniji, Galiji i na istoku. Za te su teritorije vodili i ratove, ali su ih znali osvajati i vladati njima pregovorima i diplomatskom vještinom, dakle, bez borbe. Na europskom su tlu proširili svoju vladavinu do rijeka Rajne i Dunava, uključujući, dakako, prije svega i područje istočnog Jadrana, dakle ono „preko puta“ italskog poluotoka. Međutim, sjevernjačka su se plemena znala pokazati neukrotivima pa su povremena rimska zauzimanja nekih od prostora između Rajne i Dunava znala biti kratkoga vijeka. Stoga su Rimljani na sjevernim i sjeveroistočnim rubovima europskog dijela Carstva za vladavine Domicijana (81.– 96. g.) počeli graditi obrambeni sustav, koji je velikim dijelom slijedio tokove rijeka Rajne i Dunava, ali je imao i dio koji se nalazio na prostoru između tih dviju rijeka. Taj je dio bio pomno utvrđen sustavom jaraka, nasipa, palisada, promatračnica i kastela, a takav je - tehnički domišljat - sustav obrane imao dvojaku svrhu. Trebao ih je s jedne strane štititi od ratobornih i plijena gladnih plemena i istovremeno izazivati kod tih istih i strah i divljenje, dok je s druge strane takav sustav zaštite omogućavao ekonomsku stabilnost područja osiguravajući mirnodopske uvjete, poticajne za trgovinu i svekoliki gospodarski razvoj. Kako je neprijatelj bivao hrabriji i domišljatiji, tako su se i Rimljani u kasnijim vremenima prilagođavali različitim napadima te obnavljali sustav koji je izdržao do otprilike sredine 3. stoljeća. Taj se obrambeni sustav od 19. stoljeća naovamo u znanosti naziva limes. Let us be reminded how the Romans managed to spread their authority, gradually yet perseveringly, on the areas outside Rome through wise decisions, successful military operations, but also sometimes utilizing favorable circumstances. This they initially performed on the Apennine peninsula, than the neighboring islands, but soon they conquered territories in Africa, Hispania, Gallia, and the East. Sometimes they engaged in wars for these territories, but they were able to conquer and rule them through negotiations and diplomacy, that is, peacefully. They have extended their rule over Europe as far as the Rhine and Danube, including, of course, the Eastern Adriatic area, that is, the area right across the Apennine peninsula. But certain northern tribes were sometimes irrepressible, so that occasional conquests of the territories between the Rhine and the Danube showed to be short-termed. Thus the Romans started erecting a defensive system mainly following the flows of the Rhine and the Danube – but also covering the area between these two rivers – during the reign of Domitianus (AD 81-96) on northern and north-eastern borders of the European part of the Empire. The overland part of the system was meticulously fortified with a system of ditches, banks, palisades, observation posts, and castles and its technical ingenuity had a double purpose. It should have protected them from warlike and looting tribes and in the same time it was supposed to arouse the fear and admiration of the latter, but it also enabled the economic stability of the area by securing peace, thus encouraging trade and economic development on the whole. As the enemy became more brave and resourceful, the Romans had to adopt in later periods to different attacks and to repair the system that lasted to c. mid-3rd c. AD. This defensive system was called, from the 19th c. on, the limes. · 222 · · 223 · Koliki je značaj limesa i koliko su za svjetsko kulturno nasljeđe važni njegovi ostaci pokazalo se 2005. g. kad je Gornjogermansko-retijski limes uvršten u svjetsku listu kulturne baštine (World Heritage List - WHL). Taj se Gornjogermansko-retijski limes proteže u dužini od 550 km i sačinjava ga 100 kastela, najmanje 900 osmatračnica i brojne manje utvrde, a u WHL klasificiran je kao sastavni dio većeg kulturnog dobra koji se u UNESCO-u vodi pod imenom Frontiers of the Roman Empire (Granice Rimskog Carstva). Na tom se popisu od 1987. godine nalazio Hadrijanov zid, a 2008. g. im je pridružen i Antoninov zid. Nema dvojbe da se i ostali dijelovi rimskog limesa koji se danas nalaze u različitim državama trebaju uključiti u WHL. S tom su svrhom pokrenuti i projekti koji okupljaju potencijalne kandidate, te je utvrđen put kojim bi se trebalo ići prilikom priprema za ulazak na WHL.1 The importance of limes and its remains for global cultural heritage was shown in 2005 when the Upper GermanianRhaetian limes was placed on the World (cultural) Heritage List (WHL). This Upper Germanian-Rhaetian limes stretches for some 550 km and consists of 100 castles, at least 900 observation posts and numerous lesser fortifications, and it is classed in the WHL as a part of a larger cultural property classified as the Frontiers of the Roman Empire at the UNESCO. Since 1987 the Hadrian Wall joined the list, and the Antonine Wall joined it in 2008. There is no doubt that other parts of Roman limes in different countries should be included into the WHL. This is precisely the purpose of projects that gather potential candidates, and the procedure that should be followed when preparing for the WHL entrance is now determined.1 Let us remember that numerous papers were published in Croatian professional and scientific periodicals on the subject of the Danube limes.2 We have concluded earlier that these papers suggest that the majority of insights on Croatian part of the Danube limes were gathered through the results of the excavations on the limes in neighboring countries, discussion on literary sources – travel guides, manuals, and maps (Itinerarium provinciarum Antonini Augusti, Notitia dignitatum, Ptolemaios geographike, Tabula Peuntigeriana, and Geographus Ravennas), as well as stray finds. Specifically stray finds were the instigators for several surveys and rescue excavations.3 Podsjetimo se da je o dunavskom limesu u Hrvatskoj, ali i o limesu općenito, objavljeno više radova u hrvatskoj stručnoj i znanstvenoj periodici.2 Već smo jednom prilikom konstatirali da se čitanjem objavljenih radova dade ustanoviti kako je većina saznanja o hrvatskom dijelu dunavskog limesa dobivena istraživanjem limesa u susjednim državama, proučavanjem antičkih izvora - putnih vodiča, priručnika i karata (Itinerarium provinciarum Antonini Augusti, Notitia dignitatum, Ptolemaios geographike, Tabula Peuntigeriana i Geographus Ravennas), kao i slučajnim nalazima. Međutim, upravo su ti slučajni nalazi bili pokretačem nekoliko provedenih pregleda terena ili zaštitnih iskopavanja.3 Before we discuss the latest excavations pertaining to the Croatian part of the Danube limes, we should be reminded that the Croatian part of the Danube is 188 km long (137.5 km of navigable length), and this is precisely the length of our part of the limes. It was organized in this 1 O toj sam problematici, kao i o budućim zadaćama koje hrvatska arheološka struka treba odraditi za ulazak u WHL, izvijestila prije nekog vremena (Sanader, 2009b, 497 – 512). 1 I have discussed this subject – as well as future tasks of Croatian archaeology for the purpose of joining the WHL – in Sanader, 2009b, 497 – 512. 2 Klemenc, 1960, 5 - 34; Pinterović 1961, 44; Pinterović 1968, 5 - 82; 1969, 53 – 69; Bulat 1969, 39 – 52; Bulat 1970a, 42 – 43; Pinterović 1971, 55 – 58; Bulat 1974, 85 – 86; Šašel 1974, 193 – 199; Bulat 1977b, 63 – 87; Bulat 1977a, 93 – 95; Pinterović 1978; Sanader 2003c, 135 – 143,161 – 163; Sanader 2003d 463 – 467; Perinić-Muratović 2004, 97112; Radman-Livaja, 2004b, 113-133; Radman-Livaja 2004c, 59-75; Radman-Livaja 2005, 939-952; Sanader 2006b, 153 – 157; Radman-Livaja 2007b, 105-124; Sanader 2009b, 497 – 512; Sanader 2009c, 103 – 108. 2 Klemenc, 1960, 5 - 34; Pinterović 1961, 44; Pinterović 1968, 5 - 82; 1969, 53 – 69; Bulat 1969, 39 – 52; Bulat 1970a, 42 – 43; Pinterović 1971, 55 – 58; Bulat 1974, 85 – 86; Šašel 1974, 193 – 199; Bulat 1977b, 63 – 87; Bulat 1977a, 93 – 95; Pinterović 1978; Sanader 2003c, 135 – 143,161 – 163; Sanader 2003d, 463 – 467; Perinić-Muratović 2004, 97112; Radman-Livaja, 2004b, 113-133; Radman-Livaja 2004c, 59-75; Radman-Livaja 2005, 939-952; Sanader 2006b, 153 – 157; Radman-Livaja 2007b, 105-124; Sanader 2009b, 497 – 512; Sanader 2009c, 103 – 108. 3 Pinterović1961, 44; Pinterović 1969, 53 – 69; Bulat 1970, 42 – 43; Bulat 1977a, 93 – 95. 3 Pinterović1961, 44; Pinterović 1969, 53 – 69; Bulat 1970, 42 – 43; Bulat 1977a, 93 – 95. · 224 · Prije nego se okrenemo najnovijim istraživanjima koja se tiču dunavskog limesa u Hrvatskoj, valja podsjetiti još jednom da je tok Dunava u Hrvatskoj dug 188 km (137,5 km plovnog puta) pa se po toj dužini prostire i naš dio limesa. On je na tom području bio organiziran upravo onako kako je bio organiziran i na drugim dijelovima koji se danas nalaze u Austriji, Slovačkoj, Mađarskoj, Srbiji, Bugarskoj i Rumunjskoj. To znači da su se uz rijeku (ako je to bilo moguće i ako su uvjeti bili povoljni i na drugoj obali) u određenim razmacima gradili kasteli utvrde za manje vojničke čete, kohorte i ale. Osim toga podizane su promatračnice, a svi su ti objekti bili povezani cestom, koja je uglavnom pratila tok rijeke Dunava. Isto su se tako, ali na većoj udaljenosti gradili i legijski logori, pa ih je na Dunavu bilo raspoređeno devet: Vindobona, Carnuntum, Brigetio, Aquincum, Singidunum, Viminacium, Novae, Durostorum i Troesmis. area precisely the same as in other areas now in Austria, Slovakia, Hungary, Serbia, Bulgaria, and Romania. That means that castles were erected along the river (if it was possible, and with the right circumstances, also on the other shore) at certain intervals – fortifications holding smaller military units, cohorts and alae. Besides that, observation posts were also erected, and all these structures were connected with a road mostly following the Danube. The legionary camps were erected on the same principle, but at larger intervals; thus, there were nine of them on the Danube: Vindobona, Carnuntum, Brigetio, Aquincum, Singidunum, Viminacium, Novae, Durostorum, and Troesmis. The Croatian part of the Danube limes – at the present state of research – consisted of five castles (Ad Militare, Ad Novas, Teutoburgium, Cornacum, and Cuccium), several smaller strongholds whose positions are not securely determined: Aureus mons?, Dragojlov Brijeg? Albanum (Lug)? Donatianae (Vardarac)? Kopačevo? Ad Labores (Nemetin)?, Sarvaš?, Bijelo Brdo? and Aljmaš? The remains of a Roman road were spotted on the sites of Mitrovac and Grabovac, and also at Nemetin, where a crossing over the Drava was probably situated.4 Dunavski se limes u Hrvatskoj, kako se za sada čini, sastojao od 5 kastela (Ad Militare, Ad Novas, Teutoburgium, Cornacum i Cuccium) te više manjih utvrda koje uglavnom nisu sa sigurnošću potvrđene: Aureus mons, Dragojlov Brijeg, Albanum (Lug ?), Donatianae (Vardarac ?), Kopačevo, Ad Labores (Nemetin ?), Sarvaš, Bijelo Brdo i Aljmaš. Ostaci rimske ceste zabilježeni su na lokalitetima Mitrovac i Grabovac te kod Nemetina gdje je vjerojatno bio i prijelaz preko Drave.4 During the last few years there were numerous archaeological excavations in every part of Croatia – Croatian archaeology is certainly delighted with this fact – which will be followed with more publications, articles and books. Since some of these excavations pertain to the Croatian part of the Danube limes they should be analyzed more carefully in this paper, as we have already announced. Posljednjih su godina u svim krajevima Hrvatske, na veliko zadovoljstvo struke, učestala arheološka iskopavanja slijedom čega je objavljeno i znatno više radova, članaka i knjiga. Kako se poneki od njih dotiču i hrvatskog dijela dunavskog limesa valja ih, kao što smo već spomenuli, u ovom tekstu pobliže razmotriti. Ad Militare (Batina) The perimeter of the fortress Ad Militare (Batina) and its immediate vicinity was surveyed on several occasions, with archaeological excavations in 1970 and 1971 and later occasional rescue excavations.5 Due to both archaeological excavations and certain stray finds it was possible to ascertain that the area was inhabited also in Prehistory, and not only during the existence of the Roman limes.6 The site is Ad Militare (Batina) Na prostoru kastela Ad Militare (Batina) i u njegovoj neposrednoj okolici u nekoliko je navrata vršen pregled terena, a 1970. i 1971. g. su bila poduzeta i arheološka iskopavanja te kasnije i poneka zaštitna istraživanja.5 4 4 Sanader 2003c, 135 – 143, 161 – 163. 6 5 Pinterović 1969, 53 - 69; Bulat 1970a, 42 - 43; Bulat Sanader 2003c, 135 – 143, 161 – 163. 5 Pinterović 1969, 53 - 69; Bulat 1970a, 42 - 43; Bulat 1970b, 17 - 18; Pinterović 1971, 55 – 58; Minichreiter 1976, 37 - 40; Minichreiter 1977, 20 - 24; Bojčić 1978, 41 - 43. · 225 · Vinski-Gasparini 1959, 281 – 297; Pinterović 1971, 55 Zahvaljujući dakle arheološkim iskopavanjima, ali i nekim slučajnim nalazima, pouzdano se moglo ustvrditi da se na tom prostoru živjelo ne samo u vremenu funkcioniranja rimskog limesa nego još od prapovijesti.6 Lokalitet se, naime, ističe izvanrednim strateškim položajem te obiljem vode i plodne zemlje. Arheološka istraživanja na lokalitetu Gradac potvrdila su tragove nekadašnjeg rimskog kastela i civilnog naselja. Rezultati tih istraživanja, međutim, vrlo su škrto objavljeni te danas ne posjedujemo dokumentaciju o ostacima rimske arhitekture. Ipak recentna potraga za dokumentacijom u Konzervatorskom zavodu u Osijeku urodila je nalazom nekoliko fotografija iz nekadašnjih istraživanja.7 Osim toga nedavno je, točnije 2008. g., na području između Batine i Zmajevca poduzet opsežan arheološki pregled terena. Tom je prilikom, između ostaloga, potvrđeno, da još uvijek postoje tragovi rimskog civilnog naselja na lokalitetu Gradac, kao i tragovi rimske utvrde na njegovom sjeveroistočnom dijelu, o čemu su govorila i ranija istraživanja.8 Podsjetimo da je to područje danas naseljeno i agrikulturno iskorišteno što s jedne strane onemogućava arheološka iskopavanja, a s druge strane takvo stanje ugrožava arheološke ostatke kojih još uvijek ima. Stoga se nameće zaključak da je krajnje vrijeme da se usprkos nepovoljnoj situaciji nađe načina, kako bi se u kohabitaciji s aktualnom situacijom i životnim potrebama toga kraja, istražilo pa potom zaštitilo ostatke rimskog kastela i civilnih objekata na tom prostoru. exceptional for its extraordinary strategic position and the plentitude of water and fertile soil. Archaeological excavations on the site of Graadc have revealed certain traces of a Roman fortress and a civil settlement. The results of these excavations, however, were published rather modestly and we still do not posses any documentation on the remains of Roman architecture. Nevertheless, a recent search for this documentation in the Conservation department in Osijek has made available several photographs of earlier excavations.7 Besides, a thorough archaeological survey of the area between Batina and Zmajevac was conducted recently (in 2008). During the survey, among other things, the existence of traces of Roman civil settlement on the Gradac site was affirmed, as well as the remains of Roman fortifications on its north-eastern part, precisely as was known from earlier research.8 Let us be reminded that this area is today settled and used for agriculture, which, on the one hand, prevents archaeological excavations, and on the other endangers the still existing archaeological remains. Thus a conclusion is reached that the moment has come when we must find a way, regardless of the unfavorable situation, to excavate and protect – in cohabitation with present situation and needs of the area – the remains of the Roman fortress and civilian structures on this site. Ad Novas (Zmajevac) On a plateau above the village of Zmajevac, according to archaeological references, there was a fortress Ad Novas, but its architectural remains are no longer visible.9 In the immediate vicinity, on the Varhegy – Mocsolas locality, the excavation of a Roman necropolis was initiated in 1999. According to the latest preliminary report of 2006 more than 150 Late Antiquity graves were found.10 Numerous goods were found inside the graves, such as glass and ceramic vessels, metal, bone, and glass paste jewelry, iron axes, and coinage. Although the excavations were carried Ad Novas (Zmajevac) Na visoravni iznad sela Zmajevac, kako navodi arheološka literatura, nalazio se kastel Ad Novas čiji arhitektonski ostaci više nisu vidljivi.9 U neposrednoj blizini na položaju Varhegy – Mocsolas je 1999. g. 1970b, 17 - 18; Pinterović 1971, 55 – 58; Minichreiter 1976, 37 - 40; Minichreiter 1977, 20 - 24; Bojčić 1978, 41 - 43. – 58; Minichreiter 1976, 37 - 40; Minichreiter 1977, 20 - 24; Bojčić, Gradac 1978, 41 - 43. 6 Vinski-Gasparini 1959, 281 – 297; Pinterović 1971, 55 – 58; Minichreiter 1976, 37 - 40; Minichreiter 1977, 20 - 24; Bojčić, Gradac 1978, 41 - 43. 7 I would like to thank I. Vukmanić for allowing me to use these photographs. 7 Zahvaljujem I. Vukmaniću na ustupljenim fotografijama. 8 8 Bojčić et alii 2009, 125 - 129. 9 Pinterović 1969, 53 – 69; Bulat, 1969, 39 – 52; Šimić 1998, 55. 9 Pinterović 1969, 53 – 69; Bulat, 1969, 39 – 52; Šimić 1998, 55. · 226 · 10 · 227 · Bojčić et alii 2009, 125 - 129. Filipović 2006, 30 – 31. započelo istraživanje rimske nekropole. Po posljednjem preliminarnom izvještaju iz 2006. g. otkriveno je više od 150 kasnoantičkih grobova.10 U grobovima su bili brojni prilozi kao što su staklene i keramičke posude, nakit od metala, kosti i staklene paste, željezne sjekire te novac. Premda su se, sudeći po izvješćima, arheološka iskopavanja obavila po svim suvremenim arheološkim standardima, još uvijek nažalost, - a prošlo je više od 10 godina od početka istraživanja - nalazi nisu analizirani niti predstavljeni javnosti. Ono malo podataka o lokalitetu i grobnim prilozima koje se dalo sakupiti iz tiska i s interneta ukazuju na izvanredno plodno nalazište. Stoga nam se čini da bi njegova prezentacija u javnosti mogla jamačno obogatiti volumen naše arheološke baštine, ali bi mogla i donijeti nove spoznaje i to ne samo o etničkom sastavu tih kasnoantičkih stanovnika Zmajevca nego i načinu njihovog života – društvenim i socijalnim prilikama, gospodarskoj razini i duhovnom životu, pa i njihovim vezama s okolnim područjima u Carstvu. out, judging by the reports, in accordance with modern archaeological standards, the finds, unfortunately, more than ten years after the start of the excavations, were not analyzed and presented to the public. The meager information on the site and grave goods released in the press and placed online suggest a very rich site. Thus it would seem that the public presentation of the site would certainly enrich the volume of our archaeological heritage, but also provide some new insights, not only on the ethnic structure of these Late Antiquity inhabitants of Zmajevac, but also on their way of life – social and economical circumstances, spiritual life, and their connections with neighboring areas of the Empire. Aureus Mons The site of Aureus Mons is very interesting (It. Ant.243; ND occ.32,92,45); it was often discussed.11 The problem is whether the name of Aureus Mons refers to the Baranja Mountain or a military post. Although the Notitia dignitatum, 32,92, 45 speaks of a praefectus legionis sextae Herculeae cohortis quintae partis superioris Aurea Monte, it was not possible to verify this information archaeologically. But recently a theory appeared, based on aerial photography of Popovac, more precisely, the site of Tuneli, as well as a 19th-c. map (State archives in Osijek, inv. no. HRDAOS-470/C/27/34), of this being one of three possible military outposts in the area: Quadriburgum, Antiana or Aureus Mons.12 Aureus Mons Vrlo je zanimljiv slučaj s lokalitetom Aureus Mons (It. Ant.243; ND occ.32,92,45); o njemu se u struci uvelike raspravljalo.11 Postavljalo se, naime, pitanje je li Aureus Mons antičko ime za Baranjsku planinu ili je riječ o nekoj vojnoj postaji. Naime, iako se u izvoru Notitia dignitatum, 32,92, 45 govori o praefectus legionis sextae Herculeae cohortis quintae partis superioris Aurea Monte, taj podatak do danas nije bilo moguće arheološki potvrditi. Međutim, pojavile su se teze utemeljene na zračnoj snimci Popovca, preciznije: lokaliteta Tuneli, kao i na jednoj karti iz 19. st. (Državni arhiv Osijek inv. br. HR-DAOS470/C/27/34), da bi se ovdje ipak moglo raditi o jednoj od tri, u tom području, moguće, vojne postaje: Quadriburgum, Antiana ili Aureus Mons. 12 10 Cornacum (Sotin) A field survey of the site of Sotin, Roman fortress and a civil settlement, north of the modern Vukovar – Ilok road was conducted in 2008, during which a high population density from the Prehistory to mediaeval period was noticed.13 Filipović 2006, 30 – 31. 11 Klemenc, 1960, 5 - 34; Pinterović 1961, 44; Pinterović 1968, 5 - 82; 1969, 53 – 69; Bulat 1969, 39 – 52; Sanader 2003c, 135 – 143, 161 – 163. 11 Klemenc, 1960, 5 - 34; Pinterović 1961, 44; Pinterović 1968, 5 - 82; 1969, 53 – 69; Bulat 1969, 39 – 52; Sanader 2003c, 135 – 143, 161 – 163. 12 Ilkić 2008b, 199 – 208. · 228 · 12 Ilkić 2008b, 199 – 208. 13 Dizdar et alii 2009, 122 – 12. · 229 · In addition to the survey, a number of papers were published presenting individual Roman-period finds, when military units were stationed in Sotin (Cornacum) and when a civil settlement in the vicinity of the fortress existed. These finds belong to a private collection and therefore, unfortunately, cannot be placed without risk in a real archaeological context.14 Cornacum (Sotin) Tijekom 2008. g. na području sjeverno od današnje ceste Vukovar – Ilok izvršen je terenski pregled lokaliteta Sotin, nekadašnjeg rimskog kastela i civilnog naselja, pri čemu je uočena gusta naseljenost od prapovijesnog do srednjovjekovnog razdoblja.13 Osim toga objavljeno je više članaka u kojima su predstavljeni pojedinačni nalazi iz rimskog razdoblja, kad su u Sotinu (Cornacum) boravile vojne jedinice i kad je funkcioniralo civilno naselje u blizini kastela. Ovi nalazi potječu iz jedne privatne zbirke te ih se, nažalost, ne može bez rizika smjestiti u pravi arheološki kontekst.14 Teutoburgium (Dalj) The Roman fortress of Teutoburgium was situated in Dalj from the 1st c. onwards.15 Since a brickyard was built in modern times precisely on the site of the fortress, it almost completely destroyed the remains of the military fort, additionally eroded by the Danube. The recommendable publication of Josip Brunšmid’s diaries, with his descriptions of travels through Slavonija and Baranja, had given a certain hope for some new insights concerning the site. However, it seems that there were no remains of the fortress already in the time he visited Dalj, in late 19th century, because the brickyard was erected in the northern part of the settlement. Thus even this great Croatian archaeologist could only discuss movable finds (of different epochs) from Dalj and their owners.16 Teutoburgium (Dalj) U naselju Dalj je od 1. st. bio smješten rimski kastel Teutoburgium.15 Budući da je upravo na mjestu toga kastela u modernim vremenima izgrađena ciglana, ona je gotovo sasvim uništila tragove nekadašnje vojne utvrde, koju je dodatno podlokavala i rijeka Dunav. Izvjesne su se nade u pogledu nekih novih saznanja o tom lokalitetu polagale u hvalevrijednu objavu dnevnika Josipa Brunšmida, s opisima njegovih putovanja po Slavoniji i Baranji. Međutim, kako se čini, ni u vrijeme kad je on dolazio u Dalj – dakle krajem 19. st. -, tamo više nije bilo ostataka kastela, jer je već na sjevernom dijelu naselja bila podignuta ciglana. Stoga je i ovaj veliki hrvatski arheolog nažalost mogao pisati isključivo o pokretnim nalazima (različitih vremenskih epoha) iz Dalja i njihovim vlasnicima.16 13 Cuccium (Ilok) The Roman fortress of Cuccium was located on the area covered by the modern city of Ilok, on the position of the Upper town. The fortress was supposedly built in the late 1st or early 2nd c., and the site is characterized by an extraordinary strategic position. However, until recently no systematic archaeological excavations were conducted in Ilok, and the finds were gathered through rescue excavations or pure chance. But in the 2006 archaeological excavations, conducted as a part of the renovation of the Odescalchi Castle, among other things, Early Roman Dizdar et alii 2009, 122 – 12. 14 Ilkić 2005, 19 - 54; Ilkić 2006, 57 - 80; Ilkić 2008a, 137 - 144; Ilkić 2009b, 143 - 164;Ilkić 2009c, 439 - 443. 15 Sanader 2003b, 141; Radman-Livaja 2004c, 59-75; Radman-Livaja 2005, 939-952;. 16 14 Ilkić 2005, 19 - 54; Ilkić 2006, 57 - 80; Ilkić 2008a, 137 - 144; Ilkić 2009b, 143 - 164; Ilkić 2009c, 439 - 443. Balen Letunić – Radman-Livaja 2008, 417 – 438. 15 Sanader 2003b, 141; Radman-Livaja 2004c, 59-75; Radman-Livaja 2005, 939-952; 16 · 230 · Balen Letunić – Radman Livaja 2008, 417 – 438. cremation graves with grave goods were found. The analysis of a part of these grave goods points to the conclusion that the autochthon population in this early period of Romanization, although accepting new, Roman, also kept its native grave rituals.17 Cuccium (Ilok) Nekadašnji rimski kastel Cuccium bio je smješten na mjestu današnjega grada Iloka, na lokalitetu Gornji grad. Pretpostavljeno vrijeme gradnje kastela je kraj 1., odnosno početak 2. st., a sam lokalitet karakterizira izvanredan strateški položaj. U Iloku, međutim, sve do nedavno nikad nisu poduzimana sustavna arheološka istraživanja, tako da se do nalaza dolazilo zaštitnim iskopavanjima ili pukim slučajem. Ipak zahvaljujući arheološkim istraživanjima iz 2006. g. koja su provedena u sklopu obnove dvorca Odescalchi, došlo je, između ostaloga, do vrlo zanimljivih otkrića ranorimskih paljevinskih grobova s grobnim prilozima. Objavljena analiza jednog dijela grobnih priloga upućuje na zaključak da u tom ranom razdoblju romaniziranja starosjedilačko stanovništvo, iako prihvaća nove, rimske, ipak zadržava i autohtone grobne rituale.17 Conclusion: A Limes Office! Although a systematic limes research is still lacking, the results obtained through rescue excavations, surveys and publishing of various movable finds, suggest that an intensive settlement activity functioned during the existence of the Roman Danube limes on the modern Croatian territory, similar to other sites on the frontiers of the Empire. Thus, in order that the planned goal – the joining of the WHL of the Croatian part of the Danube limes – might be accomplished as soon as possible, it is necessary to conduct systematic excavations that are, we hope, soon to follow. Our optimism is supported by the fact that the Archaeological museum was founded in Osijek in 2005, which, inter alia, became a point of reference for the Danube limes research in Croatia. The archaeologist Igor Vukmanić, in cooperation with his Museum colleagues, as well as colleagues from other archaeological institutions and Ministry of Culture, took to himself the task of gathering relevant data on the limes for the inclusion on the UNESCO list (The Limes Office).18 Zaključno: Ured za limes! Iako ni posljednjih godina nije započeto sustavno istraživanje limesa, rezultati koji su dobiveni zaštitnim istraživanjima, pregledima terena i objavom različitih pokretnih nalaza, ukazuju da se za vrijeme funkcioniranja rimskog dunavskog limesa (a na današnjem hrvatskom teritoriju) odvijao intenzivan život, baš kao i na drugim lokalitetima na granicama Carstva. Stoga, da bi postavljeni cilj ulaska u WHL hrvatskog dijela dunavskog limesa bio što prije postignut nužna su sustavna istraživanja do kojih će, kako se nadamo, uskoro i doći. Naš optimizam potkrepljuje činjenica da je u Osijeku 2005. g. osnovan Arheološki muzej koji je, inter alia, postao i referentnom točkom za proučavanje dunavskog limesa u Hrvatskoj. Arheolog Igor Vukmanić se, u suradnji s kolegama iz svog muzeja, drugih arheoloških ustanova te Ministarstva kulture, poduhvatio zadaće sakupljanja relevantnih podataka o limesu u svrhu priprema za uključivanje na UNESCO-ovu listu (Ured za limes). 18 17 16. 17 Dizdar et alii 2003, 57 – 77; Tomičić et alii 2007, 7 – 16. 18 A web-page with all the relevant data on the Danube limes in Croatia became available recently: http://www. dunavskilimes-amo.com.hr/unesco.html. Dizdar et alii 2003, 57 – 77; Tomičić et alii 2007, 7 – 18 Nedavno je postala dostupnom i internetska stranica sa svim relevantnim podacima o dunavskom limesu u Hrvatskoj: http://www.dunavskilimes-amo.com.hr/unesco.html · 231 · Katalog Nalaza The Catalogue of Finds o problemima topografije hrvatskog dijela Dunavskog limesa na temelju novijih arheoloških istraživanja On the problem of topography of the Croatian part of the Danube limes based on recent archaeological excavations 1. Fragment rimske paradne konjičke kacige Sotin, 1908., AMZ-16908 željezo visina: 12 cm, širina: 13,3 cm 2.-3. st. Maska s prikazom mladog muškog lica izrađena je od željeza, a debljina joj iznosi od 1 mm do 2 mm. Ova je maska zapravo vizir konjaničke paradne kacige i na gornjem je rubu, iznad nosa, još vidljiv čavlić, koji se nekad umetao u odgovarajući otvor, uz pomoć kojega je vizir bio pričvršćen za kacigu. Nakon nedavno provedenog postupka konzervacije, potvrđeno je Hoffillerovo mišljenje da se maska sastoji od dva spojena sloja, vanjskog i unutrašnjeg, a otkriveni su i tragovi organske materije, danas potpuno mineralizirane, koja je prekrivala unutrašnju stranu maske. Nesumnjivo je riječ o koži koja je ublažavala kontakt maske s licem. Sotinska maska datirana je u dosta širok vremenski raspon, u 2. ili 3. st. Očito je bila dio tzv. trodijelne kacige s maskom. Te kacige, definirane kao tip III u tipologiji kaciga s maskom M. Kohlert, sastavljene su od stražnjeg dijela koje prekriva lubanju i čelo, prednjeg dijela koji pokriva lice izuzevši očiju, nosa i usta, pokrivenih trećim dijelom kacige, vizirom. Taj se tip datira od 1. do 3. st. i rasprostranjen je po cijelom carstvu. Sotinski vizir je, zbog širokih očnih otvora, doveden u vezu s jedinom poznatom kacigom tipa IV, pronađenoj u Kostolcu. Premda ta kaciga konstrukcijski nije bliska tipu III, zbog karakterističnih im širokih očnih otvora i činjenice da potječu s istog geografskog prostora, mogle bi biti istovremene. Kostolačka kaciga datira se, ovisno o autorima, od 1. st pr. Kr. do 2. st. pos. Kr., iako je kasnija datacija vjerojatnija. Budući da maske 1. st. u načelu imaju šire očne otvore i usta od kasnijih primjeraka, sotinski vizir bi se mogao datirati bliže ranijem razdoblju. Zato datacija u 2. st. zvuči možda nešto prihvatljivije od 3. st. Objava: Hoffiller 1910-1911, 218 Lit: Russel Robinson 1975, 107-135; Kohlert 1978, 22; Waurick 1988, 345, 361-363; Feugère 1993, 187-195; Feugère 1994, 123-140; Radman-Livaja 2001b, 58-59 I. R.-L. 2. Fragment of an equestrian parade helmet (mask) Osijek, MSO, inv. no. 5247 iron length: 14.4 cm, width: 13.4 cm 2nd-3rd cent. By its typological features this mask is closely related to the specimen found in Sotin, and it can presumably be dated to the same period. Publication: Hoffiller 1910-1911, 219 Lit.: Russel Robinson 1975, 107-135; Kohlert 1978, 22; Waurick 1988, 345, 361363; Feugère 1993, 187-195; Feugère 1994, 123-140 1. Fragment of a Roman equestrian parade helmet Sotin, 1908, AMZ-16908 iron height: 12 cm, width: 13.3 cm 2nd-3rd cent. Iron mask with a depiction of a young male face, between 1-2 mm thick. This mask is in fact a visor of an equestrian helmet with a still visible rivet on the upper edge above the nose. The rivet was once inserted into the corresponding aperture, fixing the visor to the helmet. The recent conservation treatment proved Hoffiller right in believing that the mask consisted of two layers—exterior and interior one—joined together. The treatment also revealed traces of organic matter, now completely mineralized, which once covered the interior of the mask – undoubtedly leather that softened the pressure of the mask on the face. The mask from Sotin has been dated to a relatively wide time span, covering the 2nd or the 3rd cent. It was obviously a part of a threepart helmet with a mask. These helmets, defined as type III in M. Kohlert’s typology of helmets with masks, consisted of a back part covering the skull and the forehead, the front part covering the face except the eyes, nose and mouth, covered by the third part of the helmet – the visor. This type is dated from the 1st to the 3rd cent. and it was spread throughout the Empire. Due to the wide eye slots, the visor from Sotin was linked with the only known helmet of type IV, discovered in Kostolac. Even though the construction of that helmet is not closely related to type III, due to the characteristic wide eye slots and the fact that they come from the same geographic region, they could be simultaneous. Depending on the author, the Kostolac helmet is dated from the 1st cent. B.C. until the 2nd cent. A.D., with the later date being more probable. Since the eye and mouth slots on the masks from the 1st cent. are generally wider than those on later specimens, the visor from Sotin more likely dates from an earlier period. Therefore, the 2nd cent. date is perhaps somewhat more acceptable than the 3rd cent. Publication: Hoffiller 1910-1911, 218 Lit: Russel Robinson 1975, 107-135; Kohlert 1978, 22; Waurick 1988, 345, 361363; Feugère 1993, 187-195; Feugère 1994, 123-140; Radman-Livaja 2001b, 58-59 S. F. 2. Fragment paradne konjaničke kacige (maska) Osijek, MSO, inv. br. 5247 željezo dužina: 14,4 cm; širina: 13,4 2.-3. st. Po svojim tipološkim odlikama ova je maska vrlo slična primjerku pronađenom u Sotinu te se vjerojatno može i datirati istovremeno. Objava: Hoffiller 1910-1911, 219 Lit.: Russel Robinson 1975, 107-135; Kohlert 1978, 22; Waurick 1988, 345, 361-363; Feugère 1993, 187-195; Feugère 1994, 123-140 S. F. 3. Fragment of a helmet Osijek, MSO, inv. no. 7620 iron ca. 11 x 11 cm 4th cent. Fragment of a half-dome of a late Roman helmet of the Intercisa type. The ear aperture bordered by a series of perforations for fixing the lining is still clearly visible. It is possible that this fragment—together with two fragments bearing the same inventory number— belonged to the same helmet. Unpublished Lit.: Feugère 1994, 141-150; Bishop&Coulston 2006, 210-216; RadmanLivaja 2007b, 109-110 3. Fragment kacige Osijek, MSO, inv. br. 7620 željezo cca 11 x 11 cm 4. st. Fragment polukalote kasnoantičke kacige tipa Intercisa. Ušni otvor obrubljen rupicama za prošivanje podstave je još dobro vidljiv. Moguće je da je ovaj fragment zajedno s 2 ulomka koji nose isti inventarni broj pripadao istoj kacigi. Neobjavljeno Lit.: Feugère 1994, 141-150; Bishop&Coulston 2006, 210-216; Radman-Livaja 2007b, 109-110 S. F. S. F. 4. Fragment of a helmet Osijek, MSO, inv. no. 7620 iron ca. 9.5 x 8 cm 4th cent. Iron fragment probably attributable to a late Roman helmet of the Intercisa type. Unpublished Lit.: Feugère 1994, 141-150; Bishop&Coulston 2006, 210-216; RadmanLivaja 2007b, 109-110 4. Fragment kacige Osijek, MSO, inv. br. 7620 željezo cca 9,5 x 8 cm 4. st. Željezni fragment koji se vjerojatno može odrediti kao dio kasnoantičke kacige tipa Intercisa. Neobjavljeno Lit.: Feugère 1994, 141-150; Bishop&Coulston 2006, 210-216; Radman-Livaja 2007b, 109-110 S. F. S. F. I. R.-L. · 234 235 · 5. Fragment kacige Osijek, MSO, inv. br. 7620 željezo cca 10 x 7,5 cm 4. st. Vjerojatno je riječ o fragmentu kasnoantičke kacige tipa Intercisa. Neobjavljeno Lit.: Feugère 1994, 141-150; Bishop&Coulston 2006, 210-216; Radman-Livaja 2007b, 109-110 5. Fragment of a helmet Osijek, MSO, inv. no. 7620 iron ca. 10 x 7.5 cm 4th cent. Probably a fragment of a late Roman Intercisa type helmet. Unpublished Lit.: Feugère 1994, 141-150; Bishop&Coulston 2006, 210-216; RadmanLivaja 2007b, 109-110 S. F. S. F. 6. Fragment kacige Osijek, MSO, inv. br. 5246 željezo cca 18 x 15,5 cm 4. st. Većim dijelom očuvana polukalota kacige tipa Intercisa obrubljena rupicama za prišivanje podstave. Jasno je vidljiv ispupčeni ukras u obliku dvije antitetički postavljene životinjske glave razjapljenih usta. Neobjavljeno Lit.: Feugère 1994, 141-150; Bishop&Coulston 2006, 210-216; Radman-Livaja 2007b, 109-110 6. Fragment of a helmet Osijek, MSO, inv. no. 5246 iron ca. 18 x 15.5 cm 4th cent. Largely preserved half-dome of an Intercisa type helmet bordered with perforations for fixing the lining. Embossed ornament in the shape of two antithetical animal heads with mouths agape. Unpublished Lit.: Feugère 1994, 141-150; Bishop&Coulston 2006, 210-216; RadmanLivaja 2007b, 109-110 S. F. 7. Fragment kacige Osijek, MSO, inv. br. 5246 željezo cca 19,5 x 13 cm 4. st. Fragment polukalote kacige tipa Intercisa obrubljene rupicama za prišivanje podstave i jasno viddljivim ušnim otvorom. Neobjavljeno Lit.: Feugère 1994, 141-150; Bishop&Coulston 2006, 210-216; Radman-Livaja 2007b, 109-110 8. Fragment of a helmet Osijek, MSO, inv. no. 5246 iron ca. 17 x 16 cm 4th cent. Fragment of a half-dome of a late Roman composite helmet, probably of the Intercisa type. Unpublished Lit.: Feugère 1994, 141-150; Bishop&Coulston 2006, 210-216; RadmanLivaja 2007b, 109-110 S. F. 9. Fragment of a helmet Osijek, MSO, inv. no. 5246 iron ca. 18 x 13 cm 4th cent. Fragment of a half-dome of a late Roman composite helmet. It probably formed part of a somewhat more complex two-piece composite helmet generally associated with horsemen. A small fragment of a cheek-piece is glued to the ear slot by the corrosion. Unpublished Lit.: Feugère 1994, 141-150; Bishop&Coulston 2006, 210-216; RadmanLivaja 2007b, 109-110 S. F. S. F. 7. Fragment of a helmet Osijek, MSO, inv. no. 5246 iron ca. 19.5 x 13 cm 4th cent. Fragment of a half-dome of an Intercisa type helmet bordered with holes for fixing the lining and a clearly visible ear slot. Unpublished. Lit.: Feugère 1994, 141-150; Bishop&Coulston 2006, 210-216; RadmanLivaja 2007b, 109-110 10. Fragment of a helmet Osijek, MSO, inv. no. 5246 iron ca. 19 x 13 cm 4th cent. Poorly preserved fragment of a half-dome of a late Roman composite helmet. In this case also we are probably dealing with the remains of a two-piece composite equestrian helmet. A fragment of a cheek-piece has remained pasted to the eye slot. Unpublished Lit.: Feugère 1994, 141-150; Bishop&Coulston 2006, 210-216; RadmanLivaja 2007b, 109-110 S. F. S. F. S. F. · 236 237 · 8. Fragment kacige Osijek, MSO, inv. br. 5246 željezo cca 17 x 16 cm 4. st. Fragment polukalote kasnoantičke kompozitne kacige, vjerojatno tipa Intercisa. Neobjavljeno Lit.: Feugère 1994, 141-150; Bishop&Coulston 2006, 210-216; Radman-Livaja 2007b, 109-110 S. F. 9. Fragment kacige Osijek, MSO, inv. br. 5246 željezo cca 18 cm x 13 cm 4. st. Fragment polukalote kasnoantičke kompozitne kacige. Čini se da bi moglo biti riječ o dijelu nešto složenije dvodijelne kompozitne kacige kakve se pripisuju konjanicima. Manji fragment obrazine je korozijom slijepljen za ušni otvor. Neobjavljeno Lit.: Feugère 1994, 141-150; Bishop&Coulston 2006, 210-216; Radman-Livaja 2007b, 109-110 S. F. 10. Fragment kacige Osijek, MSO, inv. br. 5246 željezo cca 19 x 13 cm 4. st. Loše očuvani fragment polukalote kasnoantičke kompozitne kacige. I u ovom slučaju se možda radi o ostatku dvodijelne kompozitne konjaničke kacige. Fragment obrazine ostao je pričvršćen za ušni otvor. Neobjavljeno Lit.: Feugère 1994, 141-150; Bishop&Coulston 2006, 210-216; Radman-Livaja 2007b, 109-110 S. F. 11. Fragment kacige Osijek, MSO, inv. br. 5246 željezo cca 11 x 7 cm 4. st. Loše očuvani fragment kacige. Moguće je da je pripadao istoj kacigi kao i prethodno spomenuti veći fragment. Neobjavljeno Lit.: Feugère 1994, 141-150; Bishop&Coulston 2006, 210-216; Radman-Livaja 2007b, 109-110 11. Fragment of a helmet Osijek, MSO, inv. no. 5246 iron ca. 11 x 7 cm 4th cent. Poorly preserved fragment of a helmet. It is possible that it belonged to the same helmet as the previously mentioned larger fragment. Unpublished Lit.: Feugère 1994, 141-150; Bishop&Coulston 2006, 210-216; RadmanLivaja 2007b, 109-110 S. F. S. F. 12. Zaštitni oklop za konjsku glavu Dalj, 1914., AMZ-9231 željezo, bakrena slitina, srebro, zlato visina: 18,5, širina: 29 cm 1. st. Nakon dugotrajnih pregovora, Arheološki muzej je nakon 1. svjetskog rata uspio otkupiti jedan komad sportsko-paradne konjske opreme. Taj je oklop za konjsku glavu otkriven u Dalju, vjerojatno 1914. godine. Sastoji se od tri dijela, lijevog i desnog štitnika za oči te središnje ploče, koja je pokrivala čelo i nos životinje. Dijelovi su međusobno bili spojeni uz pomoć 4 šarnira koji se nisu sačuvali, no još uvijek su vidljiva njihova ležišta. Štitnici za oči, iako jednake širine, nisu sasvim simetrični jer je lijevi nešto manji (cca 2 cm) od desnoga. Oklop je napravljen od dva sloja metala, odnosno od željeznog lima s unutrašnje strane, prekrivenog brončanim limom. Oklop je bio podstavljen kožom, i još su vidljive zakovice kojima je kožna navlaka bila pričvršćena za metal. Oklop je bogato ukrašen: posrebren je i pozlaćen, a ornamentacija u vidu vegetabilnih ukrasa izvedena je tauširanjem. Na središnjem je dijelu umetan i crni emajl, a rešetke na očnim štitnicima izvedene su u obliku stiliziranog lišća, što je uobičajen oblik ukrašavanja očnih štitnika u 1. st. Po svojim se karakteristikama ovaj oklop datira u 1. st, budući da se trodijelni konjski oklopi za glavu kroz 2. i 3. st mahom ukrašavaju reljefnim ornamentima. Objava: Hoffiller 1951, 93-99. Lit.: Garbsch 1978, 13-14, 86-87; Radman-Livaja 2005, 941-953 12. Horse head armour Dalj, 1914, AMZ-9231 iron, copper alloy, silver, gold height: 18.5, width: 29 cm 1st cent. After lengthy negotiations, after World War I the Archaeological Museum in Zagreb eventually succeeded in purchasing a piece from a sports-parade horse harness. This horse head armour was discovered in Dalj, probably in 1914. It consists of three parts, the left and right eye guards and the central plaque that covered the forehead and the nose of the animal. The pieces were joined together with 4 hinges that have not been preserved, but their mounts are still visible. The eye guards—although of the equal width—are not entirely symmetrical, as the left one is somewhat smaller (ca. 2 cm) than the right one. The armour was made of two layers of metal – sheet-iron core covered with sheet bronze. The armour was lined with leather, and the rivets fixing the leather to the metal are still visible. The armour is richly decorated: it is silvered and gilded, while the vegetable ornaments were inlaid. Black enamel was inlaid in the central part, while the grids on the eye-guards were executed in the form of stylized leaves, which is a common type of eye-guard decoration in the 1st cent. This armour is dated by its features to the 1st cent., considering that the threepiece horse head armours during the 2nd and 3rd cent. are by and large decorated with relief ornaments. Publication: Hoffiller 1951, 93-99. Lit.: Garbsch 1978, 13-14, 86-87; RadmanLivaja 2005, 941-953 13. Fragments of a scale armour Osijek, MSO, inv. no. 2680 lengt: 5.5, width: 1.7 cm 2nd-3rd cent. Fragment of a scale armour with elongated scales, possibly a piece of the so-called lamellar armour. Unpublished Lit.: Robinson 1975, 162-163; RadmanLivaja 2004a, 80 S. F. 14. Sword Osijek, MSO, RST 8 iron length: 53 cm; length of tang: 11.94 cm; width of blade: 2.88 cm 2nd half of the 1st cent. – early 2nd cent. Even though the tip is broken, the size— that is the length and width of the blade— make it plausible that this is a Pompeii-type sword. Unpublished Lit.: Ulbert 1969, 97-128; Feugère 1993, 99, 146; Bishop&Coulston 2006, 79-80; Miks 2007, 65-71 I. R.-L. I. R.-L. 13. Dijelovi ljuskastog oklopa Osijek, MSO, inv. br. 2680 dužina: 5,5 cm; širina: 1,7 cm 2.-3. st. Fragment ljuskastog oklopa s izduženim ljuskama, moguće je riječ o tzv. lamelarnom oklopu. Neobjavljeno Lit.: Robinson 1975, 162-163; RadmanLivaja 2004a, 80 S. F. 14. Mač Osijek, MSO, RST 8 željezo dužina: 53 cm; dužina trna: 11,94 cm; širina sječiva: 2,88 cm druga pol. 1. st – rano 2. st. Iako mu je vrh odlomljen, s obzirom na dimenzije, odnosno dužinu i širinu sječiva, čini se da je riječ o gladiju tipa Pompeji. Neobjavljeno Lit.: Ulbert 1969, 97-128; Feugère 1993, 99, 146; Bishop&Coulston 2006, 79-80; Miks 2007, 65-71 S. F. S. F. 15. Mace head Vinkovci (Korzo), 2008, GMV, PN-115, inv. A2219 iron length: 9.26 cm; width: 4.48 cm; diameter of the shaft-hole: 2.2 cm 3rd quarter of the 4th cent. Forged iron mace head with a shaft hole, quite well preserved in spite of the few damaged spikes. The head was forged out of a single piece of iron. It is elongated, with 8 short spikes. unevenly arranged in three rows. The hole by which the head was attached to a wooden shaft is at the base of the mace head. The mace was found during a salvage excavations in Vinkovci, in the territory of ancient Cibalae, in a layer dated to the second half of the 4th cent. Even though the use of mace heads is reported in at least one source from antiquity (Arrianus, Ars tactica, 4.9), such finds are extremely rare, and this piece from Vinkovci—so it appears—presently stands out as the single known find of that type from the European part of the Roman Empire. Unpublished Lit.: James 2004, 188-90 15. Buzdovan Vinkovci (Korzo), 2008., GMV, PN-115, inv. A2219 željezo dužina: 9,26 cm; širina: 4,48 cm; promjer otvora: 2,2 cm druga pol. 4. st. Željezni kovani buzdovan s rupom za nasad, dosta dobro očuvan iako su mu neki šiljci oštećeni. Glava je iskovana iz jednog komada željeza, izduženog je oblika s 8 nasumično raspoređenih kratkih šiljaka u tri reda. Na donjem dijelu glave je široki otvor za nasađivanje na drvenu dršku. Buzdovan je pronađen tijekom zaštitnih istraživanja u Vinkovcima, na prostoru antičkih Cibala u sloju koji je datiran u drugu polovinu 4. st. Iako se uporaba buzdovana spominje u barem jednom antičkom izvoru (Arrianus, Ars tactica, 4.9), takvi su nalazi iznimno rijetki, pa bi ovaj primjerak iz Vinkovaca bio, čini se, zasad jedini poznat nalaz te vrste iz europskog dijela Rimskog Carstva. Neobjavljen Lit.: James 2004, 188-90 H. V. H. V. · 238 239 · 16. Koplje Osijek, MSO, inv. br. 840 željezo dužina: 31,7 cm; širina lista: 5,35 cm; dužina tuljca: 10,1 cm ; pr. otvora: 1,9 cm 1.-5. st. Listoliko izduženo koplje sa slabo naglašenim središnjim rebrom. Neobjavljeno Lit.: Feugère 1993, 169-171; RadmanLivaja 2004a, 27-29; Bishop&Coulston 2006, 76-78, 130, 151-152, 200 S. F. 17. Vrh sulice Dalj, AMZ, bez inv. broja bakrena slitina dužina 6,2 cm; promjer tuljca 0,9cm druga pol. 2.st. – prva pol. 3. st. Laka konjanička sulica s piramidalnim vrhom i nasadom na tuljac. Objava: Radman-Livaja 2004c, 62, 72, T. 1, 1. Lit.: Petculescu 1991a, 35-58; RadmanLivaja 2005, 941-942 I. R. L. 18. Petica sulice Dalj, AMZ, bez inv. broja bakrena slitina dužina 4,3cm; promjer tuljca: 0,9cm druga pol. 2.st. – prva pol. 3. st. Petica lake konjaničke sulice. Objava: Radman-Livaja 2004c, 62, 72, T. 1, 2. Lit.: Petculescu 1991a, 35-58; RadmanLivaja 2005, 941-942 I. R. L. 19. Javelin head Dalj, AMZ, without an inv. number copper alloy length: 8.1 cm; diameter of socket: 1.1 cm 2nd half of the 2nd cent. – 1st half of the 3rd cent. Light equestrian socketed javelin with a hexagonal head. Publication: Radman-Livaja 2004c, 62, 72, T. 1, 3. Lit.: Petculescu 1991a, 35-58; RadmanLivaja 2005, 941-942 16. Spear head Osijek, MSO, inv. no. 840 iron length: 31.7 cm; width of leaf: 5.35 cm; length of socket: 10.1 cm; diameter of hole: 1.9 cm 1st-5th cent. Leaf-shaped elongated spear head with a slightly pronounced mid-rib. Unpublished Lit.: Feugère 1993, 169-171; RadmanLivaja 2004a, 27-29; Bishop&Coulston 2006, 76-78, 130, 151-152, 200 I. R. L. S. F. 20. Javelin head Dalj, AMZ, 8515 copper alloy length: 7.3 cm; diameter of socket: 0.8 cm 2nd half of the 2nd cent. – 1st half of the 3rd cent. Light equestrian socketed javelin with an octogonal head. Publication: Radman-Livaja 2004c, 62, 72, T. 1, 4. Lit.: Petculescu 1991a, 35-58; RadmanLivaja 2005, 941-942 17. Javelin head Dalj, AMZ, without an inv. number copper alloy length: 6.2 cm; diameter of socket: 0.9 cm 2nd half of the 2nd cent. – 1st half of the 3rd cent. Light equestrian bodkin-shaped socketed javelin. Publication: Radman-Livaja 2004c, 62, 72, T. 1, 1. Lit.: Petculescu 1991a, 35-58; RadmanLivaja 2005, 941-942 I. R. L. I. R. L. 21. Javelin head Dalj, AMZ, 8515 copper alloy length: 6.2 cm; diameter of socket: 0.9 cm 2nd half of the 2nd cent. – 1st half of the 3rd cent. Light equestrian socketed javelin with an octogonal head of irregular shape. Publication: Radman-Livaja 2004c, 62, 72, T. 1, 5. Lit.: Petculescu 1991a, 35-58; RadmanLivaja 2005, 941-942 18. Javelin butt Dalj, AMZ, without an inv. number copper alloy length: 4.3 cm; diameter of socket: 0.9 cm 2nd half of the 2nd cent. – 1st half of the 3rd cent. A butt of a light equestrian javelin. Publication: Radman-Livaja 2004c, 62, 72, T. 1, 2. Lit.: Petculescu 1991a, 35-58; RadmanLivaja 2005, 941-942 I. R. L. I. R. L. · 240 241 · 19. Vrh sulice Dalj, AMZ, bez. inv. broja bakrena slitina dužina 8,1cm; promjer tuljca 1,1 cm druga pol. 2.st. – prva pol. 3. st. Laka konjanička sulica s heksagonalnim vrhom i nasadom na tuljac. Objava: Radman-Livaja 2004c, 62, 72, T. 1, 3. Lit.: Petculescu 1991a, 35-58; RadmanLivaja 2005, 941-942 I. R. L. 20. Vrh sulice Dalj, AMZ, inv. 8515 bakrena slitina dužina 7,3 cm; promjer tuljca 0,8 cm druga pol. 2.st. – prva pol. 3. st. Laka konjanička sulica s oktogonalnim vrhom i nasadom na tuljac. Objava: Radman-Livaja 2004c, 62, 72, T. 1, 4. Lit.: Petculescu 1991a, 35-58; RadmanLivaja 2005, 941-942 I. R. L. 21. Vrh sulice Borovo-Gradac, AMZ, inv. 9517 bakrena slitina dužina 6,2 cm; promjer tuljca 0,9 cm druga pol. 2.st. – prva pol. 3. st. Laka konjanička sulica s oktogonalnim vrhom nepravilnog oblika i nasadom na tuljac. Objava: Radman-Livaja 2004c, 62, 72, T. 1, 5. Lit.: Petculescu 1991a, 35-58; RadmanLivaja 2005, 941-942 I. R. L. 22. Petica sulice Dalj, AMZ. bez inv. broja bakrena slitina dužina 5,6 cm; promjer tuljca 1,2 cm druga pol. 2.st. – prva pol. 3. st. Oštećena petica lake konjaničke sulice. Objava: Radman-Livaja 2004c, 62, 72, T. 1, 6. Lit.: Petculescu 1991a, 35-58; RadmanLivaja 2005, 941-942 I. R. L. 23. Vrh sulice Osijek, MSO, inv. br. 3328 bakrena slitina dužina: 8 cm; promjer tuljca: 1,3 cm druga pol. 2.st. – prva pol. 3. st. Heksagonalni vrh konjaničke sulice s nasadom na tuljac. Neobjavljen Lit.: Petculescu 1991a, 35-58; RadmanLivaja 2004c, 59-72 S. F. 24. Petica sulice Osijek, MSO, inv. br. 3328b bakrena slitina dužina: 4,25 cm; promjer tuljca: 1,17 cm druga pol. 2.st. – prva pol. 3. st. Petica konjaničke sulice. Neobjavljena Lit.: Petculescu 1991a, 35-58; RadmanLivaja 2004c, 59-72 S. F. 25. Javelin head Osijek, MSO, inv. no. 2584 copper alloy length: 6.67 cm; diameter of socket: 1.15 cm 2nd half of the 2nd cent. – 1st half of the 3rd cent. Hexagonal head of an equestrian socketed helmet. Unpublished Lit.: Petculescu 1991a, 35-58; RadmanLivaja 2004c, 59-72 20. Javelin butt Dalj, AMZ, without an inv. number copper alloy length: 5.6 cm; diameter of socket: 1.2 cm 2nd half of the 2nd cent. – 1st half of the 3rd cent. Damaged butt of a light equestrian javelin. Publication: Radman-Livaja 2004c, 62, 72, T. 1, 6. Lit.: Petculescu 1991a, 35-58; RadmanLivaja 2005, 941-942 I. R. L. S. F. 23. Javelin head Osijek, MSO, inv. no. 3328 copper alloy length: 8 cm; diameter of socket: 1.3 cm 2nd half of the 2nd cent. – 1st half of the 3rd cent. Hexagonal head of an equestrian socketed helmet. Unpublished Lit.: Petculescu 1991a, 35-58; RadmanLivaja 2004c, 59-72 26. Javelin butt Osijek, MSO, inv. no. 5260 copper alloy length: 2.6 cm; diameter of socket: 1.1 cm 2nd half of the 2nd cent. – 1st half of the 3rd cent. Butt of an equestrian helmet. Unpublished Lit.: Petculescu 1991a, 35-58; RadmanLivaja 2004c, 59-72 S. F. S. F. 24. Javelin butt Osijek, MSO, inv. no. 3328b copper alloy length: 4.25 cm; diameter of socket: 1.17 cm 2nd half of the 2nd cent. – 1st half of the 3rd cent. Butt of an equestrian javelin. Unpublished Lit.: Petculescu 1991a, 35-58; RadmanLivaja 2004c, 59-72 27. Roman late ancient javelin Vukovar, 1912, AMZ-14728 iron length of head: 39.9 cm, length of butt: 23.4 cm 3rd-4th cent. An excellently preserved gaesum—that is the barbed head together with an elongated conical butt—was in the past discovered in Vukovar and subsequently delivered to the National Museum in Zagreb. Smaller specimens with shorter sockets are encountered in the case of the Romans already during the 2nd cent., and it seems that their origin can be traced to the Germanic tribes east of the Rhine, as corroborated by the many finds of winged spears in graves and peat-bogs. The gaesum from Vukovar is similar to certain pieces from Britain, and based on these analogies the Vukovar specimen can be dated to the period between the 3rd and the 5th cent. Publication: Hoffiller 1912, 97, sl. 35 Lit.: von Schnurbein 1974, 411-433; Marchant1990, 1-6; Radman-Livaja 2005, 942 S. F. I. R. L. · 242 243 · 25. Vrh sulice Osijek, MSO, inv. br. 2584 bakrena slitina dužina: 6,67 cm; promjer tuljca: 1,15 cm druga pol. 2.st. – prva pol. 3. st. Heksagonalni vrh konjaničke sulice s nasadom na tuljac. Neobjavljen Lit.: Petculescu 1991a, 35-58; RadmanLivaja 2004c, 59-72 S. F. 26. Petica sulice Osijek, MSO, inv. br. 5260 bakrena slitina dužina: 2,6 cm; pr. otvora: 1,1 cm druga pol. 2.st. – prva pol. 3. st. Petica konjaničke sulice. Neobjavljena Lit.: Petculescu 1991a, 35-58; RadmanLivaja 2004c, 59-72 S. F. 27. Rimska kasnoantička sulica Vukovar, 1912., AMZ-14728 željezo dužina vrha: 39,9 cm, dužina petice: 23,4 cm 3.-4. st. U Vukovaru je svojevremeno pronađen i naknadno predan Narodnom muzeju u Zagrebu jedan odlično sačuvani gaesum, odnosno vrh s krilcima zajedno s izduljenom koničnom peticom. Manji se primjerci s kraćim tuljcima susreću kod Rimljana već tijekom 2. st., a čini se da porijeklo vuku od germanskih plemena istočno od Rajne, o čemu svjedoče brojni nalazi kopalja s krilcima u grobovima i tresetištima. Vukovarski gaesum nalikuje nekim primjercima nađenima u Britaniji te se na temelju tih analogija vukovarski primjerak može datirati u vrijeme između 3. i 5. st. Objava: Hoffiller 1912, 97, sl. 35 Lit.: von Schnurbein 1974, 411-433; Marchant1990, 1-6; Radman-Livaja 2005, 942 I. R. L. 28. Plumbata Osijek, MSO, inv. br. 1377 željezo, olovo dužina: 18,7 cm 4. st. Kasnoantička laka sulica s vrhom s krilcima i nasadom na tuljac, otežana olovnim utegom u donjem dijelu, tzv. plumbata. Neobjavljena Lit.: Feugère 1993: 235, 237; RadmanLivaja 2004a, 30-32; Bishop&Coulston 2006, 200-202 S. F. 29. Inventar groba 5 2 čaše (PN 1491, 1497), obod i dno posude (PN 1471), amfora(PN 1493), lonac (4785), mač u koricama (PN 1522), vojnički opasač (PN 1525, 1526, 1527, 1528, 1529, 1530, 1531, 1534), as (PN 1415; RIC i2.81 (c. AD 22/23-(?)30), Tiberius, rimska kovnica; av.: [DIVVSA]VGVSTVS PA[TER]; Aug. glava sa zrakastom krunom I. rv. [S] - C/PROVIDE[NT]; ograđeni oltar s dvostrukim vratnicama) Ilok, 2006., Gradski muzej Ilok Keramika, željezo, bakrena slitina druga četvrtina 1. st. Tijekom zaštitnih arheoloških istraživanja koja je od 2001.-2008. godine tijekom obnove kasnogotičkog dvorca knezova Iločkih, odnosno dvorca obitelji Odescalchi, provodio Institut za arheologiju, ispod kasnosrednjovjekovnih slojeva i objekata otkriveni su ostaci ranorimskog groblja. Groblje se nalazilo na mjestu ranijih prapovijesnih naselja, dok je od rimskog naselja bilo odijeljeno dubokim prirodnim usjekom. Istraživanja su pokazala kako je nakon prestanka pokopavanja groblje palo u zaborav, što pokazuju ostaci arhitekture te brojne jame koji su na istom mjestu podizani od sredine 3. te posebno u 4. stoljeću, kada su grobovi najvjerojatnije i bili opljačkani. U istraživanjima je pronađeno šest djelomično sačuvanih grobova. Grobna arhitektura sastojala se od ostataka drvenih sanduka koji su bili položeni na dno velikih i duboko ukopanih pravokutnih grobnih raka. Zbog pljačke te oštećivanja grobova pri izgradnji kasnosrednjovjekovnog dvorca, ostaci pokojnika u grobovima in situ nisu pronađeni, osim manje količine prikupljenih razasutih spaljenih kostiju. S pokojnicima su u grobove položeni naoružanje, zatim ostaci nošnje i nakit, toaletni pribor, predmeti iz svakodnevnog života te popudbina. Od naoružanja je u grobu 5 pronađen kratki željezni mač (gladius) tipa Mainz koji se nalazio u drvenim koricama ments. In the same grave was found a military belt decorated with bronze fittings and strap-ends (cingulum). Only a part of bronze scabbard was preserved of the sword from grave 3. The finds of bronze Aucissa fibulae, worn in the period of the Roman conquest of south Pannonia, also belong to the military equipment. Items from everyday life include also the finds of bone and glass counters used in games. Numerous ceramic, bronze and glass vessels and lamps were placed in graves as grave goods. The bulk of the ceramic vessels (amphorae, terra sigillata, thin-walled ware), together with bronze and glass vessels, as well as lamps, arrived from north Italy through trade. Analogies for some of the vessels were documented in the investigations of Sirmium as well as in the lowland settlements in south Syrmia dated to the 1st cent., which points to the possibility that they were produced in local workshops. Part of the vessels feature shapes and decorations attributable to the local, Celtic population (pots and S-profiled bowls, situla-shaped pots with a rounded body), which might be of help in the determination of the ethnic affiliation of the discovered graves. Certain vessels (jugs, pots) have shapes that imitate imported pieces, but their workmanship and technological features reveal a local origin. The vessels contained food and drink, as testified by the finds of seeds of cereals and fruits, mostly grape vine. The remains of figs and olives bear witness to the fact that Mediterranean fruits were imported in addition to luxury items for the needs of soldiers and local aristocracy, but also of the settled merchants and craftsmen. The finds of coins placed there as Charon’s obols, together with other imported goods, demonstrate that the graves belong to the first half of the 1st cent., that is the period of rule of emperors from the Julio-Claudian dynasty. It can be assumed that people buried in those graves were mostly members of local aristocracy of Celtic origin, that is, Scordisci. The deceased person from grave 5 in all likelihood served in the army, but it remains open whether he had been a veteran of local origin that was buried among his kinfolk and countrymen, or a soldier from another part of the Empire, who served in that territory, possibly precisely in Cuccium. Unpublished Lit.: Dizdar et alii 2003, 57-77; Bishop&Coulston 2006, 78-83, 106-109; Miks 2007, 58-65; Tomičić et alii 2007, 1415; Tomičić et alii 2008, 15-16 28. Plumbata Osijek, MSO, inv. no. 1377 iron, lead length: 18.7 cm 4th cent. Late Roman socketed javelin with a barbed head, weighted with a lead weight in the lower part, a so-called plumbata. Unpublished Lit.: Feugère 1993: 235, 237; RadmanLivaja 2004a, 30-32; Bishop&Coulston 2006, 200-202 S. F. 29. Inventory of grave 5 2 cups (PN 1491, 1497), rim and base of a vessel (PN 1471), amphora (PN 1493), pot (4785), sword in scabbard (PN 1522), military belt (PN 1525, 1526, 1527, 1528, 1529, 1530, 1531, 1534), as (PN 1415; RIC i2.81 (c. AD 22/23-(?)30), Tiberius, Roman mint; obv.: [DIVVSA]VGVSTVS PA[TER]; Aug. head with a radiate crown I. rv. [S] - C/PROVIDE[NT]; fenced altar with double doors) Ilok, 2006, Municipal Museum Ilok ceramics, iron, copper alloy 2nd quarter of the 1st cent. The remains of an Early Roman cemetery were discovered below late medieval layers and structures in the salvage archaeological excavations carried out by the Institute of Archaeology between 2001-2008 during the renovation of the palace of the Princes of Ilok, that is the palace of the Odescalchi family. The cemetery developed at the position of previous prehistoric settlements, and it was separated from a Roman settlement by a deep natural ravine. The excavations have shown that the cemetery fell into disuse once burials ceased, as shown by numerous pits and the remains of the architecture constructed from the mid-3rd cent. and particularly during the 4th cent., which is also the probable date the graves were looted. The excavations yielded six partially preserved graves. The grave architecture consisted of the remains of wooden trunks placed on the base of large and deeply buried rectangular graves. Due to looting and damaging of graves by the construction of the late medieval palace, the remains of the deceased were not found in situ, except for a small quantity of scattered cremated bones. Weapons, remains of costume and jewellery, toilet accessory, everyday objects and grave goods were placed in graves together with the deceased. As for the weapons, grave 5 yielded a short iron sword (gladius) of the Mainz type, found in a wooden scabbard with bronze reinforce- M. D. s brončanim pojačanjima. U istom grobu je pronađen i vojnički pojas s ukrašenim brončanim okovima te jezičcima (cingulum). Od mača iz groba 3 sačuvao se samo dio brončanih korica. Vojničkoj opremi bi pripadali i nalazi brončanih Aucissa fibula koje su nošene u razdoblju rimskog osvajanja južne Panonije. Predmetima iz svakodnevnog života pripadaju nalazi koštanih i staklenih žetona koji su korišteni u igrama. Kao popudbina u grobove su položene brojne keramičke, brončane i staklene posude te svjetiljke. Najveći dio keramičkog posuđa (amfore, terra sigillata, keramika tankih stijenki), zajedno s brončanim i staklenim posudama te svjetiljkama, trgovinom je pristigao s prostora sjeverne Italije. Za dio posuda usporedbe su zabilježene u istraživanjima Sirmija te na nizinskim naseljima u južnom Srijemu datiranim u 1. st. što ukazuje na mogućnost da su proizvod lokalnih radionica. Dio posuda oblikom i ukrasima pripada ostavštini domaćeg, keltskog porijekla (lonci i zdjele S-profilacije, situlasti lonci zaobljenog tijela), što bi moglo pripomoći u određivanju etničke pripadnosti pronađenih grobova. Pojedine posude (vrčevi, lonci) oblikom slijede importirane, no načinom izrade i tehnološkim karakteristikama odaju lokalno porijeklo. U posudama su se nalazili hrana i piće o čemu svjedoče nalazi sjemenki žitarica i voća, najviše vinove loze. Nalazi ostataka smokvi i maslina svjedoče kako su, osim luksuznih predmeta, za potrebe vojnika i lokalne aristokracije kao i naseljenih trgovaca i obrtnika bila uvoženi i mediteranski plodovi. Nalazi novca koji su pridodani kao obol, zajedno s drugim importiranim predmetima, pokazuju kako se radi o grobovima iz prve polovice 1. st., odnosno razdoblja vladavine careva julijevsko-klaudijevske dinastije. Može se pretpostaviti kako su u tim grobovima uglavnom bili pokopani pripadnici lokalne aristokracije keltskog porijekla, odnosno Skordisci. Pokojnik iz groba 5 je po svemu sudeći vjerojatno služio u vojsci no ostaje otvoreno pitanje je li riječ o veteranu lokalnog porijekla koji je sahranjen među svojom rodbinom i zemljacima ili je pak riječ o vojniku iz nekog drugog dijela carstva koji je služio u tom području, za pretpostaviti u samom Kukciju (Cuccium). Neobjavljeno Lit.: Dizdar et alii 2003, 57-77; Bishop&Coulston 2006, 78-83, 106-109; Miks 2007, 58-65; Tomičić et alii 2007, 14-15; Tomičić et alii 2008, 15-16 M. D. · 244 245 · Ivan Radman-Livaja Lokaliteti civilnog karaktera i slučajni nalazi Non-military sites and stray finds I A Neki od tih spomenika nisu neposredno vezani uz vojnu opremu poput, primjerice, nadgrobnih ili votivnih spomenika koje su podigli vojnici, odnosno veterani ili njihove obitelji, no i oni nam otkrivaju vrlo važne podatke kako o životu rimskih vojnika na ovim prostorima tako i o rimskoj vojsci u cjelini. Nadgrobni spomenici veterana na prostoru Dalmacije i Panonije nisu nužno vezani uz mjesta gdje su postojali garnizoni (mada ih tamo često nalazimo), jer su se veterani mogli skrasiti gdje god ih je bila volja, pa tako i ne čudi popriličan broj njihovih nadgrobnih spomenika kako u velikim gradovima poput Salone (Salona), Siscije (Siscia) ili Cibala (Cibalae) tako ni u manjim mjestima diljem tih provin- Some of these finds are not directly associated to the military equipment, such as sepulchral or votive monuments erected by soldiers, veterans or their families, but they still reveal important information on the life of Roman soldiers in this area and the Roman army as a whole. Sepulchral veteran monuments from Dalmatia and Pannonia are not necessarily affiliated with the garrison sites (although often they are), because the veterans were free to settle wherever they liked it, and it is no wonder that many of their monuments were found both within larger urban areas like Salona, Siscia or Cibalae and at lesser settlements in these provinces. Sepulchral monuments of the soldiers that have died during their service are mostly found in the immediate vicinity of the garrisons, but they were also sometimes buried near civilian settlements far ako među nalazima rimske vojne opreme u Hrvatskoj, sasvim razumljivo, pretežu predmeti pronađeni na lokalitetima gdje su kroz duže ili kraće razdoblje boravile rimske trupe, bilo da je riječ o legijskim logorima poput Burnuma, Tilurija ili Siscije ili pak o auksilijarnim logorima na dunavskom limesu, neki nalazi koji se s velikom sigurnošću mogu vezati uz vojsku, odnosno uz vojnike, potječu iz mjesta u kojima rimska vojska jamačno nije trajno boravila. lthough, understandably, the number of objects from sites occupied for a longer or shorter periods by Roman troops, such as legionary camps at Burnum, Tilurium or Siscia, or auxiliary camps on the Danube limes, dominates among the finds of Roman military equipment in Croatia, some objects that could with certainty be related to the army or soldiers, were found at sites that were certainly not occupied by the Roman army for any significant period of time. · 247 · cija. Nadgrobni spomenici vojnika koji su preminuli tijekom službe su uglavnom pronađeni u neposrednoj blizini garnizona, no ponekad su i oni sahranjeni u civilnim naseljima udaljenima od mjesta gdje im je bila stacionirana matična postrojba, katkad vjerojatno iz obiteljskih razloga a ponekad jer ih je, primjerice u slučaju beneficijara, služba mogla odvesti i u gradove u kojima inače nije bilo stalne vojne posade. from the headquarters of their respective units, sometimes perhaps due to certain family reasons, in other cases – such as with the beneficiaries – their service could take them to the cities normally without a military garrison. Considering votive monuments, there are also no rules, because active soldiers could have erected them far from the place of their service, for example in sanctuaries and baths.1 Many of these monuments were erected by the beneficiaries, who, due to the nature of their service, in any case had to stay in places with no permanent military garrison. Kad je pak o votivnim spomenicima riječ, također nema pravila jer su ih aktivni vojnici mogli podići i daleko od mjesta službovanja, primjerice u svetištima i termalnim lječilištima.1 Mnoge takve spomenike su uostalom postavili beneficijari, koji su zbog prirode svojih zaduženja ionako mogli boraviti i u mjestima bez stalnog garnizona. While the monuments do not necessarily suggest the presence of a military unit on the site, the military equipment, especially battle equipment, such as weapons, helmets or parts of armour, certainly points to the fact that the Roman soldiers had to pass through the area, whether in smaller or larger numbers, although sometimes the possibility remains that the equipment was owned by a veteran. We can only guess as to the reasons for the stay of Roman soldiers on this kind of sites, the more so because these are normally stray finds without any known archaeological context. Dok pronalazak spomenika ne implicira nužno boravak neke vojne postrojbe na tom lokalitetu, nalasci vojne opreme, posebice borbene opreme poput oružja ili kaciga i dijelova oklopa, ipak ukazuju na činjenicu da su rimski vojnici morali tuda proći u većem ili manjem broju, iako ponekad možda nije sasvim isključeno da je riječ o opremi koja je ostala u vlasništvu nekog veterana. O razlozima zadržavanja rimskih vojnika na tim mjestima možemo uglavnom samo nagađati, tim više što je mahom riječ o slučajnim nalazima bez poznatog arheološkog konteksta. Nalaze koji se možda mogu datirati u augustovsko razdoblje, poput kaciga iz Klakara ili gladija iz Stare Gradiške, možemo pokušati povezati s razdobljem učvršćivanja rimske vlasti na panonskom prostoru, odnosno s gušenjem velikog ustanka između 6. i 9. godine. Za to razdoblje nemamo puno čvrstih podataka o smještaju rimskih trupa na ovom prostoru, no nema sumnje da su okolnosti prisiljavale rimsku vojsku na česte pohode diljem južne Panonije, pa nalazi rimske vojne opreme uzduž doline rijeke Save, glavnog prometnog toka te regije, nimalo ne iznenađuju. Nalaze koji potječu iz kasnijeg vremena isto možemo pokušati dovesti u vezu s pokretima trupa, koji uostalom i nisu nužno uvijek morali biti vezani uz velike ratne operacije koje se spominju u pisanim izvorima. Tako je, primjerice, nalaze iz Save kod Slavonskog Broda, možda dovoljno interpreti- The finds from the Augustan period, such as the helmet from Klakar or the gladius from Stara Gradiška, could be associated with the crushing of the great uprising of AD 6-9. We have no solid data on the distribution of Roman troops on this area, but it is certain that the circumstances forced the Roman army to frequent campaigning throughout southern Pannonia, and so the finds of Roman military equipment along the Sava valley, the main road artery of the region, are not at all surprising. Later finds could also be associated with troop movements, not necessarily always connected to great military operations mentioned in literary sources. It suffices, thus, for example, to assume that the finds taken out from the Sava near Slavonski Brod are somehow connected to the movements of the troops, perhaps also short stays on the territory of Marsonia, an important urban centre on the main road and river course between Siscia and Sirmium. The belt set of the VTERE FELIX type, found in Varaždinske Toplice (Aquae Iasae), can probably be explained as a votive offering of a soldier that stayed in the baths for a while. Although alternatives are not to be excluded, it al- 1 Za prostor Hrvatske cf. Rendić-Miočević 1975, 37-47; Šarić 1982, 67-72; Galić&Radman-Livaja 2006, 173-174. 1 For Croatia cf. Rendić-Miočević 1975, 37-47; Šarić 1982, 67-72; Galić&Radman-Livaja 2006, 173-174. · 248 · rati kao tragove kretanja pa i kratkotrajnog boravka trupa na području Marsonije (Marsonia), važnog urbanog središta na glavnom cestovnom i riječnom prometnom pravcu između Siscije i Sirmija. Pojasna garnitura tipa VTERE FELIX pronađena u Varaždinskim Toplicama (Aquae Iasae) se vjerojatno može interpretirati kao zavjetni dar vojnika koji je boravio u lječilištu. Mada nisu isključene ni druge interpretacije, ona gotovo sigurno predstavlja trag boravka nekog vojnika u tom mjestu. Za neke je nalaze, pronađene u mjestima udaljenima kako od vojnih garnizona tako i od većih urbanih naselja, i datiranima u vrijeme kad nemamo podataka o vojnim operacijama na tom prostoru, poput vojničkog bodeža pronađenog u Širokoj Kuli nedaleko Gospića ili kacige iz Donjeg Vidovca, vrlo teško ponuditi zadovoljavajuću interpretaciju, pa možemo samo nagađati o okolnostima pod kojima su ti predmeti završili tamo. most certainly represents a trace of a soldier’s stay in this place. For some finds, discovered at sites a long way from both military garrisons and larger urban centres, dated to the period for which we do not have any military operations documented in the area, such as the military dagger from Široka Kula near Gospić or the Donji Vidovec helmet, an adequate explanation is hard to find, and we can only guess as to the circumstances under which the objects ended up there. Yet even these stray finds, no matter the shortcomings arising from the lack of an adequate archaeological context, could serve as interesting indicators for future research. Ipak, i takvi slučajni nalazi, bez obzira na sve manjkavosti koje u znanstvenom smislu proistječu iz nepoznavanja arheološkog konteksta, mogu poslužiti kao zanimljiv pokazatelj za daljnja istraživanja. · 249 · Katalog Nalaza The Catalogue of Finds Lokaliteti civilnog karaktera i slučajni nalazi Non-military sites and stray finds 1. Rimska pješačka kaciga Sava kod Klakara pored Sl. Broda, 1910., AMZ-16909 željezo visina: 13,5 cm, dužina otvora: 23 cm, širina otvora: 18 cm prva pol. 1. st. Željezna pješačka kaciga tipa Weisenau pronađena je slomljena u više komada u Savi kod Klakarja te naknadno restaurirana. Sačuvane su joj i obrazine, a čavli koji im drže šarnire ukrašeni su emajliranim brončanim rozetama. Prednji je rub kacige obrubljen trakom od brončanog lima, isto kao i rub vratobrana te obrazina. Russell Robinson ju je definirao kao carsko-italski tip B i datirao u drugu četvrtinu 1. st., no nešto ranija datacija nije isključena. Objava : Hoffiller 1910-1911, 180, sl. 21 Lit.: Russel Robinson 1975, 66-67, Pl. 152-154; Waurick 1988, 333-338; Feugère 1994, 88-97 I. R-L. 3. Roman short sword, the so-called gladius The Sava, Zbjeg near Slavonski Brod, 1912, AMZ-15003 iron length: 57 cm (blade 44 cm), maximum width: 4 cm second half of the 1st c. – early 2nd c. A gladius discovered during the dredging of the Sava at Zbijeg in 1912 is a typical representative of the Pompeii type: a narrow, relatively short blade, as well as a short triangle tip, both define it as such. It could be dated approximately to the second half of the 1st c., although a somewhat later date should not be excluded, that is, the first decades of the 2nd c. Published in: Hoffiller 1912,103-104, sl. 36/1. Bibliography: Ulbert 1969, 97-128; Bishop&Coulston 1993, 71; Feugère 1993, 99, 146; Bishop&Coulston 2006, 79-80; Miks 2007, 66-67 1. Roman infantry helmet The Sava at Klakar near Sl. Brod, 1910, AMZ-16909 iron height: 13,5 cm, length of the opening: 23 cm, width of the opening: 18 cm first half of the 1st c. This iron infantry helmet of the Weisenau type was found broken into many pieces in the Sava river at Klakarje and was afterwards restaurated. Its cheek pieces are preserved, and the nails holding its hinges were decorated with enameled bronze rosettes. The front rim of the helmet is bordered with a bronze sheet band, and the same applies to the neck guard rim and cheek pieces. Russell Robinson defined it as an Imperial-Italic type B and dated it into the second quarter of the 1st c. AD, but somewhat earlier date should not be excluded. Published in: Hoffiller 1910-1911, 180, sl. 21. Bibliography: Russel Robinson 1975, 6667, Pl. 152-154; Waurick 1988, 333-338; Feugère 1994, 88-97 I. R.-L. 4. Roman cavalry helmet The Sava at Slavonski Brod, found during the 19th c., AMZ-18005 Copper alloy Height without the decorative extension: 13 cm, length of the opening: 21,5 cm, width of the opening: 18 cm late 1st – early 2nd c. A Guisborough type of a helmet, probably found in the Sava at Slavonski Brod, is kept in the Archaeological museum in Zagreb. It was made of bronze and equipped with a small neck guard. It was additionally forged by a hammer, emphasizing certain simple decorations. Thus, 4,5 cm from the rim there is a bulging rib, with a hollow cone extension on the vertex. The cheek pieces are missing, but two nails for fastening the hinges are still visible on both sides. Hoffiller has supposed that the helmet originally had a browguard because it has three small pin perforations on its frontal part. The side perforations are somewhat larger than the ones on the frontal part of the calotte. The analysis of the contemporary reliefs suggests that some cavalry helmets had a reinforcing frontal peak. There is only one analogy for its simple form, a helmet found in Italy during the 19th c., now lost. Russell Robinson has defined these two helmets as the auxiliary cavalry type C and dated them to the early 2nd c., allowing the possibility of a somewhat later date. Although it does not have rich relief decoration present in greater or smaller quantities on I. R.-L. 2. Rimski kratki mač, tzv. gladij Sava kod St. Gradiške, 1909., AMZ16910 željezo dužina: 60 cm (sječivo 47 cm), najveća širina: 7 cm prva pol. 1. st. Gladij izjaružan 1909. godine u Savi kod Stare Gradiške, iako relativno slabo očuvan, još je uvijek dovoljno prepoznatljiv te se može sa sigurnošću odrediti kao gladij tipa “Mainz”. Na vrhu drške ima sačuvanu navlaku od brončanog lima, opremljenu s dvije ušice, jedini sačuvani dio ručke. Hoffiller spominje da su se na ušicama nalazili lančići, no danas je sačuvana samo jedna karika. Taj je detalj dosta zanimljiv jer podsjeća na običaj vezivanja drške mača lančićem za ručni zglob, osvjedočen kod gladijatora. Izgledom i protežnostima sasvim se uklapa u definiciju mačeva tipa « Mainz » te se može pouzdano datirati u prvu pol.1. st. Objava: Hoffiller 1912, 104, sl. 37 Lit.: Ulbert 1969, 97-128; Bishop&Coulston 1993, 6971; Feugère 1993, 139-140; Bishop&Coulston 2006, 78; Miks 2007, 60-61 2. Roman short sword, the so-called gladius The Sava at St. Gradiška, 1909, AMZ16910 iron length: 60cm (blade 47 cm), maximum width: 7cm first half of the 1st c. A gladius dredged out of the Kupa at Stara Gradiška; although it is relatively poorly preserved, it is still distinctive enough to positively identify it as the gladius of the Mainz type. It still has a bronze sheet coating on the tip of the handle, equipped with two loops, which is the only part of the handle that was preserved. Hoffiller had mentioned that small chains were suspended from the loops, but only one ring exists today. This is an important detail because it reminds us on the custom of tying the sword handle with a chain to a wrist, known to exist among the gladiators. With its appearance and dimensions it perfectly corresponds to the Mainz type of swords and can be securely dated into the first half of the 1st c. Published in: Hoffiller 1912, 104, sl. 37. Bibliography: Ulbert 1969, 97-128; Bishop&Coulston 1993, 69-71; Feugère 1993, 139-140; Bishop&Coulston 2006, 78; Miks 2007, 60-61 I. R-L. I. R.-L. · 252 253 · 3. Rimski kratki mač, tzv. gladij Sava, Zbjeg kod Slavonskog Broda, 1912., AMZ-15003 željezo dužina: 57 cm (sječivo 44 cm), najveća širina: 4 cm druga pol. 1. st. – rano 2. st. Za gladij pronađen prilikom jaružanja Save kod Zbjega 1912. godine se može reći da je potpuno tipičan predstavnik tipa “Pompeji”: usko, relativno kratko sječivo kao i kratak trokutasti vrh neosporno ga svrstavaju među gladije tog tipa. Može se okvirno datirati u drugu pol. 1. st., iako nije isključena ni nešto kasnija datacija, odnosno prva desetljeća 2 .st. Objava: Hoffiller 1912,103-104, sl. 36/1 Lit.: Ulbert 1969, 97-128; Bishop&Coulston 1993, 71; Feugère 1993, 99, 146; Bishop&Coulston 2006, 79-80; Miks 2007, 66-67 I. R-L. 4. Rimska konjanička kaciga Sava kod Slavonskog Broda, pronađena tijekom 19. st., AMZ-18005 bakrena slitina visina bez ukrasnog nastavka: 13 cm, dužina otvora: 21,5 cm, širina otvora: 18 cm kasno 1. st. – rano 2. st. U zagrebačkom Arheološkom muzeju čuva se jedna kaciga tipa Guisborough, vjerojatno pronađena u Savi kod Slavonskog Broda. Izrađena je od bronce i opremljena malim vratobranom. Kaciga je dodatno oblikovana čekićem, pri čemu su istaknuti neki jednostavni ukrasni motivi. Tako na udaljenosti od oko 4,5 cm od ruba ide jedno ispupčeno rebro, a na tjemenu je izveden šuplji čunjasti nastavak. Obrazine se nisu sačuvale, ali se sa svake strane još vide po dva čavla kojima su bili prikovani šarniri. Hoffiler je pretpostavljao da je ova kaciga izvorno imala i čeoni obruč, jer ima tri rupice za čavle na prednjem dijelu. Rupice s lijeve i desne strane su nešto veće od one na prednjem dijelu kalote. S obzirom na reljefne prikaze lako je moguće da su neke konjaničke kacige imale čeoni obruč. Postoji samo jedna analogija za njen jednostavan oblik, danas izgubljena kaciga pronađena u Italiji tijekom 19. st. Russell Robinson je te dvije kacige definirao kao auksilijarni konjički tip C te ih datirao u početak 2. st., dopustivši mogućnost i nešto kasnije datacije. Iako joj nedostaju bogati reljefni ukrasi kakvi, u većoj ili manjoj mjeri, krase ostale pronađene kacige tipa Guisborough, prizori s nadgrobnih stela pokazuju da konjaničke kacige nisu morale biti ukrašene te da su mogle imati i glatku kalotu. Po svemu sudeći, kacige ovog tipa pojavljuju se već tijekom druge pol. 1. st. i zastupljene su kroz cijelo 2. st. Budući da je mahom riječ o slučajnim ili starim nalazima, nisu jasno definirane tipološke karakteristike koje bi omogućile praćenje nekog kronološkog slijeda. U nedostatku preciznijih parametara, ova kaciga bi se mogla datirati u drugu pol. 1., odnosno početak 2. st. Objava: Hoffiller 1910-1911, 187- 188, sl. 26. Lit.: Russel Robinson 1975, 96, Pl. 254; Waurick 1988, 345, 360; Feugère 1994, 110, 113-114 I. R-L. 5. Pojasna garnitura Varaždinske Toplice, 1962., AMZ bakrena slitina druga pol. 2. st. – prva pol. 3. st. Tijekom istraživanja vođenih u Varaždinskim Toplicama 1962. god. u unutrašnjosti južne prigradnje kupališne bazilike pronađeni su na okupu brončani okovi gotovo cjelovite pojasne garniture (od izvornih 12 elemenata sačuvano je njih 10), oblikovane od slova koja tvore sintagmu VTERE FELIX. Takve su pojasne garniture bile popularne među rimskim vojnicima, otprilike od druge pol. 2. st. sve do sredine 3. st., ako ne i koje desetljeće duže. Objava: Galić & Radman-Livaja 2006, 165-185 Lit.: Ulbert 1974, 211-215; Oldenstein 1976, 88; Petculescu 1991b, 392-394; Radman-Livaja 2004a, 95, kat. 286287; Radman-Livaja 2005, 940-941, kat. 21; Bishop&Coulston 2006, 183 I. R-L. 6. Rimska paradna knemida Sava kod Slavonskog Broda, 1975., MBP A-3346 posrebreni brončani lim; restaurirana visina: 35 cm; širina: 13,5 cm, debljina lima: 1-2 mm 3. st. This Roman parade greave was found in 1975 in the Sava River during gravel extraction not far from the city stadium of Slavonski Brod. The sheet of the greave was in places crunched, bulged and broken, at places also broken off, and the greave was only successfully conserved and restaurated in the RGZM workshop in Mainz in 1978. Roman parade greaves were protecting the lower part of the leg and formed a part of ceremonial military equipment of Roman dignitaries, which was worn during military festivities, parades, tournaments and other ceremonial activities. It was made of a thin bronze silvered sheet by hammering, engraving and hallmarking. The upper row of the greave is obliquely bent towards the outside so that the sheet would not injure the leg, and the lower part of the greave was similarly formed. Three loops for the strap used for tying the grave to the leg were placed on each side of the greave. The loops were supported by small rings that were attached to the greave with a rivet. Three loops were preserved, with only a small ring on one position. The greave is richly decorated – a nude Mars in frontal view with a spear in his right and a shield in his right hand, with a cape on his back, dominates the centre of the greave, extending along almost its entire length. The position of the spear in Mars’ right hand suggests that the greave was intended for the right leg, because the left greave would have Mars with a spear in his left hand. The entire surface of the greave around the war god is divided into fields filled with figural representations and decorative motifs. Beside Mars, two more Roman divinities are present – Dionysus on a leopard and Diana on a deer, together with a mask of Silenus. Boxing scenes and a thorax of Roman armor worn by higher officers are also interesting. Vertically along the left edge of the greave there is an inscription referring to the Julia centuria: >IVL STATA.... Roman parade greave from Slavonski Brod is an important and interesting find of a Roman ceremonial military equipment, and its rich decoration and high quality craftsmanship make it truly a unique find and one of the nicest examples of this type of greaves. Published in: Garbsch 1978, 81, Q 5, T. 38. 1. Bibliograph: Miškiv-Kovačević 1979, 2331; Kovačević (Miškiv) 1980, 135-140, T. 10.1.2., T. 11.1; Miškiv& Lozuk 1988, 1322; Miškiv 1993, 71-81; Cambi 2002, 203, sl. 315; Cambi 2003, 489-497; Miškiv 2006 other Guisborough-type helmets, the depictions on sepulchral stelae prove that cavalry helmets did not have to be decorated and that they could have had a smooth calotte. It is most probable that the helmets of this type have appeared already during the second half of the 1st c., and they were present during the entire 2nd. Since they mostly come from chance or early finds, their typological characteristics, that would allow for an ordered chronological sequence, were not clearly defined. With the lack of any more precise parameters, the helmet could be dated into the second half of the 1st or the early 2nd c. Published in: Hoffiller 1910-1911, 187188, sl. 26. Bibliography: Russel Robinson 1975, 96, Pl. 254; Waurick 1988, 345, 360; Feugère 1994, 110, 113-114 I. R.-L. 5. Belt set Varaždinske Toplice, 1962, AMZ Copper alloy Second half of the 2nd – first half of the 3rd c. During the excavations in Varaždinske Toplice of 1962, a number of bronze fittings belonging to an almost complete belt set were found together in the interior of the southern addition to the bath basilica (out of original 12, ten pieces were found). They were in the form of letters creating a construction VTERE FELIX. These belt sets were popular among Roman soldiers from the second half of the 2nd c. to the mid-3rd c., if not for some decades longer. Published in: Galić & Radman-Livaja 2006, 165-185 Bibliography: Ulbert 1974, 211-215; Oldenstein 1976, 88; Petculescu 1991b, 392-394; Radman-Livaja 2004a, 95, kat. 286-287; Radman-Livaja 2005, 940-941, kat. 21; Bishop&Coulston 2006, 183 I. R.-L. 6. Roman greave The Sava at Slavonski Brod, 1975, MBP A-3346 Silvered bronze sheets; restaurated height 35 cm; width 13,5 cm; sheet thickness 1-2 mm 3rd c. L. M.-L. Rimska paradna knemida pronađena je 1975. godine u rijeci Savi prilikom vađenja pijeska nedaleko gradskog stadiona u Slavonskom Brodu. Lim knemide je prilikom pronalaska bio mjestimično zgnječen, udubljen i puknut, a ponegdje i otkinut te je knemida uspješno konzervirana i rekonstruirana u radionici RGZM u Mainzu 1978. godine. Rimska paradna knemida je štitnik za donji dio noge i dio je svečane vojne opreme rimskih dostojanstvenika koja se nosila za vojnih svečanosti, parada, turnira i drugih svečanih prigoda. Knemida je izrađena od tanjeg brončanog te posrebrenog lima u tehnici iskucavanja, graviranja i punktiranja. Gornji rub knemide koso je izvijen prema van da se lim ne bi urezivao u nogu, a slično je izveden i donji dio knemide. Sa svake strane nalazile su se po tri karičice za provlačenje remena za vezivanje oko noge. Karičice su pridržavale ušice koje su pričvršćene za knemidu s pomoću zakovice. Očuvane su tri karičice, a na jednom mjestu samo ušica. Knemida je bogato ukrašena – na sredini gotovo čitavom dužinom knemide dominira reljefni lik neodjevenog boga Marsa okrenutog ravno prema naprijed s kopljem u podignutoj desnici i štitom u ljevici te s plaštem prebačenim preko leđa. Položaj koplja u Marsovoj desnoj ruci pokazuje da je ova knemida bila za desnu nogu, jer na knemidi za lijevu nogu koplje bi stajalo u lijevoj ruci. Cijela površina knemide unaokolo boga rata Marsa podijeljena je u polja ispunjena figuralnim prizorima i dekorativnim motivima. Osim Marsa zastupljena su još dva božanstva iz rimske mitologije – Dioniz na leopardu i Dijana na jelenu te maska Silena. Zanimljive su scene iz boksačkog života i prikaz toraksa rimskog oklopa kakav su nosili visoki rimski časnici. Okomito uz lijevi rub knemide nalazi se natpis koji se odnosi na centuriju Juliju, a glasi: >IVL STATA.... Rimska paradna knemida iz Slavonskog Broda je vrlo važan i zanimljiv predmet paradne rimske vojne opreme, a po bogatstvu svojih motiva i visokom umjetničkom izradom jedinstven je nalaz i jedan od najljepših primjeraka takvih knemida. Objava: Garbsch 1978, 81, Q 5, T. 38. 1 Lit.: Miškiv-Kovačević 1979, 23-31; Kovačević (Miškiv) 1980, 135-140, T. 10.1.2., T. 11.1; Miškiv& Lozuk 1988, 13-22; Miškiv 1993, 71-81; Cambi 2002, 203, sl. 315; Cambi 2003, 489-497; Miškiv 2006 L. M-L. · 254 255 · 7. Vojnički bodež (pugio) Široka Kula, 1974/1975, Muzej Like – Gospić, inv. 89 željezo dužina: 40 cm (dužina sječiva: 29 cm, dužina drška: 11 cm) 2. st. – rano 3. st. Vojnički željezni bodež, dobro uščuvan, širokog i listolikog sječiva s naglašenim središnjim rebrom. Vrh sječiva je oštećen, a drška je sačinjena od plosnatog pravokutnog trna spojenog sa sječivom i dvije željezne ploče rukohvata oblikovane poput slova T, međusobno spojene s 4 zakovice. Pronađen je prilikom izgradnje pirotehničkog odjela “MOL”- a kod Ličkog Osika, nedaleko Široke Kule, tijekom 1974. ili 1975. godine. Neobjavljen Lit.: Bishop&Coulston 2006, 134-135, 164 T. K. 8. Kaciga Donji Vidovec, Muzej Međimurja, inv. 262 visina: 20 cm, širina vratobrana: 26 cm, promjer: 20 cm prva pol. 3. st. Ovaj slučajni nalaz se nesumnjivo može odrediti kao rimska kaciga tipa Niederbieber, i to vjerojatno kao tip I. Kalota i istaknuti široki vratobran su dobro očuvani. Štitnici za uši su također naglašeni, a pored njih, s lijeve i desne strane, u visini sljepoočnica, jasno su vidljive po 3 rupe za zakovice za ovjes obrazina kao i za pričvršćivanje čeonog obruča (zakovice su sačuvane na desnoj strani, dok na lijevoj nedostaju). Na vrhu kalote su još vidljive 2 zakovice za nosač trna kojeg više nema. Kacige ovog tipa se okvirno datiraju od kraja 2 st. kroz veći dio 3. st., pa se tako može datirati i ovaj nalaz. Objava: Vidović 2001, 60-61 Lit.: Robinson 1975, 96-104; Waurick 1988, 338-341; Feugère 1994, 97-100; Bishop&Coulston 2006, 173-178 9. Military grave Tribanjska Draga, 2006, AMZ iron spear head: length 28,5 cm, maximum leaf width 4 cm Bent sword: diameter 23,5 cm, width 12 cm Shield boss: diameter 14,5 cm, height 9,2 cm End of the 1st c. BC – 1st c. AD Objects from a cremation burial were donated to the Archaeological museum in Zagreb in 2006. This was allegedly a shallow grave, found by some herdsmen west of Starigrad Paklenica, east of the Tribanjska Draga canyon, at the foot of a hill fort already known as an archaeological site. Out of the grave inventory ceramic fragments of a larger coarse vessel were preserved, probably an urn, as well as fragments of one or more smaller vessels made on a pottery wheel, also a ritually bent sword, a spear head and a shield boss. According to the witnesses there were some glass fragments present in the grave, but these were not taken out of the grave. Because of an amateur handling of the discovery many information on the grave complex are missing, but this cremation grave certainly dates from the BC/AD transition, that is, from the Augustan period. The type of the sword supports this suggestion: a gladius of the Mainz type. Because of the ritual bending of the sword, we can presume that the deceased was a Roman auxiliary soldier of Celtic origin. Since the site remains unexcavated, it is not possible to ascertain the circumstances of the burial at the foot of a Liburnian hill fort, but the possibility of the presence of a Roman military garrison on the site is not to be excluded. Unpublished Bibliography: Bishop&Coulston 2006, 78; Dubolnić 2006, 11-14; Dubolnić 2007, 14, 39-40; Miks 2007, 58-65 I. R. L. 7. Military dagger (pugio) Široka kula, 1974/1975, Muzej Like – Gospić, inv. 89 iron length 40 cm (blade length 29 cm, handle width 11 cm) 2nd – early 3rd c. A military iron dagger, well-preserved, with a wide leaf shaped blade with emphasized central rib. The tip of the blade is damaged, and the blade is made of a flat quadrangular tang attached to the blade and two T shaped iron plates of the handle, joined together with four rivets. It was found during the construction of the MOL’s pyrotechnician department near Lički Osik, not far from Široka Kula, in 1974 or 1975. Unpublished. Bibliography: Bishop&Coulston 2006, 134-135, 164 T. K. 8. Helmet Donji Vidovec, Muzej Međimurja, inv. 262 height 20 cm, neck guard width 26 cm, diameter 20 cm first half of the 3rd c. This chance find can undoubtedly be defined as the Niederbieber-type Roman helmet, probably type I. The calotte and the emphasized wide neck guard are well-preserved. Ear pads are also emphasized and next to them, both from left and right, at the temples level, three rivet perforations for the suspension of cheek pieces, as well as for the attachment of a reinforcing peak, are clearly visible (the ones on the left are missing). Two more rivets are visible on the vertex of the calotte for the now missing knob. The helmets of this type are roughly dated from the end of the 2nd to the major part of the 3rd c., which is also the date of this object. Published in: Vidović 2001, 60-61. Bibliography: Robinson 1975, 96-104; Waurick 1988, 338-341; Feugère 1994, 97100; Bishop&Coulston 2006, 173-178 I. R.-L. I. R-L. · 256 257 · 9. Vojnički grob Tribanjska Draga, 2006., AMZ željezo vrh koplja: dužina 28,5 cm, najveća širina lista 4 cm savijeni mač: promjer 23,5 cm, širina 12 cm umbo štita: promjer 14,5 cm, visina 9,2 cm kraj 1. st. pr. Kr. – početak 1. st. Arheološki muzej u Zagrebu je 2006. g. dobio na poklon nalaze iz jednog paljevinskog groba. Navodno su ga, plitko ukopanog, slučajno otkrili pastiri zapadno od Starigrada Paklenice, istočno od kanjona Tribanjske Drage, u podnožju gradinskog naselja koje je već otprije poznato kao arheološki lokalitet. Od grobnog inventara su sačuvani keramički ulomci jedne veće grube posude, vjerojatno urne kao i fragmenti jedne ili više manjih posuda rađenih na lončarskom kolu te ritualno svinuti mač, vrh koplja i umbo štita. Po riječima očevidaca u grobu su otkriveni i stakleni ulomci koji nisu prikupljeni. Uslijed nestručnog prikupljanja nalaza nedostaju mnogi podaci o grobnoj cjelini, no ovaj se paljevinski grob nesumnjivo može datirati na prijelaz stare u novu eru, odnosno u augustovsko razdoblje. Toj dataciji u prilog ide i tip mača, koji se može odrediti kao gladij tipa Mainz. S obzirom na obredno savijanje mača, može se pretpostaviti da je riječ o ukopu rimskog auksilijarnog vojnika keltskog podrijetla. Uslijed neistraženosti lokaliteta nije moguće sa sigurnošću procijeniti okolnosti pod kojima je taj vojnik bio sahranjen u podnožju liburnske gradine, no nije isključeno da je tamo neko vrijeme mogla boraviti rimska vojna posada. Neobjavljeno Lit.: Bishop&Coulston 2006, 78; Dubolnić 2006, 11-14; Dubolnić 2007, 14, 39-40; Miks 2007, 58-65 I. R-L. 10. Urna Danilo, Gradski muzej Šibenik visina: 25,5 cm, dubina: 17 cm, širina: 17 cm 2. st. Spomeniku nedostaje otprilike između trećine i polovice prednje strane, čitava lijeva bočna strana, čitava stražnja ploča i lijevi gornji dio desne bočne strane. Na desnoj bočnoj strani u plitkoj se niši nalazi većim dijelom sačuvan prikaz nagog mladića ili dječaka, odnosno genija zagrobnog života, a sličan ili isti takav lik vjerojatno se nalazio i na izgubljenoj lijevoj bočnoj strani spomenika. Na prednjoj strani figuralna je kompozicija, izvorno sastavljena od barem tri lika od kojih su se dobro sačuvali prikazi dva vojnika. Od konja (možda sa slugom koji ga vodi ili s konjanikom) na lijevoj (nesačuvanoj) strani ostao je samo rep u visini bedra nama lijevog, a u stvarnosti središnjeg lika. Taj je lik nedvojbeno vojnik, a po nekim se detaljima može pretpostaviti da je riječ o časniku, moguće o samom pokojniku. Desni lik nesumnjivo je cornicen. U lijevoj ruci drži rog, a na glavi mu je pokrivalo od životinjske kože, točnije rečeno preko kacige prebačena mu je koža s glave neke životinje koju ne možemo sa sigurnošću prepoznati. S obzirom na poznate analogije vjerojatno je riječ o vučjoj ili medvjeđoj koži ili pak možda o lavljoj. U polju između dva vojnika prikazan je vexillum. To je po svoj prilici simbolični prikaz odličja na koje su imali pravo samo viši časnici. Možemo tek nagađati da se prikazani vexillum ticao našega pokojnika, jer u sačuvanom dijelu natpisa nema spomena njegovih eventualnih junačkih djela i odlikovanja. Od natpisa je, naime, očuvan samo manji dio, odnosno desna strana triju posljednjih redaka, iznad reljefnog prikaza na prednjoj strani urne: - - - ]ASIORVM · TRIB - - - ]ARITO · KARISSIMO - - - ]CIT - - - Baet]asiorum, trib(uno) (militum) - - - m]arito karissimo - - - fe]cit odnosno - - - ]ASTORVM · TRIB - - - ]ARITO · KARISSIMO - - - ]CIT - - -] Astorum, trib(uno) (militum) - - - m]arito karissimo - - - fe]cit The inscription undoubtedly mentioned the cursum honorum of the deceased knight. Thus, before the enumeration of his tribunical service in an unknown legion, an infantry auxiliary cohort that was under his command – he had to command it in order to receive the status of a military tribune (tribunus legionis angusticlavius) – should have been mentioned. The deceased served in, probably, the cohors I Baetasiorum civium Romanorum or in some of the seven cohorts bearing the name of cohors Asturum. Based on epigraphic, iconographic, but also technical elements (the soldier’s pupils are bored with a drill), the urn cannot be earlier that the early 130s. Since the inscription is fragmentary, a more precise chronology is not possible, but we believe that the acceptable time frame would be between AD 120 and 200. It needs to be emphasized that the lower limit is somewhat less probable, and the second half of the 2nd c. seems a more acceptable solution. Published in: Pedišić & Zaninović 2007, 7-12. Bibliography: Domić Kunić & RadmanLivaja 2009, 67-106 10. Urn Danilo, Gradski muzej Šibenik height 25,5 cm, depth 17 cm, width 17 cm 2nd c. Approximately between a third and a half of the front side, the entire left lateral side, the entire posterior plate and the left upper part of the right lateral side of the object are missing. On the right lateral side there is an almost completely preserved figure of a naked boy or a young man, or an afterlife genius, in a shallow niche, while a similar or identical figure was probably present on the missing left lateral side of the object. A figural composition is represented on the frontal side, originally composed of at least three characters, out of which only two soldiers are now clearly visible. Only a tail is left of a horse (perhaps being led by a servant, or with a rider) on the left (missing) side, at the level of what appears to us as the left – but in reality the central – character. He is certainly a soldier, perhaps, judging by certain details, an officer, perhaps the deceased himself. The right figure is certainly a cornicen. He holds a horn in his left, and his head is covered with an unidentified animal skin. Judging by analogies, it is probably a wolf or bear skin, or perhaps a lion skin. In the field between two soldiers there is a vexillum. This is most probably a symbolical representation of a decoration reserved for higher officers. We can only guess that this vexillum had something to do with the deceased, since the preserved part of the inscription does not mention his potential heroics and decorations. Only a small part of the inscription is preserved, the right side of three final lines, above the relief on the front side of the urn: I. R.-L. Natpis nesumnjivo sadrži cursum honorum preminulog viteza, pa bi se prije navođenja tribunske službe koju je obavljao u nekoj, nama nepoznatoj, legiji trebao nalaziti spomen pješačke augzilijarne kohorte, kojoj je prethodno morao zapovijedati da bi uopće mogao preuzeti vojnički tribunat (tribunus legionis angusticlavius). Pokojnik je, po svemu sudeći, služio ili u cohors I Baetasiorum civium Romanorum ili u nekoj od 7 kohorti koje su nosile naziv cohors Asturum. Na temelju epigrafičkih, ikonografskih, ali i tehničkih elemenata (zjenice vojnika izbušene su svrdlom), urna se vjerojatno ne može datirati prije početka trećeg desetljeća 2. st. S obzirom na to da je natpis fragmentaran teško je odrediti precizniju dataciju, no vjerujemo da se kao prihvatljiv širi kronološki okvir može prihvatiti razdoblje između 120. i 200. godine. Ipak, treba napomenuti da je donja kronološka granica nešto manje vjerojatna, pa se datiranje u drugu pol. 2. st. čini prihvatljivije. Objava: Pedišić & Zaninović 2007, 7-12 Lit.: Domić Kunić & Radman-Livaja 2009, 67-106 I. R-L. - - - ]ASIORVM · TRIB - - - ]ARITO · KARISSIMO - - - ]CIT - - - Baet]asiorum, trib(uno) (militum) - - - m]arito karissimo - - - fe]cit or - - - ]ASTORVM · TRIB - - - ]ARITO · KARISSIMO - - - ]CIT - - -] Astorum, trib(uno) (militum) - - - m]arito karissimo - - - fe]cit · 258 259 · 11. Nadgrobni spomenik, središnji dio Pula, prije 1893., AMI Pula, inv. br. A-301 vapnenac visina: 48 cm, širina: 34 cm, dužina: 43 cm treća četvrtina 1. st. Središnji dio nadgrobnog spomenika kockastog oblika, od crvenkastog vapnenca. Natpis je djelomično sačuvan u završnim dijelovima prva dva reda: [---]mi / [---] i / ------. Bočne strane bile su ukrašene reljefima. Na desnoj bočnoj strani nalazi se reljef dijagonalno postavljenog kratkog mača (gladius) s ručkom kuglastog završetka, u okovanim koricama s remenom (cingulum). Korice mača imaju u gornjem dijelu sa svake strane po dvije ušice za vješanje lančića, a u donjem, trokutastom dijelu ukrašene su palmetom i završavaju kuglicom. Remen je ukrašen okovima u obliku rozeta na pločici i bez pločice, a završava jednostrukim lancem za kopčanje. Polukružna kopča s trnom ima pokretnu zakovnu pločicu. Sekundarnom obradom natpisni blok je klinasto oblikovan, odbijene su s lijeve strane tri četvrtine natpisnog polja. Natpisno polje uokvireno je ravnom letvicom čija visina na donjoj i gornjoj strani iznosi 6 cm, a na bočnima 2 cm i izvijenom letvicom čija visina na donjoj i gornjoj strani iznosi 2,8 cm, a na bočnima 2,4 cm. Jednake su dimenzije i omjeri letvica okvira reljefnog desnog polja. Unutrašnjost reljefnog polja visoka je 33 cm i široka 26 cm. Grubo obrađeno gore i otraga, s lijeve strane zaglađeno u sekundarnoj obradi. Na gornjoj strani nalazi se kvadratasti utor za pričvršćenje pokrovnog dijela spomenika. Prema obliku mača i remena s kopčom, spomenik je datiran u treću četvrtinu 1. st. S tom datacijom u skladu su oblik nadgrobnog spomenika, način njegove dekoracije i izostanak posvete bogovima Manima u formulaciji teksta, redom obilježja 1. st. Objava: Reichel 1893, 11, kat. 96 Lit.: Franzoni 1987, 18, kat. 2; Starac 2006, 109, kat. 68 11. Sepulchral monument, central section Pula, before 1893, AMI Pula, inv. no. A-301 limestone height 48 cm, width 34 cm, length 43 cm third quarter of the 1st c. A central part of a square sepulchral monument made of reddish limestone. The inscription is partly preserved in the endings of first two lines: [---]mi / [---]i / ------. The lateral sides were decorated in relief. On the right lateral side there is a relief of a diagonally placed short sword (gladius), with a handle with spherical tip, in a scabbard with a belt (cingulum). The scabbard has two chain suspension loops in the upper part, and it is decorated with a palmette on the lower triangular part, ending in a small chape. The belt is ornamented with rosette shaped fittings, both on a plate and without it, and it ends in a single fastening chain. The semicircular buckle with a tang has a mobile riveted plate. Secondarily, the inscription block was formed in the shape of a wedge; three quarters of the inscriptions on the left were broken off. The inscription field is framed with a straight bar 6 cm high on the lower and the upper side and 2 cm on the lateral sides, and a bent bar, 2,8 cm high on the lower and the upper side and 2,4 cm on the lateral. The dimensions and ratios of the right field relief frame are the same. The inside of the relief field is 33 cm high, and 26 cm wide. It was coarsely retouched at the top and back, and it was secondarily polished on the left side. A quadrangular slot for the attachment of the covering of the monument is on the upper side. According to the form of the sword and the belt with the buckle, the monument is dated to the third quarter of the 1st c. The form of the sepulchral monument, its decoration and the lack of the dedication to the Manes in the text formulation, all conform to this date, since these are the characteristics of the 1st c. Published in: Reichel 1893, 11, kat. 96. Bibliography: Franzoni 1987, 18, kat. 2; Starac 2006, 109, kat. 68 A. S. A. S. · 260 Mato Ilkić Rimske vojničke diplome s prostora Republike Hrvatske Roman military diplomas from the territory of the Republic of Croatia R R imske vojničke diplome su epigrafski spomenici pravnog karaktera koji obiluju mnoštvom dragocjenih podataka, osobito važnih za cjelovitije poznavanje mnogobrojnih i raznovrsnih augzilijarnih postrojbi. Pozivajući se na privilegije veterana iz republikanskoga razdoblja, a pridodavši im još i pravo na conubium, rimske vojničke diplome je institucionalizirao car Klaudije. Izdavane su od vremena njegove vladavine, pa sve do početka 4. st. Dobivali su ih pripadnici pomoćnih ala i kohorti, flote te drugih vrsta izvanlegijskih formacija, a u iznimnim slučajevima čak i pojedini vojnici nekih legija. Dakle, to su bili veterani koji su nakon propisanog broja godina službe, časno otpušteni te tom prigodom i nagrađeni rimskim pravnim povlasticama.1 Ali oni nisu bili jedini koji su imali koristi od vojničkih diploma. Njima su se bili okoristili i carevi. Naime, dodjeljivanjem tih pravnih povlastica, sebi su stvarali odane zajednice sa statusom rimskih građana i to diljem goleme antičke države kojom su vladali.2 oman military diplomas are epigraphic monuments of legal character abounding in valuable information, especially those important for the more complete knowledge on numerous and different auxiliary units. Roman military diplomas were institutionalized by the emperor Claudius, evoking the veteran privileges from the Republican period and adding them the right of conubium. They were issued from the period of his reign until the early 4th c. They were issued to the soldiers from the auxiliary alae and cohorts, navy and other types of non-legionary formations, in special cases even to certain legionaries. Thus, those were the veterans who were honorably discharged after the accomplishment of the term of their military service and given Roman legal privileges.1 But they were not the only beneficiaries of military diplomas. The emperors also profited through them. With granting these legal privileges they have created loyal communities of Roman citizens, throughout the vast state they ruled.2 1 Basic information on Roman military diplomas are in Keppie 2001, 84-85; Matijašić 2002, 157-161; Lassère 2005, 797-807; compare also: http://www.romancoins.info/ MilitaryDiploma.html, accessed on 18th April, 2010. 1 Osnovne podatke o rimskim vojničkim diplomama vidjeti u: Keppie 2001, 84-85; Matijašić 2002, 157-161; Lassère 2005, 797-807; usporediti i http://www.romancoins.info/ MilitaryDiploma.html, 18. travnja 2010. 2 For the causes and effects of the appearance of Roman military diplomas, especially concerning their legal dimension, see the recent works, with earlier literature, of Karlović&Milotić 2009, 43-57; Milotić 2009, 13-63. See also Valvo 2001, 151-167. 2 O uzročno-posljedičnoj pojavi rimskih vojničkih diploma, osobito o njihovoj pravnoj dimenziji, od novijih radova s citiranom starijom literaturom vidjeti u: Karlović&Milotić 2009, 43-57; Milotić 2009, 13-63. Također vidjeti i u: Valvo 2001, 151-167. · 263 · Prevladava mišljenje da su rimske vojničke diplome automatizmom dodjeljivane svim časno otpuštenim veteranima peregrinskog podrijetla.3 Today the opinion that Roman military diplomas were automatically issued to every honorably discharged veteran of peregrine ancestry prevails.3 Rimske vojničke diplome se uvijek sastoje od dvije četvrtaste brončane pločice međusobno spojene jednom ili više karika. Tekst diplome (constitutio) je urezan dva puta, i to u cijelosti na vanjskoj stranici prve pločice. Ponovljeni sadržaj na nutarnjim stranicama diptiha smatrao se vjerodostojnijim i bio je zapečaćen olovnim plombama svjedoka čija su imena urezana na vanjskoj stranici druge pločice, o čemu svjedoči jedna izvrsno sačuvana diploma koja se čuva u Muzeju Brodskog Posavlja.4 Iako je riječ o prijepisu preuzetom s opće carske konstitucije koja je u Rimu bila izvješena na uvid urbi et orbi, ipak se drži da vojnička diploma predstavlja pravni akt u izvorniku. Naime, kako kaže Ivan Milotić: „ona je jedinstvena za svakog vojnika poimence i samo kao takva jamči mu pravnu povlasticu“.5 Roman military diplomas always consisted of two quadrangular bronze tablets joined by two or more loops. The text of the diploma (constitutio) is carved in twice in its entirety on the outer side of the first tablet. The repeated contents on the inside of the diptych was considered more reliable and was sealed with lead seals of witnesses whose names were carved in on the outer side of the second tablet, as seen in a well-preserved diploma kept in the Museum of Brodsko Posavlje.4 Although this is a transcript copied from a general imperial order hoisted in Rome urbi et orbi, it is still believed that the military diploma originally represented a legal act. In the words of Ivan Milotić: “it is unique for every individual soldier and only as such offers him legal privilege”.5 C. 1000 military diplomas, including fragments, were found in the area of the Roman Empire.6 From the Croatian territory 14 examples are known, seven of them complete. Most of them were analyzed in scientific publications, and only two fragments were only mentioned in the literature. Although the diplomas were chance finds, their sites of origin are mostly known (Map 1). Uključujući i ulomke, dosad je na prostoru nekadašnjeg Rimskog Carstva otkriveno oko tisuću vojnih diploma.6 S prostora Republike Hrvatske poznato je 14 takvih svjedočanstava, od kojih je njih sedam u cjelovitom stanju očuvanosti. Većina ih je obrađena u znanstvenim publikacijama, a samo su dva ulomka tek spomenuta u literaturi. Iako su te rimske vojničke diplome otkrivene slučajno, uglavnom se znaju mjesta njihova pronalaska (Karta 1). It is well known that the conquered nations also took part in expansion and strengthening of the Empire. But some of them were not always very eager to answer the call of duty to a force planning to create a new world order under Roman dominion. Precisely the extensive recruiting among the peregrine youth of the Illyricum for the Marcomannic wars was one of major reasons of a mutiny against this force. The ensuing conflict, according U proširivanju i učvršćivanju Rimskoga Carstva, kao što je dobro poznato, bili su uključeni i pripadnici pokorenih naroda. No neki od njih se i nisu baš uvijek rado odazivali službi, kojoj je cilj bilo stvaranje novoga svjetskog poretka pod rimskom vlašću. 3 Morris&Roxan 1977, 300. For a different opinion, stating that the diplomas were issued as a medal ob virtutem, thus only for bravery in battle or hard physical work during peace, see Dušanić 1982, 197-232. 3 Morris&Roxan 1977, 300. Za drugačije mišljenje, prema kojemu su diplome darivane kao odlikovanje ob virtutem, tj. samo za iskazanu hrabrost u ratu ili zbog teških fizičkih poslova u mirnodopskim uvjetima, vidjeti u: Dušanić 1982, 197-232. 4 Miškiv 1998a, 83-99. 4 Miškiv 1998a, 83-99. 5 Milotić 2009, 51. 5 Milotić 2009, 51. 6 First larger groups of this type of epigraphic material were published in the 3rd and 16th CIL volume. More recent examples were published in five volumes of the RMD (Roman Military Diplomas). I would like to thank Andreas Pangerl for the information on the number of diplomas (he has already published, as a single author or in collaboration, c. 150 examples). 6 Prve veće skupine te vrste epigrafske građe objavljene su u 3. i 16. svesku CIL-a. Noviji takvi nalazi publicirani su u pet svezaka RMD-a (Roman Military Diplomas). Na podatku o broju pronađenih diploma zahvaljujem Andreasu Pangerlu, koji je samostalno ili u koautorstvu dosad objavio njih oko 150. · 264 · · 265 · Mjesta nalaza rimskih vojničkih diploma na području Republike Hrvatske Finds of the Roman military diplomas from the territory of the Republic of Croatia Upravo pretjerano novačenje mladića među peregrinima s prostora Ilirika, za rat protiv Markomana, bio je jedan od glavnih uzroka pobune protiv te iste vlasti. Sukob koji je uslijedio, kako kaže Svetonije, bio je gravissimum omnium externorum bellorum post Punica („najteži od svih vanjskih ratova poslije punskih“).7 U tome velikom delmatsko-panonskom ustanku (Bellum Batonianum), koji je počeo 6. god., sudjelovali su i Breuci, jedno od tadašnjih glavnih autohtonih naroda u južnoj Panoniji. Iz njihovih je redova bio i Baton, jedan od ustaničkih vođa. Ugušenjem pobune 9. god., Rimljani su konačno pacificirali ilirička plemena.8 No iz njihovih redova su i dalje nastavili novačiti mladiće sa zadatkom da služe rimskim interesima diljem antičke velesile. Da je tome tako svjedoče i neke od najstarijih rimskih vojničkih diploma, odnosno one iz razdoblja posljednjih dvaju careva julijevsko-klaudijske dinastije. Jednu takvu, doduše necjelovito sačuvanu, objavio je još potkraj 19. st. jedan od pionira hrvatske arheologije, Josip Brunšmid.9 Ta je diploma izdana za konjanika Druge kohorte Hispanaca, Dasenta, podrijetlom Kornakata.10 U toj ispravi iz približno sredine 1. st. (svakako prije 13. veljače 54. god.), među inim, naveden je i njegov otac Dasmen, koji je vjerojatno bio suvremenik velikoga delmatsko-panonskog ustanka. Spomenuta diploma je otkrivena u rijeci Savi nedaleko od Sremske Rače,11 pa se može s velikom sigurnošću pretpostaviti da se Dasent, stekavši rimski civitet, vratio u svoj rodni zavičaj ili njegovu bližu okolicu. U svakom slučaju, nakon što je to Suetonius, was gravissimum omnium externorum bellorum post Punica (“the hardest of all outside wars after the Punic”).7 In this great Dalmatian-Pannonian uprising (Bellum Batonianum), starting in AD 6, the Breuci also took part, being one of the leading autochthon nations of southern Pannonia. One of the leaders of the uprising, Bato, was their compatriot,. With the suppressing of the uprising in AD 9 the Romans finally pacified Illyrian tribes.8 Yet they have continued to recruit youths out of their ranks for serving Roman interests throughout the Empire. This is testified by some of the earliest Roman military diplomas, those from the period of reign of the two latest emperors of the Julian-Claudian dynasty. One of those, although incomplete, was published in the late 19th c. by a pioneer of Croatian archaeology, Josip Brunšmid.9 The diploma was issued for a horseman of the Second Hispanian cohort, Dasentus, a Cornacatus by birth.10 The document, dating from the mid-1st c. AD (certainly before February 12, 54 AD), mentions, among other things, his father Dasmenus, probably a contemporary of the great Dalmatian-Pannonian uprising. The diploma was found in the river Sava near Sremska Rača,11 and we can safely presume that Dasentus, obtaining the Roman citizenship, returned to his country of birth or its nearest surroundings. In any case, after being honorably discharged, he lived the rest of his life as a Roman citizen. But these legal privileges he did not only obtain for himself, but also for his family – his spouse, children and descendants. 7 8 On the Dalmatian-Pannonian uprising (Bellum Batonianum) see Pašalić 2009 (= Pašalić 1975: 376-431); Hoti 1992, 140-142; Zaninović 2003, 446-448. 7 Suet., Tib., 16 8 O delmatsko-panonskom ustanku (Bellum Batonianum) vidjeti u: Pašalić 2009 (= Pašalić 1975, 376-431); Hoti 1992, 140-142; Zaninović 2003, 446-448. 9 Brunšmid 1897, 1-6; compare also Bormann 1898: 162ff, figures on pp. 164-165. The diploma is kept in the Archaeological museum in Zagreb. 9 Brunšmid 1897, 1-6; usp. i Bormann 1898, 162 i d., slike na str. 164-165. Diploma se čuva u Arheološkom muzeju u Zagrebu. 10 On the Cornacati, a people of southern Pannonia see Mócsy 1968, 373. A diploma was issued in 154 for a veteran belonging to this tribe. See RMD 169; AE 1990, 799; Weiß 1990, 137-149, T. IV, e. 10 O Kornakatima, zajednici s prostora južne Panonije, vidjeti u: Mócsy 1968, 373. Iz njihovih je redova bio i jedan veteran koji je 154. god. dobio diplomu. O tome vidjeti u: RMD 169; AE 1990, 799; Weiß 1990, 137-149, T. IV, e. 1. (?) Čitluk ( Aequum ); 2. Dubočica, kod Slavonskog Šamca / near Savonski Šamac ; 3. Grabarje, kod Slavonskog Broda / near Slavonski Brod ; 4. Ilača; 5. Jeci, kod Umaga / near Umag ; 6. Negoslavci; 7. Podgrađe ( Asseria ); 8. Sisak ( Siscia ); 9. Solin ( Salona ); 10. Sotin ( Cornacum ) ; 11. (?) Trilj ( Tilurium ); 12. Vukovar Suet., Tib., 16 11 It is kept by the Archaeological museum in Zagreb. The surroundings of Sremska Mitrovica are noted as a place of discovery (Lőrincz 2001, 153, Cat. No. 2). But the diploma was, according to Brunšmid, found at the village of Bijela Crkva, some 3 km west of Rača (Brunšmid 1897, 1; Bormann 1898, 162). This site is located in the Serbian part of the Sava valley, some 30 km west of Sremska Mitrovica. On the diploma see CIL 16, 2. 11 Diploma se čuva u Arheološkom muzeju u Zagrebu. Kao mjesto njezina pronalaska navodi se okolica Sremske Mitrovice (Lőrincz 2001, 153, Kat. Nr. 2). Međutim, diploma je, kako kaže Brunšmid, nađena kod sela Bijela Crkva oko 3 km zapadno od Rače (Brunšmid 1897, 1; Bormann 1898, 162). Taj se lokalitet nalazi u srpskoj Posavini, oko 30 km zapadnije od Sremske Mitrovice. O toj diplomi vidjeti i u: CIL 16, 2. · 267 · časno otpušten, ostatak života je proveo kao rimski građanin. No te pravne povlastice on nije bio stekao samo za sebe, već su njima bili obuhvaćeni i članovi njegove obitelji, tj. supruga, djeca i potomci. Roman citizenship was awarded to some of the neighbors of the Cornacti. These probably belonged to the nation of the already mentioned tribe of Breuci,12 from whose ranks as much as eight cohorts were filled.13 But this is not all. They were recruited in other auxiliary formations, other than auxiliary foot soldier units. Precisely one of their horsemen is mentioned in what is the earliest so far discovered Roman military diploma from the territory of the Republic of Croatia. It was issued on July 2, AD 61 for a Dasius, who belonged to the Breuci, an active soldier at the Second ala of the Hispani and Aravacs. This horseman was promoted into the rank of a decurio. During the period of his service the ala II Hispanorum et Aravacorum was stationed on the area of modern Dalj (Teutoburgium). Dasius obviously served his military career on the territory of his native southern Pannonia. This is also suggested by the place of discovery of his diploma, only 15 km south of the headquarters of the cavalry formation in which he commanded one turma. This complete document was discovered in Vukovar.14 Some eight kilometers south of this Danubian city another Roman military diploma was found in Negoslavci, from the reign of Nero, also belonging to one of the Breuci. It was issued on June 17, AD 65 for one Liccaius, a foot soldier of the Seventh Breucian cohort.15 This formation was then serving in Germania, a Roman province from where Liccaius, after honorable discharge, returned to southern Pannonia. Rimskim civitetom nagrađivani su i pojedini susjedi Kornakata. To su po svoj prilici bili pripadnici već spomenutih Breuka,12 iz čijih je redova formirano čak osam kohorti.13 Ali, to nije sve. Osim u te pomoćne pješačke postrojbe, oni su bili unovačivani i u druge vrste augzilijarnih formacija. Upravo jednoga njihovog konjanika spominje najstarija dosad otkrivena rimska vojnička diploma s prostora Republike Hrvatske. Izdana je 2. srpnja 61. god. za Breuka Dazija (Dasius), aktivnog vojnika Druge ale Hispanaca i Aravakâ. Taj Breuk bio je unaprijeđen u dekuriona. U vrijeme njegove službe ala II Hispanorum et Aravacorum bila je stacionirana na području današnjeg Dalja (Teutoburgium). Vojnu karijeru Dasius je očito ostvario na prostoru svoje rodne južne Panonije. Na to upućuje i mjesto otkrića njegove diplome, svega 15 km južno od sjedišta konjaničke formacije u kojoj je bio zapovjednik jedne od turmi. Naime, ta cjelovito sačuvana isprava pronađena je u Vukovaru.14 Oko osam km južno od toga grada na Dunavu, u mjestu Negoslavci otkrivena je još jedna rimska vojnička diploma iz Neronovog razdoblja, koja je također pripadala jednome od Breuka. Izdana je 17. lipnja 65. god. za Likaja, pješaka Sedme kohorte Breuka.15 Ta je postrojba tada bila na službi u Germaniji, rimskoj provinciji odakle se Liccaius, nakon časnog otpusta, vratio u južnu Panoniju. The same name was carried by another recipient of a military diploma from Croatian territory, a centurion in the imperial fleet stationed at Misenum: Liccaius, son of Birso, from Marsunia (Slavonski Brod). Although he had received a donation from the emperor Vespasian of some land in Paestum (deducto Paestum), he returned to his native land. His excellently preserved diploma was issued on February 9, AD 71, and it was discovered in the river Sava at the gravel extraction facility of Dubočica, not far from Slavonski Šamac.16 Another incomplete diploma, dated some two months later in the same year, was found in Istoga je imena bio još jedan primatelj vojničke diplome s hrvatskog područja, koji je bio centurion iz carske pomorske flote u gradu Mizenu (Misenum). Bio je to Likaj, sin Birsov, iz Marsunije/Marsonije (Slavonski Brod). On se, iako je od cara Vespazijana 12 O Breucima vidjeti u: Patsch 1897, 831; Zaninović 2003, 443-449; Šašel Kos 2005, 376 i dalje. 12 On Breuci see Patsch 1897: 831; Zaninović 2003: 443449; Šašel Kos 2005: 376ff. 13 13 O breučkim kohortama vidjeti u: Spaul 2000, 317-327. 14 O toj diplomi koja se čuva u Gradskom muzeju u Vukovaru, vidjeti u: RMD 202; Dušanić 1998, 51-62; Koledin 2000, 231-239. On the cohorts of the Breuci see Spaul 2000: 317-327. 14 On the diploma, kept by the City museum Vukovar, see RMD 202; Dušanić 1998: 51-62; Koledin 2000: 231-239. 15 This complete diploma is kept by the City museum Vukovar, see RMD 79; Dušanić 1978: 461-475; Dorn 1984: 165-174. 15 Ta cjelovito sačuvana diploma čuva se u Gradskom muzeju u Vukovaru. O njoj vidjeti u: RMD 79; Dušanić 1978, 461-475; Dorn 1984, 165-174. 16 It is kept by the Brodsko Posavlje museum. See RMD 204; Miškiv 1998a, 83-101. On Roman fleets see D. B. Saddington 2007, 201-217. · 268 · dobio zemlju u Paestumu (deducto Paestum), vratio u svoj rodni kraj. Naime, njegova izvrsno očuvana diploma, izdana 9. veljače 71. god. konstitucije, pronađena je u rijeci Savi na području šljunčare Dubočica nedaleko od Slavonskoga Šamca.16 Iz iste godine, ali oko dva mjeseca kasnije, datira jedna necjelovito sačuvana diploma koja je nađena u Grabarju, sedam km sjeverno od Slavonskoga Broda.17 I taj je primatelj diplome bio pripadnik flote, i to možda upravo jedan od veterana koji su dodatno spomenuti u toj ispravi kao oni koji su stekli prijevremeni honesta missio zbog svojih ratnih zasluga.18 Nakon časnog otpusta, taj se Panonac vratio kući. Iz flavijevskog razdoblja datiraju i dvije rimske vojničke diplome koje su nađene u Saloni. Prva od njih je izdana 5. travnja 71. god. za Platora, koji je bio centurion u ravenatskoj floti.19 Taj po podrijetlu Mezejac, iako naseljen (deductus) u Panoniju, zadržao se u glavnom gradu provincije Dalmacije. Nakon časnog otpusta, u njemu je ostao i Venetus, pješak Treće kohorte Alpinaca, sudeći prema drugoj salonitanskoj diplomi od 13. srpnja 93. godine.20 Grabarje, seven km north of Slavonski Brod.17 This recipient of a diploma also belonged to the navy, probably one of the veterans mentioned in the diploma as receiving a premature honesta missio for their military merits.18 After an honorable discharge, the Pannonian returned home. Two military diplomas from Salona date to the Flavian period. The first was issued on April 5, AD 71, for Platorus, a centurion of the fleet stationed in Ravenna.19 This native Moesian, although settled (deductus) in Pannonia, resided in the capital of Dalmatia. After an honorable discharge Venetus, a foot soldier of the Third Alpine cohort, also remained in Salona, at least according to the second Salonitan diploma of July 13, AD 93.20 Out of the total number of Roman military diplomas from the territory of Croatia, almost half of them belong to the Antonine period. One of those, a complete example, was taken out of the Kupa River near Sisak (Siscia). On it, a list of alae and cohorts stationed in the Upper Moesia province is recorded. It was issued on May 8, 100 for a Sapios, a son of Sarmosos, of Anasarvus in Cilicia, a foot soldier serving in the I Antiochensium cohort.21 Somewhat contemporary with his honorable discharge, an unnamed soldier was recruited, and his fragmented diploma was recently found in Asseria, an archaeological site on the site of modern Podgrađe, not far from Benkovac. This document was issued in 125/126. On it, a list of auxiliary units serving in Lower Dacia, a province then governed by Cocceius Naso, is recorded.22 It is believed that a small fragment, also taken out of the Kupa near Sisak,23 belongs to a military diploma issued for the army of the province of Od ukupnog broja rimskih vojničkih diploma s prostora Republike Hrvatske, njih skoro polovica pripadaju razdoblju Antonina. Jedna takva cjelovito sačuvana izvađena je iz rijeke Kupe kod Siska (Siscia). U njoj je popis ala i kohorti koje su bile stacionirane u provinciji Gornja Mezija. Izdana je 8. svibnja 100. god. za Sapiju, Sarmosova sina iz Anazarba u Kilikiji, pješaka koji je služio u kohorti I Antiochensium.21 Približno u vrijeme njegovoga časnoga 17 The fragment of the Grabarje diploma was the first epigraphic find of this kind on the territory of the Republic of Croatia. It was found before 1862, when it was published. See Brunšmid 1891, 34. The fragment is kept by the Archaeological museum in Zagreb. 16 Diploma se čuva u Muzeju Brodskog Posavlja. O njoj vidjeti u: RMD 204; Miškiv 1998a, 83-101. O rimskim flotama vidjeti u: D. B. Saddington 2007, 201-217. 17 Ulomak diplome iz Grabarja bio je prvi nalaz te vrste epigrafske građe s prostora Republike Hrvatske. Nađen je još prije 1862. godine, kad je prvi put publiciran. O tome vidjeti u: Brunšmid 1891, 34. Ulomak se čuva u Arheološkom muzeju u Zagrebu. 18 On this incomplete diploma see CIL 16, 17. The commander of the receivers of the constitution, Cn. Paedius Cascus, cos. suff. AD 71, was a governor of the Roman province of Dalmatia in AD 74. See Kurilić 2006, 135 and no. 111 on p. 142. 18 O toj necjelovito sačuvanoj diplomi vidjeti u: CIL 16, 17. Zapovjednik pod kojim su se borili primatelji ove konstitucije, Cn. Paedius Cascus, cos. suff. 71. god., bio je namjesnikom rimske provincije Dalmacije 74. godine. O tome vidjeti u: Kurilić 2006, 135 i nr. 111 na str. 142. 19 CIL 16, 14. 20 CIL 16, 38. 19 CIL 16, 14. 20 CIL 16, 38. 21 CIL 16, 46; Brunšmid 1911, 23-39. The diploma is kept by the Archaeological museum in Zagreb. 22 Ilkić 2009a, 59-73. The diploma is kept by the Archaeological museum in Zadar. 23 21 CIL 16, 46; Brunšmid 1911, 23-39. Diploma se čuva u Arheološkom muzeju u Zagrebu. · 269 · Brunšmid 1915, 19. otpusta bio je unovačen vojnik nesačuvanog imena čija je fragmentirana diploma nedavno nađena u Aseriji (Asseria), arheološkom lokalitetu na području Podgrađa nedaleko od Benkovca. Aserijatska isprava datira iz 125./126. godine. U njezinom popisu navedene su augzilijarne formacije koje su služile u Donjoj Daciji, provinciji čiji je upravitelj tada bio Cocceius Naso.22 Za jedan manji ulomak, koji je izvađen također iz rijeke Kupe kod Siska,23 smatra se da pripada vojničkoj diplomi izdanoj za vojsku provincije Sirije i to u razdoblju približno druge polovice vladavine cara Hadrijana, tj. između 127. i 136. godine.24 Kronološki slijede dvije isprave iz razdoblja vladavine Antonina Pija. Otkrivene su na prostoru Vukovarsko-srijemske županije. Prva od njih nađena je južno od Ilače. Cjelovito je sačuvana. Izdana je 5. rujna 152. godine. Njezin primatelj C. Valerius Dasius, podrijetlom iz Dalmacije, bio je pripadnik carske ratne flote u Raveni.25 Čini se da je neposredno prije časnog otpusta bio unaprijeđen u oružara. Naime, u tekstu na vanjskoj stranici je istaknuto da je on bio oružar (armorum custos), dok je na nutarnjoj strani naznačeno da mu je diploma izdana još kao običnom vojniku (ex gregale).26 Iz Sotina (Cornacum), neistraženog arheološkoga lokaliteta 10 km jugoistočno od Vukovara, potječe necjelovito sačuvana vojnička diploma koja je izdana 157. god., vjerojatno 6. prosinca. Njezin primatelj je bio Valerije Fronton, podrijetlom iz Anazarba. Među inim, ta diploma spominje pet ala i 13 kohorti, augzilijarne postrojbe koje su tada bile na službi u Donjoj Panoniji. Otkrivena je na položaju pod nazivom „Popino brdo“, dominantnom prostoru u Sotinu uz desnu obalu Dunava, gdje je vjerojatno bio smješten rimski kastrum Cornacum.27 Syria, probably during the second half of Hadrian’s reign, that is, between 127 and 136.24 Chronologically, two documents issued during Antoninus Pius’ reign follow. They were discovered on the territory of the Vukovarskosrijemska County. The first of them was found south of Ilača. It was issued on September 5, 152. The recipient, C. Valerius Dasius, a native Dalmatian, was affiliated with the imperial war fleet in Ravenna.25 It would seem that he was promoted to the rank of an armourer, immediately before his honorable discharge. In the text on the exterior it is emphasized that he was an armourer (armorum custos), while the text on the interior notes that the diploma was issued to him while he was still only a regular soldier (ex gregale).26 A fragmentary military diploma issued in 157, probably on December 6, comes from Sotin (Cornacum), an unexcavated archaeological site 10 km south-east of Vukovar. The recipient was Valerius Fronto, a native of Anasarbus. Among other things, the diploma mentions 5 alae and 13 cohorts, auxiliary units serving in Lower Pannonia at the time. It was discovered on the site of “Popino brdo”, a dominant area within the Sotin perimeter along the right bank of the Danube, where the Roman castrum of Cornacum was probably situated.27 The latest reliably dated Roman military diploma from the territory of the Republic of Croatia belongs to the early period of the Severan dynasty. It was found in Jeka, not far from Umag in northern Istria. Only the first tablet is preserved, but it still enabled the access to an almost complete contents. It was issued on February 1, 194. It was issued by the emperor Septimius Severus to one Lucius Vespenius Proculus, a son of Lucius, enlisted in the Polius tribus, of Faventia, a honorably discharged veteran of the 10th City cohort.28 Considering that the Italic already possessed Roman citizenship, the diploma lists only the ius conubii as his privilege – so that he could legitimize his marriage with a peregrine. 22 Ilkić 2009a, 59-73. Diploma se čuva u Arheološkom muzeju u Zadru. 23 Brunšmid 1915, 19. 24 RMD 2006, 702. 24 25 CIL 16, 100; Brunšmid 1891, 33-40; Bormann 1898, 168 ff, figures on pp. 166-167. The diploma is kept by the Archaeological museum in Zagreb. 25 CIL 16, 100; Brunšmid 1891, 33-40; Bormann 1898, 168 i d., slike na str. 166-167. Diploma se čuva u Arheološkom muzeju u Zagrebu. 26 RMD 2006, 702. 26 Bormann 1898, 170; compare CIL 16, 100. 27 Ilkić 2009b, 143-164. The fragmentary diploma is a private property. It is registered at the Ministry of Culture of the Republic of Croatia. Bormann 1898, 170; usp. CIL 16, 100. 27 Ilkić 2009b, 143-164. Ta necjelovito sačuvana diploma je u privatnom vlasništvu. Registrirana je pri Ministarstvu kulture Republike Hrvatske. 28 The diploma is kept in Trieste. See CIL 16, 134; Sticotti 1908, 289-294; Benedetti 1973, 37-49; Milotić 2009, 64-137. · 270 · Najmlađa pouzdano datirana rimska vojnička diploma s prostora Republike Hrvatske pripada ranom razdoblju dinastije Severa. Otkrivena je u sjevernoj Istri u mjestu Jeci nedaleko od Umaga. Sačuvana je njezina samo prva pločica. To je, međutim, ipak omogućilo uvid u gotovo cjeloviti sadržaj. Izdana je 1. veljače 194. godine. Dakle, diplomu je dodijelio car Septimije Sever i to Luciju Vespeniju Prokulu, Lucijevu sinu, upisanom u tribus Polija, iz Favencije, veteranu koji je časno otpušten iz Desete gradske kohorte.28 S obzirom na to da je taj Italik već otprije imao status rimskoga građanina, u njegovoj diplomi je od povlastica istaknut samo ius conubii, da bi se mogao ozakoniti njegov konkubinat s peregrinkom. Two smaller fragments of Roman military diplomas also come from the territory of the Republic of Croatia, but only a short notice on them exists in expert literature. One of them was discovered before 1991 in Sotin, on the Danube shore of Vrućak. It is a fragment of the first tablet with only parts of few lines of text still preserved.29 The other, very small fragment of a Roman military diploma, is kept in the Museum of Cetinska krajina in Sinj. It probably comes from the area of Trilj or Čitluk.30 29 The fragment was donated by the author to the Archaeological museum in Zagreb. See Ilkić 2009b: 147, note 4. 30 I was informed of the existence of this fragment, with only a few visible letters, by Ivan Radman-Livaja. I would like to offer him my warmest gratitude on this occasion, as well as to Anamarija Kurilić and Ivan Milotić for help with the bibliography and numerous useful advices. S prostora Republike Hrvatske potječu i dva manja ulomka rimskih vojničkih diploma, a koja su samo usput spomenuta u literaturi. Jedan takav je otkriven prije 1991. godine u Sotinu, na dunavskoj obali Vrućak. Riječ je o ulomku prve pločice na kojemu su sačuvani dijelovi nekolicine redova teksta.29 Drugi, sasvim mali ulomak rimske vojničke diplome čuva se u sinjskom Muzeju Cetinske krajine. Vjerojatno potječe s prostora Trilja ili Čitluka.30 Gledajući u cjelini, rimske vojničke diplome s prostora Republike Hrvatske su nešto češće pronalažene na širem području uz dunavski limes. Dvije su iz Sotina, gdje je bio Cornacum, jedno od najvažnijih vojnih uporišta na rimskom limesu u hrvatskom Podunavlju. Još tri rimske vojničke diplome su s prostora Vukovarsko-srijemske županije: iz Vukovara, Negoslavaca i Ilače. One su nađene u mjestima gdje su druge vrste rimskih nalaza veoma rijetke ili ih za sada uopće nema, što možda ukazuje na to da je na njihovom području časno otpuštenim veteranima bilo darovano i zemljište kako bi im se-dugoročno osigurao imovinski položaj. 28 Diploma se čuva u Trstu. O njoj vidjeti u: CIL 16, 134; Sticotti 1908, 289-294; Benedetti 1973, 37-49; Milotić 2009, 64-137. 29 Taj ulomak je autor ovih redaka darovao Arheološkom muzeju u Zagrebu. O tome vidjeti u: Ilkić 2009b, 147, bilješka 4. 30 Za taj ulomak, na kojemu su vidljiva tek nekolicina slova, saznao od dr. sc. Ivana Radmana Livaje. Za ukazano povjerenje ovom mu prigodom najljepše zahvaljujem, kao i prof. dr. sc. Anamariji Kurilić i dipl. iur. Ivanu Milotiću za uvid u teško dostupnu literaturu i niz korisnih savjeta. · 271 · S obzirom na to da su unovačeni peregrini uglavnom služili daleko od svoga rodnog zavičaja, zanimljive podatke pruža rimska vojnička diploma iz Vukovara. Naime, njezin primatelj je bio Dasius, podrijetlom Breuk, koji je kao dekurion služio u Drugoj ali Hispanaca i Aravakâ, konjaničkoj postrojbi koja je bila stacionirana u Teutoburgiju. Dakle, taj Breuk je službovao na prostoru južne Panonije, odakle je i bio podrijetlom. To, kao i njegovo unapređenje u zapovjednika turme, sugerira da je vjerojatno potjecao iz višeg društvenog sloja Breuka. Ostale rimske vojničke diplome s prostora Republike Hrvatske nađene su uglavnom u većim urbanim središtima, tj. u Sisciji, Saloni i Aseriji. Izravno ili posredno, rimske vojničke diplome, kao što je već istaknuto, pružaju niz dragocjenih podataka. U svakom slučaju te svojevrsne „domovnice“ ili „osobne iskaznice“ poticaj su za daljnja znanstvena istraživanja rimskoga svijeta. On the whole, Roman military diplomas from the territory of the Republic of Croatia were more often found on the wider area along the Danube limes. Two come from Sotin, Roman Cornacum, one of the most important Roman military strongholds on the limes in the Croatian Danube area. Three more diplomas came from the Vukovarsko-srijemska County: Vukovar, Negoslavci and Ilača. They were found in places where other Roman finds are extremely rare or non-existent, which perhaps suggests that the honorably discharged veterans were given land in the area, so that their economical status would be ensured for a longer period. Considering the fact that the recruited peregrini generally served a long way from their native country, the Roman military diploma from Vukovar offers some interesting data. The recipient of this diploma was Dasius, a native Breucus, who served as a decurio in the Second ala of the Hispanians and Aravacs, a cavalry formation stationed in Teutoburgium. Thus he served in his native southern Pannonia. This suggests, together with the fact that he was promoted to a turma commander, that he belonged to the upper class among the Breuci. The rest of Roman military diplomas were found mostly in larger urban centers, Siscia, Salona and Asseria. Directly or indirectly, Roman military diplomas, as already emphasized, offer a number of valuable information. In any case, these “identity cards” are a stimulation for further scientific investigation into the Roman world. · 272 · Katalog Nalaza The Catalogue of Finds Rimske vojničke diplome s prostora Republike Hrvatske Roman military diplomas from the territory of the Republic of Croatia 1. Rimska vojnička diploma Vukovar - Lužac, 1993., GMV, AZ-13 bronca ukupna širina: 309 mm; visina: 172 mm; debljina: 4 mm; širina pločica: 155 mm; težina: 1500 gr 2. lipanj 60. godine 1. Roman military diploma Vukovar - Lužac, 1993., GMV, AZ-13 Bronze Total width: 309 mm; height: 172 mm; thickness: 4 mm; width of the tablets: 155 mm; weight: 1500 gr June 2, AD 60 Rimska vojnička diploma pronađena je u svibnju 1993. godine, tijekom poljoprivrednih radova na oranici uz desnu obalu Vuke, u vukovarskom naselju Lužac. Diploma je cjelovita, izvrsno očuvana; sastoji se od dvije brončane pločice povezane brončanom karičicom. Izdana je od Nerona 2. lipnja 60. godine konjanicima četiri ale iz vojne posade Ilirika: I HISPANORUM ET ARAVACORUM, II HISPANORUM AURIANA, II HISPANORUM ET ARAVACORUM, II ASTURUM. Diploma je izdana decurionu ale II. Hispanorum et Aravacorum, Dasju sinu Karmaja iz plemena Breuka, njegovom sinu Prokulu i kćerima Priscili, Prokuli i Proceli. Zapovjednik ove ale u doba izdavanja diplome bio je Sekst Kavije Gal, a Lucije Salvidije Salvije Ruf legat Ilirika. Na diplomi se nalaze imena osam svjedoka od kojih su prva trojica vitezovi. Objava: Dušanić 1998, 51-62 A Roman military diploma found in May of 1993 during agricultural works on a field along the right bank of the Vuka, in Lužac, a quarter of Vukovar. It is completely and exceptionally preserved; it consists of two bronze tablets joined with a bronze loop. It was issued by Nero on June 2, AD 60 to horsemen of the four alae of the military garrison in the Illyricum: I HISPANORUM ET ARAVACORUM, II HISPANORUM AURIANA, II HISPANORUM ET ARAVACORUM, II ASTURUM. It was issued to a decurio of the ala II Hispanorum et Aravacorum, Dasius son of Carmaius of the Breuci tribe, to his son Proculus and daughters Priscilla, Procula and Procela. The commander of the ala was in this period Sextus Cavius Gallus, while the governor of Illyricum was Lucius Salvidius Salvius Rufus. Eight witnesses are named on the diploma, first three of them knights. Published in: Dušanić 1998, 51-62 2. Roman military diploma Negoslavci near Vukovar, 1975., GMV, AZ-12 Bronze Total weight: 284 mm; height: 181 mm; thickness: 2,5 mm; first tablet:142 x 181 x 2,5 mm; second tablet: 142 x 180 x 3 mm; weight: 889 gr June 17, AD 65 A Roman military diploma found in a complete form during the construction of a family house in Negoslavci near Vukovar in 1975. It is excellently preserved; it consists of two bronze tablets. The text of the diploma is carved onto the exterior of the first tablet, and the names of seven witnesses on the exterior of the second one. On both interiors the text corresponds to their respective exteriors. The letters are larger and the spaces between lines bigger. The diploma was issued for a discharged soldier of the VII cohort of the Breuci, Liccaius a son of Liccaius, who campaigned in Upper Germania under the commander Publius Sulpicius Scribonius Proculus. It is dated by Nero’s titles and the term of the suffect consul Aulus Licinius Nerva Silianus Publius Padadienus Firmus on the 15th day before the Calends of July: June 17, AD 65. Published in: Dušanić 1978, 461-475 Lit.: Dorn 1984, 165-174 M.H. M.H. M.H. 2. Rimska vojnička diploma Negoslavci kod Vukovara, 1975., GMV, AZ-12 bronca ukupna širina: 284 mm; visina: 181 mm; debljina: 2,5 mm; prva pločica:142 x 181 x 2,5 mm; druga pločica: 142 x 180 x 3 mm; težina: 889 gr 17. lipanj 65. godine Rimska vojnička diploma pronađena je cjelovita prilikom izgradnje obiteljske kuće u Negoslavcima pokraj Vukovara 1975. godine. Odlično je očuvana; sastoji se od dvije brončane pločice. Na prvoj pločici s vanjske strane urezan je tekst diplome, a na drugoj vanjskoj strani imena sedam svjedoka. Na obje unutrašnje strane urezan je tekst diplome identičan onom na vanjskoj strani. Slova su krupnija a razmaci između redova veći. Diploma je izdana isluženom vojniku VII. breučke kohorte Likaju, sinu Likaja, koji je ratovao u Gornoj Germaniji gdje je namjesnik bio Publije Sulpicije Skribonije Prokul. Diploma je datirana titulama cara Nerona i po konzulu sufektu Aulu Liciniju Nervi Silijanu Publiju Padadijenu Firmu petnaestog dana prije julijskih kalenda: 17. lipnja 65.g. Objava: Dušanić 1978, 461-475. Lit.: Dorn 1984, 165-174 M.H. · 276 277 · 3. Rimska vojnička diploma Sava kod Slavonskog Šamca, 1997., MBP A-3992 bronca; restaurirana visina obje pločice 16,8 cm; širina obje pločice 13,1 cm; debljina prve pločice 1,5 mm; debljina druge pločice 2-3,2 mm; ukupna težina 727,8 g 71. godina Rimska vojnička diploma pronađena je 1997. godine u rijeci Savi prilikom vađenja pijeska na mjestu šljunčare Dubočica kod Slavonskog Šamca, četrdesetak kilometara nizvodno od Slavonskog Broda. Diploma je legalizirani prijepis carskog dekreta s izvornika koji se nalazio na javnom mjestu u Rimu, a kojim se daje časni otpust iz dugogodišnjeg služenja u rimskoj vojci - sastoji se od dviju brončanih pločica koje su međusobno spojene žicom na dva mjesta. Na obje pločice je sa svake strane ispisan tekst urezanim slovima. Sam tekst je dva puta napisan, na dvije unutarnje strane pločica (po širini) i na drugoj vanjskoj strani (po visini). Na prvoj vanjskoj strani popisana su imena sedam svjedoka koja potvrđuju točnost prijepisa. Diploma je izdana u vrijeme cara Vespazijana, 9. veljače 71. godine, a dobio ju je centurion Likaj, Birsov sin iz Marsunije (MARSVNNIA) koji je zajedno s ostalim suborcima-veteranima vojevao u mizenskoj floti pod Sekstom Lucilijem Basom. After twenty-six or more years of service they have all acquired Roman citizenship (civitas) and the right of a legal marriage (conubium), and for their special merits they were given the right to settle in Paestum in southern Italy. The veteran Liccaius, though, did not stay in southern Italy but he returned to his native land, which is what his brothers in arms probably also did. The original text, with the names of all the veterans receiving the diploma on that day, was placed on the Roman Capitolium, on a copper tablet attached to the base of the Julian ara, and Liccaius’ name was 23rd on the list. The diploma is excellently preserved with a very legible text, and it is given a special significance by the fact that five out of total of seven seals placed in a special compartment with a mobile lid were preserved. The border ornament of exterior sides is also wellpreserved – a triple line of zigzag incisions. The Roman military diploma has a great epigraphic value, but is also of a special significance for the city of Slavonski Brod, since it is the earliest literary testimony for the Roman city on the territory of modern Slavonski Brod. The name in the form MARSVNNIA confirms the opinion that the name is of a local Pannonian-Illyrian origin. Published in Miškiv 1998a, 83-101 Bibliography: Miškiv 1998b, 1-18; Miškiv 1999, 3-13; Miškiv 2000, 103-107; Miškiv 2004, 53-63; Miškiv, 2005, 385-391; Miškiv 2006 3. Roman military diploma The Sava River at Slavonski Šamac, 1997, MBP A-3992 Bronze; conserved Height of both tablets 16,8 cm; width of both tablets 13,1 cm; thickness of the first tablet 1,5 mm; thickness of the second tablet 2-3,2 mm; total weight 727,8 g AD 71 A Roman military diploma found in 1997 in the river Sava during gravel extraction on the site of the gravel extraction facility of Dubočica near Slavonski Šamac, some 40 km downstream of Slavonski Brod. The diploma is a legal transcript of an imperial decree copied from an original exhibited in a public place in Rome, giving an honorable discharge from the Roman army – it consists of two bronze tablets joined in two places with a wire. Both interiors are inscribed with carved in letters. The text is written twice, on both interiors (horizontally) and on the exterior of the second tablet (vertically). On the exterior of the first tablet seven names of witnesses are given confirming the correctness of the transcript. The diploma was issued during the reign of Vespasian, on February 9, AD 71, to a centurion Liccaius, son of Birso of Marsunia (MARSVNNIA), who served with other veterans in the fleet at Misenum under Sextus Lucillius Bassus. L. M.-L. · 278 279 · Svi su oni nakon odsluženja dvadeset i šest i više godina stekli rimsko građansko pravo (civitas) i pravo zakonitog braka (conubium), a za posebne zasluge dobili su pravo naseljavanja u Pestumu u južnoj Italiji. Veteran Likaj nije ostao u južnoj Italiji nego se vratio u svoj rodni kraj, kao vjerojatno i ostali njegovi suborci. Izvorni tekst, na kojem su bila popisana imena svih veterana koji su toga dana dobili diplomu, nalazio se u Rimu na Kapitoliju, na bakrenoj ploči pričvršćenoj na podnožju are Julijevskog roda, a Likajevo ime se nalazilo na 23. mjestu. Diploma je odlično očuvana s potpuno čitljivim tekstom, a posebnu joj vrijednost daje izvanredna očuvanost pet od sedam pečata smještenih u posebnom odjeljku s pomičnim poklopcem. Dobro je sačuvan i rubni ornament vanjskih stranica – trostruki niz cik-cak ureza. Rimska vojnička diploma ima veliku epigrafičku vrijednost, ali i posebno značenje za Slavonski Brod jer donosi prvi pisani spomen antičkog grada na mjestu današnjeg Slavonskog Broda. Naziv grada u obliku MARSVNNIA potvrđuje mišljenje o domaćem panonsko-ilirskom podrijetlu tog imena. Objava: Miškiv 1998a, 83-101 Lit. : Miškiv 1998b, 1-18; Miškiv 1999, 3-13; Miškiv 2000, 103-107; Miškiv 2004, 53-63; Miškiv, 2005, 385-391; Miškiv 2006 L. M.-L. Literatura Bibliography Abramić & Colnago 1909 M. 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